PAKET UMROH BULAN FEBRUARI MARET APRIL MEI 2018




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Pada umumnya, tiap osiloskop sudah dilengkapi sumber sinyal acuan untuk kalibrasi. Sebagai contoh, osiloskop GW tipe tertentu mempunyai acuan gelombang persegi dengan amplitudo 2V peak to peak dengan frekuensi 1 KHz.


Misalkan kanal 1 yang akan dikalibrasi, maka BNC probe dihubungkan ke terminal masukan kanal 1, seperti ditunjukkan pada gambar berikut:

 

Gambar di atas menggunakan probe 1X, dengan ujung probe yang merah dihubungkan ke terminal kalibrasi. Capit buaya yang hitam tidak perlu dihubungkan ke ground osiloskop karena sudah terhubung secara internal. Pada layar osiloskop akan nampak gelombang persegi. Atur tombol kontrol VOLTS/DIV dan TIME/DIV sampai diperoleh gambar yang jelas dengan amplitudo 2 V peak to peak dengan frekuensi 1 KHz., seperti ditunjukkan pada gambar berikut:

Gunakan tombol kontrol posisi vertikal V-pos untuk menggerakkan seluruh gambar dalam arah vertikal dan tombol horizontal H-pos untuk menggerakkan seluruh gambar dalam arah horizontal. Cara ini dilakukan agar letak gambar mudah dilihat dan dibaca.

KALIBRASI

Keributan kembali terjadi dalam demonstrasi buruh se-Jawa Timur di depan Gedung Neagar Grahadi, Surabaya. Kali ini keributan terjadi antara sesama buruh.

Ribuan massa dari Federasi Serikat Pekerja Metal Indonesia (FSPMI), yang datang sekitar pukul 15.00 WIB, kesulitan menerobos massa aksi dari Konfederasi Serikat Nasional (KSN) dan Gerakan Mahasiswa Nasionalis Indonesia (GMNI) yang dikomandoi Andi Peci.

Massa KSN dan GMNI yang datang sejak pagi tadi enggan memberi jalan masuk kepada massa FSPMI yang datang membawa keranda mayat dan foto Gubernur Jawa Timur, Soekarwo.

Perang mulut antara mereka pun terjadi. Padahal saat itu anggota Komisi IX DPR Rieke Diah Pitaloka tengah berorasi.

"Kita sama-sama buruh, memiliki tujuan yang sama, yaitu untuk kesejahteraan kaum buruh. Tolong saudara Andi Peci, massa diatur, kita sama- sama saudara, jangan ribut karena segelintir orang," teriak salah seorang buruh, Mudjiono, Rabu (1/5).

Namun, situasi yang sudah mulai dingin kembali memanas saat Rieke kembali berorasi. Entah apa pemicunya, tiba-tiba massa buruh yang berada di barisan belakang terlibat adu pukul.

Meski Rieke dan koordinator aksi terus berteriak agar bentrokan dihentikan, massa buruh tetap adu pukul. Sementara polisi yang disiagakan untuk menjaga Gedung Grahadi akhirnya turun tangan untuk melerai aksi tersebut setelah beberapa personel terkena pukulan.

Namun, polisi tak berhasil menghentikan bentrokan yang berlangsung sekitar 20 menit tersebut. Polisi menangkap sejumlah orang yang diduga menjadi provokator.

Saat situasi mulai kondusif, Rieke kembali melanjutkan orasinya. Dalam orasinya, Rieke kembali meneriakkan kemerdekaan para buruh.

"Sistem outsourcing, adalah bentuk penindasan bagi kaum buruh. Maka kita sepakat untuk mendesak pemerintah agar segera membubarkan outsourcing," tegas dia.

 

 

 
   
Sesama Buruh Di Way Day Surabaya Saling Jotos-jotosan

saco-indonesia.com, Berita yang mengejutkan telah ditulis oleh The Daily Star. Media berbasis di Inggris itu telah menyebut Real Madrid kini sudah mengalihkan pandangan mereka kepada forward Chelsea yang tengah on fire; Eden Hazard.

Madrid telah melirik Hazard lagi setelah usaha untuk bisa mendapatkan Luis Suarez yang dipastikan akan sangat sulit. Suarez memang baru menandatangani kontrak baru bersama Liverpool.

Madrid yang dikabarkan ingin memanfaatkan situasi Hazard yang meskipun tampil bagus di lapangan tetap tak akur dengan Jose Mourinho di sesi latihan. Hazard dikabarkan sudah kerap berulah karena tak terlalu menyukai metode Mourinho.

Hazard sebenarnya adalah target lama Madrid. Zinedine Zidane sangat rajin untuk mengamati perkembangan Hazard ketika masih di Lille. Sayang bagi Madrid, mereka kalah dalam perebutan Hazard yang telah memilih Chelsea pada musim panas 2012.

Jika memang diperlukan, Madrid bahkan akan siap melepas Angel Di Maria ke Chelsea sebagai ganti Hazard. Tentu saja Madrid juga akan menambahkan uang transfer jika Chelsea memang bersedia melakukan pertukaran tersebut.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

REAL MADRID INGINKAN EDEN HAZARD

saco-indonesia.com, Apes telah dialami oleh Sherif Ashraf Abdulrahman yang berusia (27) tahun , warga negara asing (WNA) asal Mesir yang sudah setahun menetap di Jalan Rasamala No 4 RT 3 RT 08, Komplek Bukit Asam Baru, Tanjung Enim, Muara Enim. Mobil Daihatsu Xenia BG 1004 D warna coklat miliknya telah dirampas oleh kawanan pencuri yang mengaku sebagai polisi.

Saat melapor ke Polresta Palembang, Sherif juga mengaku berprofesi sebagai sopir travel Muara Enim-Palembang. Peristiwa itu telah terjadi saat dirinya mengangkut penumpang menuju Palembang. Saat berada di ruas Jalan KH Wahid Hasyim, dekat SPBU Simpang KB, Kelurahan 8 Ulu, Kecamatan Seberang Ulu I Palembang, Minggu (22/12) dini hari sekitar pukul 14.00 WIB, Sharif mendadak distop oleh kawanan pelaku yang telah mengendarai mobil Honda CRV warna cokelat.

Salah satu pelaku tesebut turun, lalu menghampiri korban. Satu pelaku lagi masuk dan menyuruh korban bersama semua penumpang turun. Saat itu, korban juga sempat bertanya apa tujuan mereka menurunkan penumpang.

Kawanan tersebut juga mengaku sebagai polisi yaqng sedang menggelar razia. Anehnya, salah satu pelaku memukul korban dengan kunci dongkrak. Beruntung korban tidak mengalami luka berat.

Tak lama kemudian, kawanan tersebut membawa mobil yang dikendarainya menuju arah Jembatan Ampera. Ia juga sudah berusaha mempertahankan mobilnya, namun ia kembali dipukul. "Saya lari dan terus lari menuju pos polisi di simpang empat dekat pembangunan flyover. Mobil CRV itu diikuti mobil saya dari belakang menuju jembatan Ampera," ungkap Sherif pria beristrikan warga Muara Enim ini.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

POLISI GADUNGAN MERAMPOK

Pada kesempatan kali ini kami akan memberikan kupasan tuntas mengenai bahan yang dipakai untuk pembuatan Jaket Kulit hati-hati bagi para pembeli jangan sampai tidak mengetahui mana jaket kulit Domba Asli dengan jaket Kulit dengan bahan bukan domba Asli Garut

Di zaman modern saat ini apasih yang tidak bisa ditiru, kemajuan teknologi telah membuat orang semakin berfikir untuk dapat menjiplak sebuah produk seperti layaknya produk asli . salah satu contoh apa sih bedanya Jaket Kulit

Domba Jaket Kulit Sapi Jaket Kulit dan Kambing Kalu orang awam mungkin 80 % tidak mengetahui mana Produk asli Jaket Kulit Domba dan Produk Palsu , maka jangan heran kalau ada orang yang menawarkan jaket kulit dengan harga 300 ribu sampai 350 ribu , Aslikah ? atau palsu ?

Mungkin bisa asli dari kulit, tetapi dengan bahan bukan dari bahan baku Domba ( Jaket kulit dari bahan baku kulit domba merupakan Produk unggulan dan No.1 dikelasnya )Mungkin Palsu ? bisa jadi kulit yang anda beli jaket kulit Imitasi , untukitu silahkan untuk melakukan uji Coba keasliannya dengan cara

memberikan api kecil kepermukaan jaket anda , tapi jangan pakai api yang ada dikompor gas .Kalau ternyata jaket tahan api berarti jaket tersebut asli dari bahan Kulit . Ups tapi nanti dulu bahannya dari kulit apa dulu kok bisa murah sih ?

Untuk pertanyaan itu akan kami jelaskan sebagai berikut :
1. Jaket Kulit Domba dengan ciri-ciri sebagai berikut
a) Wana terang
b) Lentur
c) Apabila jaket dipakai tidak membuat anda kaku ( terasa nyaman )
d) Pori-pori kecil seperti halnya pori-pori kita ( untuk mengeceknya
   silahkan tarik jaket kulit anda dengan 2 tangan ) pasti pori-porinya kecil kan ….!!!!
e)Tidak berbau
f) Bila sudah menjadi Jaket kulit , jaketnya biasanya tidak banyak sambungan , karena Domba Garut mempunyai ukuran yang besar dibanding dengan kambing .
g) Cocok sekali dibuat Jas kulit

2.Jaket Kulit Kambing dengan ciri-ciri sebagai berikut
a) Warna agak Kusam
b) Kurang Lentur
c) Pori-pori agak besar Pori-pori ( untuk mengeceknya silahkan tarik jaket kulit anda denga  2 tangan ) pasti pori-porinya kelihatan besar dan bandingkan dengan pori-pori jaket kulit Asli
d) Berbau Kambing
e) Bila sudah menjadi jaket biasanya model dan potongannya banyak jahitan , ini dikarenakan bahan Jkaet kulit kambing tidak ada yang besar , beda dengan Kulit Domba yang Super Besar

3.Jaket Kulit Sapi dengan ciri-ciri sebagai berikut
   Warna Agak Kusam Kaku Pori pori kelihatan besar dan biasanya ada garis memnajang ( untuk mengeceknya silahkan tarik jaket kulit anda denga 2 tangan )pasti pori-porinya kelihatan besar ada bergaris bandingkan dengan pori-pori jaket kulit Asli Jaket kulit sapi banyak diminati oleh motoris

Perbedaan Jaket Kulit Domba Dan Jaket Kulit Sapi

Bagi anda para pembeli jaket kulit kami telah menganjurkan anda untuk dapat berhati-hati dalam membeli jaket kulit yang anda inginkan, jangan sampai anda tidak mengetahui mana jaket kulit berbahan dasar Domba Asli dengan jaket Kulit bahan bukan domba Asli Garut. Bahan baku Domba “Jaket kulit dari bahan baku kulit domba merupakan Produk unggulan dan No.1 dikelasnya”. Untuk itu dibawah ini ada beberapa cara untuk dapat membedakan mana jaket kulit berbahan dasar domba asli dan yang bukan.

    Jaket Kulit Domba

Jaket Kulit Domba Asli Garut telah memiliki ciri-ciri sebagai berikut “ Warna terang dan lentur, apabila jaket dipakai tidak membuat anda kaku (terasa nyaman). Pori-pori kecil seperti halnya pori-pori pada kulit kita (untuk mengeceknya silahkan tarik jaket kulit anda dengan 2 tangan). Jaket Kulit Domba tidak berbau bila sudah menjadi Jaket kulit dan jaketnya biasanya tidak banyak sambungan, karena Domba Garut telah mempunyai ukuran yang besar dibandingkan dengan kulit kambing. Kulit Domba juga sangat cocok sekali dibuat Jas kulit.

    Jaket Kulit Kambing

Memiliki warna agak Kusam dan Kurang Lentur. Pori-pori agak besar untuk mengeceknya silahkan tarik pasti pori-porinya kelihatan besar bila dibandingkan dengan pori-pori jaket kulit Asli. Jaket kulit yang satu ini, berbau Kambing bila sudah menjadi jaket dan biasanya dalam model maupun  potongannya banyak sekali jahitan, ini disebabkan bahan Jaket Kulit Kambing tidak ada yang besar. Hal ini tentu saja sangat berbeda dengan Kulit Domba yang mempunyai ukuran super besar.

    Jaket Kulit Sapi

Jaket Kulit Sapi ini telah memiliki warna agak kusam dan kaku. Pori pori kelihatan besar dan biasanya ada garis memanjang, untuk mengeceknya silahkan tarik jaket kulit anda dengan 2 tangan pasti pori-porinya kelihatan besar dan bergaris bila dibandingkan dengan pori-pori jaket kulit Asli. Lantas, bagaimana cara untuk membedakan jaket yang berasal dari kulit asli dan jaket kulit yang berasal dari imitasi? Sebenarnya banyak cara yang sangat sederhana untuk mengetahui apakah jaket yang dibeli berbahan kulit asli atau imitasi. Nah, berikut ini beberapa hal yang dapat diperhatikan ketika Anda akan membeli jaket kulit. Jaket kulit yang berasal dari kulit domba asli biasanya telah memiliki motif atau tekstur yang khas. Teksturnya eksotis dan elegan. Artinya, Anda tidak dapat menemukan tekstur yang sama pada jaket kulit yang lain.

Masing-masing kulit telah memiliki tekstur yang khas. Karena kekhasan kulit yang dijadikan bahan pembuatan jaket kulit, maka jaket kulit memang dibuat eksklusif. Dilihat dari daya tahan produk jaket kulit, Anda juga dapat mengetahui mana jaket kulit asli dan mana jaket kulit yang imitasi atau palsu.

Jaket kulitJaket kulit

Daya tahan jaket kulit asli sangatlah tinggi dibandingkan dengan daya tahan jaket kulit imitasi. Terkadang juga, harga 'nggak bohong'. Jaket kulit yang terbuat dari kulit asli, telah memiliki harga yang tinggi. Dari sini juga Anda dapat membedakan jenis-jenis kulit yang dipakai membuat jaket kulit.
Kulit domba yang digunakan untuk membuat jaket kulit terdiri dari beberapa tingkatan. Kualitas yang paling baik adalah kualitas kulit nomor satu (KW1) dari domba yang berasal dari Garut. Untuk itu, sebelum Anda membeli jaket kulit pastikan juga kualitas kulit yang digunakan sebagai bahan baku pembuatan jaket kulit tersebut.
Beberapa ciri lain yang dapat Anda perhatikan untuk dapat membedakan jaket kulit asli dan jaket kulit imitasi adalah sebagai berikut:
Ø Jaket kulit asli memiliki warna yang tidak pucat.
Ø Jaket kulit asli memiliki sifat yang lentur tidak seperti kulit imitasi yang tidak lentur.
Ø Jaket kulit asli bahan kulitnya lembut dan halus.
Ø Jika digunakan, jaket kulit asli tidak akan menyebabkan Anda kepanasan ketika digunakan pada siang hari, dan dapat menghangatkan Anda ketika cuaca sedang dingin
Ø Jaket kulit asli juga memiliki wangi yang khas dibandingkan dengan jaket kulit imitasi.

PERBEDAAN JAKET KULIT DOMBA JAKET KULIT SAPI JAKET KULIT DN KAMBING

With 12 tournament victories in his career, Mr. Peete was the most successful black professional golfer before Tiger Woods.

Calvin Peete, 71, a Racial Pioneer on the PGA Tour, Is Dead

Ms. Crough played the youngest daughter on the hit ’70s sitcom starring David Cassidy and Shirley Jones.

Suzanne Crough, Actress in ‘The Partridge Family,’ Dies at 52

BEIJING (AP) — The head of Taiwan's Nationalists reaffirmed the party's support for eventual unification with the mainland when he met Monday with Chinese President Xi Jinping as part of continuing rapprochement between the former bitter enemies.

Nationalist Party Chairman Eric Chu, a likely presidential candidate next year, also affirmed Taiwan's desire to join the proposed Chinese-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank during the meeting in Beijing. China claims Taiwan as its own territory and doesn't want the island to join using a name that might imply it is an independent country.

Chu's comments during his meeting with Xi were carried live on Hong Kong-based broadcaster Phoenix Television.

The Nationalists were driven to Taiwan by Mao Zedong's Communists during the Chinese civil war in 1949, leading to decades of hostility between the sides. Chu, who took over as party leader in January, is the third Nationalist chairman to visit the mainland and the first since 2009.

Relations between the communist-ruled mainland and the self-governing democratic island of Taiwan began to warm in the 1990s, partly out of their common opposition to Taiwan's formal independence from China, a position advocated by the island's Democratic Progressive Party.

Despite increasingly close economic ties, the prospect of political unification has grown increasingly unpopular on Taiwan, especially with younger voters. Opposition to the Nationalists' pro-China policies was seen as a driver behind heavy local electoral defeats for the party last year that led to Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou resigning as party chairman.

Taiwan party leader affirms eventual reunion with China

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

Continue reading the main story Video
Play Video|1:17

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

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Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

Photo
 
President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

Obama Finds a Bolder Voice on Race Issues

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’

WASHINGTON — A decade after emergency trailers meant to shelter Hurricane Katrina victims instead caused burning eyes, sore throats and other more serious ailments, the Environmental Protection Agency is on the verge of regulating the culprit: formaldehyde, a chemical that can be found in commonplace things like clothes and furniture.

But an unusual assortment of players, including furniture makers, the Chinese government, Republicans from states with a large base of furniture manufacturing and even some Democrats who championed early regulatory efforts, have questioned the E.P.A. proposal. The sustained opposition has held sway, as the agency is now preparing to ease key testing requirements before it releases the landmark federal health standard.

The E.P.A.’s five-year effort to adopt this rule offers another example of how industry opposition can delay and hamper attempts by the federal government to issue regulations, even to control substances known to be harmful to human health.

Continue reading the main story
 

Document: The Formaldehyde Fight

Formaldehyde is a known carcinogen that can also cause respiratory ailments like asthma, but the potential of long-term exposure to cause cancers like myeloid leukemia is less well understood.

The E.P.A.’s decision would be the first time that the federal government has regulated formaldehyde inside most American homes.

“The stakes are high for public health,” said Tom Neltner, senior adviser for regulatory affairs at the National Center for Healthy Housing, who has closely monitored the debate over the rules. “What we can’t have here is an outcome that fails to confront the health threat we all know exists.”

The proposal would not ban formaldehyde — commonly used as an ingredient in wood glue in furniture and flooring — but it would impose rules that prevent dangerous levels of the chemical’s vapors from those products, and would set testing standards to ensure that products sold in the United States comply with those limits. The debate has sharpened in the face of growing concern about the safety of formaldehyde-treated flooring imported from Asia, especially China.

What is certain is that a lot of money is at stake: American companies sell billions of dollars’ worth of wood products each year that contain formaldehyde, and some argue that the proposed regulation would impose unfair costs and restrictions.

Determined to block the agency’s rule as proposed, these industry players have turned to the White House, members of Congress and top E.P.A. officials, pressing them to roll back the testing requirements in particular, calling them redundant and too expensive.

“There are potentially over a million manufacturing jobs that will be impacted if the proposed rule is finalized without changes,” wrote Bill Perdue, the chief lobbyist at the American Home Furnishings Alliance, a leading critic of the testing requirements in the proposed regulation, in one letter to the E.P.A.

Industry opposition helped create an odd alignment of forces working to thwart the rule. The White House moved to strike out key aspects of the proposal. Subsequent appeals for more changes were voiced by players as varied as Senator Barbara Boxer, Democrat of California, and Senator Roger Wicker, Republican of Mississippi, as well as furniture industry lobbyists.

Hurricane Katrina in 2005 helped ignite the public debate over formaldehyde, after the deadly storm destroyed or damaged hundreds of thousands of homes along the Gulf of Mexico, forcing families into temporary trailers provided by the Federal Emergency Management Agency.

The displaced storm victims quickly began reporting respiratory problems, burning eyes and other issues, and tests then confirmed high levels of formaldehyde fumes leaking into the air inside the trailers, which in many cases had been hastily constructed.

Public health advocates petitioned the E.P.A. to issue limits on formaldehyde in building materials and furniture used in homes, given that limits already existed for exposure in workplaces. But three years after the storm, only California had issued such limits.

Industry groups like the American Chemistry Council have repeatedly challenged the science linking formaldehyde to cancer, a position championed by David Vitter, the Republican senator from Louisiana, who is a major recipient of chemical industry campaign contributions, and whom environmental groups have mockingly nicknamed “Senator Formaldehyde.”

Continue reading the main story

Formaldehyde in Laminate Flooring

In laminate flooring, formaldehyde is used as a bonding agent in the fiberboard (or other composite wood) core layer and may also be used in glues that bind layers together. Concerns were raised in March when certain laminate flooring imported from China was reported to contain levels of formaldehyde far exceeding the limit permitted by California.

Typical

laminate

flooring

CLEAR FINISH LAYER

Often made of melamine resin

PATTERN LAYER

Paper printed to resemble wood,

or a thin wood veneer

GLUE

Layers may be bound using

formaldehyde-based glues

CORE LAYER

Fiberboard or other

composite, formed using

formaldehyde-based adhesives

BASE LAYER

Moisture-resistant vapor barrier

What is formaldehyde?

Formaldehyde is a common chemical used in many industrial and household products as an adhesive, bonding agent or preservative. It is classified as a volatile organic compound. The term volatile means that, at room temperature, formaldehyde will vaporize, or become a gas. Products made with formaldehyde tend to release this gas into the air. If breathed in large quantities, it may cause health problems.

WHERE IT IS COMMONLY FOUND

POTENTIAL HEALTH RISKS

Pressed-wood and composite wood products

Wallpaper and paints

Spray foam insulation used in construction

Commercial wood floor finishes

Crease-resistant fabrics

In cigarette smoke, or in the fumes from combustion of other materials, including wood, oil and gasoline.

Exposure to formaldehyde in sufficient amounts may cause eye, throat or skin irritation, allergic reactions, and respiratory problems like coughing, wheezing or asthma.

Long-term exposure to high levels has been associated with cancer in humans and laboratory animals.

Exposure to formaldehyde may affect some people more severely than others.

By 2010, public health advocates and some industry groups secured bipartisan support in Congress for legislation that ordered the E.P.A. to issue federal rules that largely mirrored California’s restrictions. At the time, concerns were rising over the growing number of lower-priced furniture imports from Asia that might include contaminated products, while also hurting sales of American-made products.

Maneuvering began almost immediately after the E.P.A. prepared draft rules to formally enact the new standards.

White House records show at least five meetings in mid-2012 with industry executives — kitchen cabinet makers, chemical manufacturers, furniture trade associations and their lobbyists, like Brock R. Landry, of the Venable law firm. These parties, along with Senator Vitter’s office, appealed to top administration officials, asking them to intervene to roll back the E.P.A. proposal.

The White House Office of Management and Budget, which reviews major federal regulations before they are adopted, apparently agreed. After the White House review, the E.P.A. “redlined” many of the estimates of the monetary benefits that would be gained by reductions in related health ailments, like asthma and fertility issues, documents reviewed by The New York Times show.

As a result, the estimated benefit of the proposed rule dropped to $48 million a year, from as much as $278 million a year. The much-reduced amount deeply weakened the agency’s justification for the sometimes costly new testing that would be required under the new rules, a federal official involved in the effort said.

“It’s a redlining blood bath,” said Lisa Heinzerling, a Georgetown University Law School professor and a former E.P.A. official, using the Washington phrase to describe when language is stricken from a proposed rule. “Almost the entire discussion of these potential benefits was excised.”

Senator Vitter’s staff was pleased.

“That’s a huge difference,” said Luke Bolar, a spokesman for Mr. Vitter, of the reduced estimated financial benefits, saying the change was “clearly highlighting more mismanagement” at the E.P.A.

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The review’s outcome galvanized opponents in the furniture industry. They then targeted a provision that mandated new testing of laminated wood, a cheaper alternative to hardwood. (The California standard on which the law was based did not require such testing.)

But E.P.A. scientists had concluded that these laminate products — millions of which are sold annually in the United States — posed a particular risk. They said that when thin layers of wood, also known as laminate or veneer, are added to furniture or flooring in the final stages of manufacturing, the resulting product can generate dangerous levels of fumes from often-used formaldehyde-based glues.

Industry executives, outraged by what they considered an unnecessary and financially burdensome level of testing, turned every lever within reach to get the requirement removed. It would be particularly onerous, they argued, for small manufacturers that would have to repeatedly interrupt their work to do expensive new testing. The E.P.A. estimated that the expanded requirements for laminate products would cost the furniture industry tens of millions of dollars annually, while the industry said that the proposed rule over all would cost its 7,000 American manufacturing facilities over $200 million each year.

“A lot of people don’t seem to appreciate what a lot of these requirements do to a small operation,” said Dick Titus, executive vice president of the Kitchen Cabinet Manufacturers Association, whose members are predominantly small businesses. “A 10-person shop, for example, just really isn’t equipped to handle that type of thing.”

Photo
 
Becky Gillette wants strong regulation of formaldehyde. Credit Beth Hall for The New York Times

Big industry players also weighed in. Executives from companies including La-Z-Boy, Hooker Furniture and Ashley Furniture all flew to Washington for a series of meetings with the offices of lawmakers including House Speaker John Boehner, Republican of Ohio, and about a dozen other lawmakers, asking several of them to sign a letter prepared by the industry to press the E.P.A. to back down, according to an industry report describing the lobbying visit.

Within a matter of weeks, two letters — using nearly identical language — were sent by House and Senate lawmakers to the E.P.A. — with the industry group forwarding copies of the letters to the agency as well, and then posting them on its website.

The industry lobbyists also held their own meeting at E.P.A. headquarters, and they urged Jim Jones, who oversaw the rule-making process as the assistant administrator for the agency’s Office of Chemical Safety and Pollution Prevention, to visit a North Carolina furniture manufacturing plant. According to the trade group, Mr. Jones told them that the visit had “helped the agency shift its thinking” about the rules and how laminated products should be treated.

The resistance was particularly intense from lawmakers like Mr. Wicker of Mississippi, whose state is home to major manufacturing plants owned by Ashley Furniture Industries, the world’s largest furniture maker, and who is one of the biggest recipients in Congress of donations from the industry’s trade association. Asked if the political support played a role, a spokesman for Mr. Wicker replied: “Thousands of Mississippians depend on the furniture manufacturing industry for their livelihoods. Senator Wicker is committed to defending all Mississippians from government overreach.”

Individual companies like Ikea also intervened, as did the Chinese government, which claimed that the new rule would create a “great barrier” to the import of Chinese products because of higher costs.

Perhaps the most surprising objection came from Senator Boxer, of California, a longtime environmental advocate, whose office questioned why the E.P.A.’s rule went further than her home state’s in seeking testing on laminated products. “We did not advocate an outcome, other than safety,” her office said in a statement about why the senator raised concerns. “We said ‘Take a look to see if you have it right.’ ”

Safety advocates say that tighter restrictions — like the ones Ms. Boxer and Mr. Wicker, along with Representative Doris Matsui, a California Democrat, have questioned — are necessary, particularly for products coming from China, where items as varied as toys and Christmas lights have been found to violate American safety standards.

While Mr. Neltner, the environmental advocate who has been most involved in the review process, has been open to compromise, he has pressed the E.P.A. not to back down entirely, and to maintain a requirement that laminators verify that their products are safe.

An episode of CBS’s “60 Minutes” in March brought attention to the issue when it accused Lumber Liquidators, the discount flooring retailer, of selling laminate products with dangerous levels of formaldehyde. The company has disputed the show’s findings and test methods, maintaining that its products are safe.

“People think that just because Congress passed the legislation five years ago, the problem has been fixed,” said Becky Gillette, who then lived in coastal Mississippi, in the area hit by Hurricane Katrina, and was among the first to notice a pattern of complaints from people living in the trailers. “Real people’s faces and names come up in front of me when I think of the thousands of people who could get sick if this rule is not done right.”

An aide to Ms. Matsui rejected any suggestion that she was bending to industry pressure.

“From the beginning the public health has been our No. 1 concern,” said Kyle J. Victor, an aide to Ms. Matsui.

But further changes to the rule are likely, agency officials concede, as they say they are searching for a way to reduce the cost of complying with any final rule while maintaining public health goals. The question is just how radically the agency will revamp the testing requirement for laminated products — if it keeps it at all.

“It’s not a secret to anybody that is the most challenging issue,” said Mr. Jones, the E.P.A. official overseeing the process, adding that the health consequences from formaldehyde are real. “We have to reduce those exposures so that people can live healthy lives and not have to worry about being in their homes.”

The Uphill Battle to Better Regulate Formaldehyde

Since a white police officer, Darren Wilson fatally shot unarmed black teenager, Michael Brown, in a confrontation last August in Ferguson, Mo., there have been many other cases in which the police have shot and killed suspects, some of them unarmed. Mr. Brown's death set off protests throughout the country, pushing law enforcement into the spotlight and sparking a public debate on police tactics. Here is a selection of police shootings that have been reported by news organizations since Mr. Brown's death. In some cases, investigations are continuing.

Photo
 
 
The apartment complex northeast of Atlanta where Anthony Hill, 27, was fatally shot by a DeKalb County police officer. Credit Ben Gray/Atlanta Journal Constitution

Chamblee, Ga.
Fatal Police Shootings: Accounts Since Ferguson

Mr. Pfaff was an international affairs columnist and author who found Washington’s intervention in world affairs often misguided.

William Pfaff, Critic of American Foreign Policy, Dies at 86

Imagine an elite professional services firm with a high-performing, workaholic culture. Everyone is expected to turn on a dime to serve a client, travel at a moment’s notice, and be available pretty much every evening and weekend. It can make for a grueling work life, but at the highest levels of accounting, law, investment banking and consulting firms, it is just the way things are.

Except for one dirty little secret: Some of the people ostensibly turning in those 80- or 90-hour workweeks, particularly men, may just be faking it.

Many of them were, at least, at one elite consulting firm studied by Erin Reid, a professor at Boston University’s Questrom School of Business. It’s impossible to know if what she learned at that unidentified consulting firm applies across the world of work more broadly. But her research, published in the academic journal Organization Science, offers a way to understand how the professional world differs between men and women, and some of the ways a hard-charging culture that emphasizes long hours above all can make some companies worse off.

Photo
 
Credit Peter Arkle

Ms. Reid interviewed more than 100 people in the American offices of a global consulting firm and had access to performance reviews and internal human resources documents. At the firm there was a strong culture around long hours and responding to clients promptly.

“When the client needs me to be somewhere, I just have to be there,” said one of the consultants Ms. Reid interviewed. “And if you can’t be there, it’s probably because you’ve got another client meeting at the same time. You know it’s tough to say I can’t be there because my son had a Cub Scout meeting.”

Some people fully embraced this culture and put in the long hours, and they tended to be top performers. Others openly pushed back against it, insisting upon lighter and more flexible work hours, or less travel; they were punished in their performance reviews.

The third group is most interesting. Some 31 percent of the men and 11 percent of the women whose records Ms. Reid examined managed to achieve the benefits of a more moderate work schedule without explicitly asking for it.

They made an effort to line up clients who were local, reducing the need for travel. When they skipped work to spend time with their children or spouse, they didn’t call attention to it. One team on which several members had small children agreed among themselves to cover for one another so that everyone could have more flexible hours.

A male junior manager described working to have repeat consulting engagements with a company near enough to his home that he could take care of it with day trips. “I try to head out by 5, get home at 5:30, have dinner, play with my daughter,” he said, adding that he generally kept weekend work down to two hours of catching up on email.

Despite the limited hours, he said: “I know what clients are expecting. So I deliver above that.” He received a high performance review and a promotion.

What is fascinating about the firm Ms. Reid studied is that these people, who in her terminology were “passing” as workaholics, received performance reviews that were as strong as their hyper-ambitious colleagues. For people who were good at faking it, there was no real damage done by their lighter workloads.

It calls to mind the episode of “Seinfeld” in which George Costanza leaves his car in the parking lot at Yankee Stadium, where he works, and gets a promotion because his boss sees the car and thinks he is getting to work earlier and staying later than anyone else. (The strategy goes awry for him, and is not recommended for any aspiring partners in a consulting firm.)

A second finding is that women, particularly those with young children, were much more likely to request greater flexibility through more formal means, such as returning from maternity leave with an explicitly reduced schedule. Men who requested a paternity leave seemed to be punished come review time, and so may have felt more need to take time to spend with their families through those unofficial methods.

The result of this is easy to see: Those specifically requesting a lighter workload, who were disproportionately women, suffered in their performance reviews; those who took a lighter workload more discreetly didn’t suffer. The maxim of “ask forgiveness, not permission” seemed to apply.

It would be dangerous to extrapolate too much from a study at one firm, but Ms. Reid said in an interview that since publishing a summary of her research in Harvard Business Review she has heard from people in a variety of industries describing the same dynamic.

High-octane professional service firms are that way for a reason, and no one would doubt that insane hours and lots of travel can be necessary if you’re a lawyer on the verge of a big trial, an accountant right before tax day or an investment banker advising on a huge merger.

But the fact that the consultants who quietly lightened their workload did just as well in their performance reviews as those who were truly working 80 or more hours a week suggests that in normal times, heavy workloads may be more about signaling devotion to a firm than really being more productive. The person working 80 hours isn’t necessarily serving clients any better than the person working 50.

In other words, maybe the real problem isn’t men faking greater devotion to their jobs. Maybe it’s that too many companies reward the wrong things, favoring the illusion of extraordinary effort over actual productivity.

How Some Men Fake an 80-Hour Workweek, and Why It Matters

Judge Patterson helped to protect the rights of Attica inmates after the prison riot in 1971 and later served on the Federal District Court in Manhattan.

Robert Patterson Jr., Lawyer and Judge Who Fought for the Accused, Dies at 91

Mr. Fox, known for his well-honed countrified voice, wrote about things dear to South Carolina and won over Yankee critics.

William Price Fox, Admired Southern Novelist and Humorist, Dies at 89

Ms. von Furstenberg made her debut in the movies and on the Broadway stage in the early 1950s as a teenager and later reinvented herself as a television actress, writer and philanthropist.

Betsy von Furstenberg, Baroness and Versatile Actress, Dies at 83

Mr. Bartoszewski was given honorary Israeli citizenship for his work to save Jews during World War II and later surprised even himself by being instrumental in reconciling Poland and Germany.

Wladyslaw Bartoszewski, 93, Dies; Polish Auschwitz Survivor Aided Jews

WASHINGTON — During a training course on defending against knife attacks, a young Salt Lake City police officer asked a question: “How close can somebody get to me before I’m justified in using deadly force?”

Dennis Tueller, the instructor in that class more than three decades ago, decided to find out. In the fall of 1982, he performed a rudimentary series of tests and concluded that an armed attacker who bolted toward an officer could clear 21 feet in the time it took most officers to draw, aim and fire their weapon.

The next spring, Mr. Tueller published his findings in SWAT magazine and transformed police training in the United States. The “21-foot rule” became dogma. It has been taught in police academies around the country, accepted by courts and cited by officers to justify countless shootings, including recent episodes involving a homeless woodcarver in Seattle and a schizophrenic woman in San Francisco.

Now, amid the largest national debate over policing since the 1991 beating of Rodney King in Los Angeles, a small but vocal set of law enforcement officials are calling for a rethinking of the 21-foot rule and other axioms that have emphasized how to use force, not how to avoid it. Several big-city police departments are already re-examining when officers should chase people or draw their guns and when they should back away, wait or try to defuse the situation

Police Rethink Long Tradition on Using Force

The career criminals in genre novels don’t have money problems. If they need some, they just go out and steal it. But such financial transactions can backfire, which is what happened back in 2004 when the Texas gang in Michael

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