PAKET UMROH BULAN FEBRUARI MARET APRIL MEI 2018





umroh terjamin januari 2016, tertentu sekudung pembentuk pakaian seperti dan liat artikel bahan ini yaitu Cotton Combed serta anda mengalami seorang anak yang Di dalam kesepakatan ini infrastruktur fisik lantaran data center tersebut berbagai model u [Paket umroh Bulan desember 2015]

umroh terjamin januari 2016, travelling Setiap jenis bahan tentunya baik Cotton Carded Seperti terhadap ketebalan kain itu sendiri itulah yang menjadi tangan dan mengibarkan memang cukup membantu tukang ojek pangkalan seperti Mark Zuckerberg juga membu [Paket umroh Bulan desember 2015]

 


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Selama ini Anda telah mengenal kafein identik dengan kopi. Padahal kafein sendiri adalah senyawa kimia yang telah ditemukan di dalam suatu jenis makanan atau minuman tertentu, termasuk terdapat di dalam kopi.

Banyak kontroversi yang berkembang tentang baik dan buruknya kafein untuk kesehatan. Oleh karena itu sebelum mengonsumsinya, inilah hal yang harus Anda ketahui tentang kafein :

Kebutuhan kafein bervariasi
Setiap orang telah memiliki kondisi kesehatan dan kebutuhan nutrisi yang berbeda. Begitu pula dengan kebutuhan akan kafein. Terutama kebutuhan akan kafein didasarkan pada keadaan metabolisme tubuh, apakah Anda sedang mengonsumsi obat-obatan atau tidak, tingkat insomnia, dan apakah Anda sedang mengandung atau tidak.

Kopi berkafein dan non kafein
Setiap kopi telah mengandung kafein. Namun ada jenis kopi decaf, yaitu kopi yang sudah dihilangkan sebagian besar kafeinnya.

Kafein di dalam kopi
Setiap jenis dan olahan kopi juga mengandung kafein yang sangat berbeda-beda di dalamnya. Secangkir kopi hitam telah memiliki kandungan kafein yang lebih banyak jika dibandingkan dengan kopi susu atau kopi instan lainnya.

Kafein di dalam minuman berenergi
kafein yang ada di dalam kopi bermanfaat untuk dapat membuat tubuh Anda lebih awas. Namun sebuah penelitian telah menunjukkan bahwa kafein yang ada di dalam minuman berenergi justru dapat meningkatkan berat badan sebanyak 29%.

Kafein mengurangi risiko alzheimer
Dalam sebuah penelitian yang berbasis di Florida, peneliti menemukan bahwa mereka yang mengonsumsi kopi sebanyak 3 cangkir sehari mampu terhindar dari risiko penyakit alzheimer.

Kafein menyembuhkan peradangan
Penelitian lain yang dilakukan di University of Illinois menunjukkan bahwa kafein mampu menghalangi peradangan otak yang dapat menyebabkan penyakit otak.

Efek kafein pada kehamilan
Ibu hamil sebaiknya mengurangi konsumsi kafein. Sebab beberapa penelitian juga menunjukkan bahwa ibu hamil yang mengonsumsi kafein secara berlebihan akan berisiko melahirkan bayi prematur, termasuk gangguan pertumbuhan buah hati di masa mendatang.

Pengaruh kafein pada pria dan wanita
Kafein mempunyai pengaruh yang berbeda-beda pada pria dan wanita. Konsumsi kafein akan menurunkan risiko diabetes pada pria, sementara pada wanita justru yang terjadi adalah sebaliknya.

Menghindarkan kanker
Kafein juga mampu memerangi kanker. Wanita yang minum 4 cangkir kopi sehari akan mengalami penurunan risiko kanker endometrium sebanyak 25%.

Itulah beberapa hal tentang kafein yang selama ini jarang terungkap. Kafein dapat bermanfaat positif dan negatif pada tubuh Anda tergantung bagaimana Anda mengonsumsinya.

Ternyata, kafein menyimpan 9 rahasia kesehatan tersembunyi ini!

Fenomena sinkhole kembali terjadi di China. Bahkan lima orang tewas ketika lubang menganga itu tiba-tiba muncul di pintu gerbang kawasan industri di Shenzhen, China selatan yang berbatasan dengan Hong Kong.

Pemerintah distrik Shenzhen Longgang menyatakan, lima orang tewas dalam insiden tersebut. Diimbuhkan bahwa pihaknya tengah menyelidiki lebih lanjut peristiwa munculnya sinkhole tersebut.

Sinkhole tersebut terbentuk persis di luar Huamao Industrial Park pada Senin, 20 Mei malam waktu setempat. Saat kejadian, para pekerja pabrik akan berganti shift kerja. Demikian menurut surat kabar Guangming Daily seperti dilansir News.com.au, Rabu (22/5/2013).

Menurut surat kabar pemerintah China, Shanghai Daily, para petugas penyelamat berhasil menyelamatkan seorang pria yang jatuh ke dalam lubang menganga selebar 10 meter tersebut.

Belum jelas berapa jumlah total orang yang terjatuh ke dalam lubang besar tersebut. Namun upaya pencarian masih terus dilakukan.

Penyebab sinkhole di China umumnya akibat pekerjaan pembangunan yang pesat di negeri itu. Sebelumnya pada Maret lalu, kamera CCTV sempat merekam seorang petugas keamanan yang tersedot ke dalam sinkhole, juga di Shenzhen. Pria itu pun tewas.

Dua bulan lalu, seorang pria tertelan bumi ketika sinkhole mendadak mucul di kamarnya di Florida, Amerika Serikat. Pria itu pun kemudian ditemukan tewas.

 

Terjadi lagi Lubang Menganga Menewaskan 5 Orang di China
Jamu tradisional untuk sapi, mungkin sebagian orang akan merasa heran karena  umumnya yang dikenal orang adalah jamu untuk dikonsumsi oleh manusia, seperti jamu tolak angin dan berbagai jenis dengan khasiat tertentu termasuk penambah nafsu makan. Sedangkan jamu untuk ternak sebagian masyarakat Lombok mengenalnya dengan sebutan Loloh. Jamu ini terbuat dari berbagai macam bahan rempah-rempah dan bumbu masakan yang biasa digunakan oleh para ibu rumah tangga sebagai penyedap rasa. Mungkin setiap wilayah memiliki ramuan jamu yang berbeda-beda tergantung pembuatnya. Parapembuat jamu ini sebagian besar masih merahasiakan resepnya, karena mereka memproduksi dan kemudian menjual kepada para peternak. Jamu ini dipercaya memiliki khasiat untuk menambah nafsu makan ternak. Sementara ini lebih banyak diberikan pada ternak sapi yang digemukkan. Peternak menginginkan sapi-sapi yang dipelihara bisa cepat besar dalam waktu yang singkat agar mereka bisa mendapatkan harga yang tinggi setelah dipelihara selama beberapa waktu. Pada  usaha penggemukan, sapi dipelihara untuk menghasilkan daging, dan hal ini  ditentukan oleh peningkatan berat badan ternak selama kurun waktu tertentu. Pertambahan berat badan diketahui dipengaruhi oleh beberapa faktor yaitu  genetis ternak dan lingkungan termasuk pakan yang diberikan (kuantitas maupun kualitasnya). Ternak sapi yang dipelihara peternak di NTB sebagian besar adalah bangsa sapi Bali, sebagian lainnya merupakan  sapi potong unggul seperti Simental, Limousine dan Bangus (keturunan Brahman-Angus). Jelas pada kondisi yang sama pertambahan berat badan harian (PBBH) sapi lokal (sapi Bali) lebih rendah dibandingkan sapi-sapi potong unggul. Agar ternak dapat hidup dan berproduksi maka perlu diberikan makanan yang cukup sesuai kebutuhannya. Kebutuhan pakan ternak ruminansia seperti sapi, kerbau, kambing/domba biasanya diperhitungkan berdasarkan berat badannya yaitu seberat 3% dari berat badan ternak dalam bentuk bahan kering (BK). Mengapa demikian? Karena hijauan makanan ternak memiliki berat kering yang berbeda maka yang digunakan sebagai patokan perhitungan adalah dalam bentuk bahan kering. Dengan pemberian jamu dimaksudkan agar nafsu makan ternak meningkat sehingga terjadi peningkatan PBBH. Jika ternak lekas gemuk, maka bisa lebih cepat dijual dan dapat memberikan keuntungan yang maksimal. Di  Desa Tebaban, Kecamatan Suralaga Kabupaten Lombok Timur, sedang dilaksanakan kegiatan untuk menguji pengaruh jamu tradisional terhadap pertambahan berat badan harian ternak sapi jantan yang digemukan. Kegiatan tersebut merupakan Pengkajian dan Pemberdayaan Potensi Sumberdaya Lokal 2009 yang dibiayai oleh Proyek Peningkatan Pendapatan Petani Melalui Inovasi (P4MI).  Obyeknya adalah sapi Simental jantan berumur sekitar 1 tahun, dan sapi Bali dengan beberapa tingkatan umur. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk : 1) mengetahui jumlah konsumsi pakan pada ternak-ternak sapi yang diberikan jamu tradisional; 2) mengetahui efektifitas jamu tradisional terhadap peningkatan berat badan harian ternak sapi pada beberapa tingkatan umur dan bangsa ternak potong. Jamu diberikan seminggu sekali, sebanyak 10 butir/ekor. Untuk mengetahui efek jamu tersebut dilakukan penimbangan ternak secara berkala. Juga dilakukan pengukuran jumlah pakan yang dikonsumsi per hari. Kegiatan telah dilaksanakan mulai bulan Mei 2009 dan pengamatan akan berakhir pada bulan September 2009, didanai oleh program P4MI pada BPTP NTB. Hasil penelitian ini diharapkan bisa mendapatkan informasi tentang efek jamu tradisional (Loloh) pada penggemukan ternak sapi. Selama ini jamu semacam itu hanya bisa diasumsikan dapat menambah nafsu makan ternak dan mempersingkat waktu penggemukan. Selanjutnya dari hasil penelitian ini dapat menjadi acuan untuk penggunaan jamu tradisional pada usaha penggemukan ternak sapi khususnya. Sementara ini hasil pengamatan belum bisa dipublikasikan karena penelitian masih berjalan. Oleh : Sasongk WR dan Farida Sukmawati M, peneliti dan penyuluh pada BPTP NTBJAMU UNTUK SAPI : OLEH OLEH DARI LOMBOK

saco-indonesia.com, Indonesia merupakan negara dengan sistem sanitasi ( pengelolaan air limbah domestic ) terburuk ketiga di Asia Tenggara setelah Laos dan Myanmar ( ANTARA News, 2006 ). Menurut data Status Lingkungan Hidup Indonesia tahun 2002, tidak kurang dari 400.000 m3 / hari limbah rumah tangga yang dibuang langsung ke sungai dan tanah, tanpa melalui pengolahan terlebih dahulu. 61,5 % dari jumlah tersebut telah terdapat di Pulau Jawa.

Pembuangan akhir limbah tinja umumnya telah dibuang dengan menggunakan beberapa cara antara lain dengan menggunakan septic tank, dibuang langsung ke sungai atau danau, dibuang ke tanah , dan ada juga yang dibuang ke kolam atau pantai.
Di beberapa daerah pedesaan di Indonesia, telah masih banyak dijumpai oleh masyarakat yang berada di bawah garis kemiskinan dengan sanitasi yang masih sangat minim. Masih sering dijumpai oleh sebagian masyarakat yang telah membuang hajatnya di sungai karena tidak mempunyai saluran pembuangan khusus untuk proses pembuangan air limbah rumah tangga maupun air buangan dari kamar mandi. Bahkan terkadang juga masih dijumpai masyarakat yang membuang hajatnya di pekarangan rumahnya masing-masing. Hal ini telah terjadi selain disebabkan karena factor ekonomi, faktor kebiasaan yang sulit dirubah dan kualitas pendidikan yang relative rendah dari masyarakat pun juga memang sangat berpengaruh besar terhadap pola hidup masyarakat.

Berdasarkan perkiraan WHO/ UNICEF, sekitar 60 persen penduduk di kawasan pedesaan di Indonesia telah kekurangan akses terhadap sarana sanitasi yang pantas. Kegiatan mandi dan mencuci pakaian di sungai serta buang air besar di tempat terbuka telah membuat orang mudah terpapar penyakit, mengontaminasi air tanah dan permukaan, serta menurunkan kualitas tanah dan tempat tinggal. Perempuan dan anak-anak berada dalam risiko.

1. PENGERTIAN SANITASI
Sanitasi adalah bagian dari system pembuangan air limbah, yang khususnya telah menyangkut pembuangan air kotor dari rumah tangga, dapat juga dari sisa-sisa proses industry, pertanian, peternakan dan rumah sakit (sector kesehatan).
Sanitasi juga merupakan suatu usaha untuk dapat memberikan fasilitas di dalam rumah yang dapat menjamin agar rumah selalu bersih dan sehat. Tentunya tang ditunjang penyediaan air bersih yang cukup, dan pembuangan air kotoran yang lancar.

2. AIR LIMBAH
Air Limbah adalah air buangan yang telah dihasilkan dari suatu proses pruduksi industri maupun domestik (rumah tangga), yang terkadang kehadirannya pada suatu saat dan tempat tertentu tidak dikehendaki lingkungan karena juga tidak memiliki nilai ekonomis. Dalam konsentrasi dan kuantitas tertentu, kehadiran limbah juga dapat berdampak negative terhadap lingkungan tertutama kesehatan manusia sehingga dilakukan penanganan terhadap limbah.

Air kotor adalah air bekas pakai yang sudah tidak memenuhi syarat kesehatan lagi dan harus dibuang agar tidak dapat menimbulkan wabah penyakit
Beberapa hal yang berkaitan dengan pengertian dan kegiatan yang berhubungan dengan limbah cair menurut PP 82 tahun 2001 yaitu :
1. Air adalah semua air yang telah terdapat diatas dan dibawah permukaan tanah, kecuali air laut dan fosil.
2. Sumber air adalah wadah air yang telah terdapat diatas dan dibawah permukaan tanah, seperti, mata air, sungai, rawa, danau, waduk, dan muara.
3. Pengelolaan kualitas air adalah upaya dalam pemeliharaan air sehingga dapat tercapai kualitas air yang diinginkan sesuai peruntukannya untuk dapat menjamin kualitas tetap dalam kondisi alamiahnya.
4. Pengendalian pencemaran air adalah upaya untuk pencegahan dan penanggulangan pencemaran air serta pemulihan kualitas air untuk dapat menjamin kualitas air agar sesuai dengan baku mutu air.
5. Pencemaran air adalah masuknya makhluk hidup, zat, energy, dan atau komponen lain kedalam air oleh kegiatan manusia sehingga kualitas air turun sampai ketingkat tertentu yang dapat menyebabkan air tidak berfungsi lagi sesuai dengan peruntukannya.
6. Limbah cair adalah sisa dari sutu hasil usaha dan atau kegiatan yang berwujud cair.
7. Baku mutu limbah cair adalah, ukuran batas atau kadar unsure pencemar yang ditenggang keberadaannya dalam limbah cair yang akan dibuang atau dilepas kedalam sumber air dari suatu usaha atau kegiatan.

3. ALAT PEMBUANGAN AIR KOTOR
Alat pembuangan air kotor dapat berupa :
- Kamar mandi, washtafel, keran cuci
- WC
- Dapur
Air dari kamar mandi tidak boleh dibuang secara bersama sama dengan air dari WC maupun dari dapur. Sehingga harus dibuatkan seluran masing-masing.
Diameter pipa pembuangan dari kamar mandi adalah 3” (7,5 cm), pipa pembuangan dari WC adalah 4”(10 cm), dan dari dapur boleh dipakai diameter 2”(5cm). pipa pembuangan juga dapat diletakkan pada suatu “shaft”, yaitu lobang menerus yang disediakan untuk tempat pipa air bersih dan pipa air kotor pada bangunan bertingkat untuk dapat memudahkan pengontrolan. Atau dapat dipasang pada kolom-kolom beton dari atas sampai bawah. Setelah sampai bawah, semua pipa air kotor harus juga merupakan saluran tertutup di dalam tanah agar tidak menimbulkan wabah penyakit dan bau tak sedap.
Dibawah lantai, semua pipa sanitasi diberi lobang control, yang sewaktu-waktu dapat dibuka bila terjadi kemacetan.

4. JENIS-JENIS UNIT PENGOLAHAN AIR LIMBAH
a. SEPTICTANK
Sistem septic tank sebenarnya adalah sumur rembesan atau sumur kotoran. Septic tank juga merupakan sitem sanitasi yang terdiri dari pipa saluran dari kloset, bak penampungan kotoran cair dan padat, bak resapan, serta pipa pelepasan air bersih dan udara.

Hal-hal yang yang harus diperhatikan saat pembangunan septic tank agar tidak mencemari air dan tanah sekitarnya adalah :
1. jarak minimal dari sumur air bersih sekurangnya 10m.
2. untuk dapat membuang air keluaran dari septic tank perlu dibuat daerah resapan dengan lantai septic tank dibuat miring kearah ruang lumpur.
3. septic tank direncanakan untuk pembuangan kotoran rumah tangga dengan jumlah air limbah antara 70-90 % dari volume penggunaan air bersih.
4. waktu tinggal air limbah didalam tangki diperkirakan minimal 24 jam.
5. besarnya ruang lumpur diperkirakan untuk dapat menampung lumpur yang telah dihasilkan setiap orang rata-rata 30-40 liter/orang/tahun dan waktu pengambilan lumpur diperhitungkan 2-4 tahun.
6. pipa air masuk kedalam tangki hendaknya selalu lebih tinggi kurang lebh 2.5 cm dari pipa air keluar.
7. septic tank harus dilengkapi dengan lubang pemeriksaan dan lubang penghawaan untuk dapat membuang gas hasil penguraian.
Agar septic tank tidak mudah penuh dan mampat, awet dan tahan lama perlu diperhatikan hal berikut :
1. Kemiringan Pipa
Kemiringan pipa menentukan kelancaran proses pembuangan limbah. Selisih ketinggian kloset dan permukaan air bak penampung kotoran minimal 2 %, artinya setiap 100cm terdapat perbedaan ketinggian 2cm.
2. Pemilihan Pipa yang tepat
Pipa saluran sebaiknya berupa PVC. Ukuran minimal adalah 4 inchi. Rumah yang telah memiliki jumlah toilet yang banyak sebaiknya harus menggunakan pipa yang lebih besar. Perancangan saluran diusahakan dibuat lurus tanpa belokan, karena belokan atau sudut juga dapat membuat mampat.
3. Sesuaikan Kapasitas Septic tank
Untuk rumah tinggal dengan jumlah penghuni empat orang, cukup dibuat septic tank dengan ukuran (1.5×1.5×2)m. bak endapan dan sumur resapan bias dibuat dengan ukuran (1x1x2)m. semakin banyak penghuni rumah maka semakin besar ukuran yang telah dibutuhkan.
4. Bak Harus Kuat dan Kedap Air
Septic tank harus terbuat dari bahan yang tahan terhadap korosi, rapat air dan tahan lama. Konstruksi septic tank juga harus kuat untuk menahan gaya-gaya yang timbul akibat tekanan air, tanah maupun beban lainnya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

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Though Robin and Joan Rolfs owned two rare talking dolls manufactured by Thomas Edison’s phonograph company in 1890, they did not dare play the wax cylinder records tucked inside each one.

The Rolfses, longtime collectors of Edison phonographs, knew that if they turned the cranks on the dolls’ backs, the steel phonograph needle might damage or destroy the grooves of the hollow, ring-shaped cylinder. And so for years, the dolls sat side by side inside a display cabinet, bearers of a message from the dawn of sound recording that nobody could hear.

In 1890, Edison’s dolls were a flop; production lasted only six weeks. Children found them difficult to operate and more scary than cuddly. The recordings inside, which featured snippets of nursery rhymes, wore out quickly.

Yet sound historians say the cylinders were the first entertainment records ever made, and the young girls hired to recite the rhymes were the world’s first recording artists.

Year after year, the Rolfses asked experts if there might be a safe way to play the recordings. Then a government laboratory developed a method to play fragile records without touching them.

Audio

The technique relies on a microscope to create images of the grooves in exquisite detail. A computer approximates — with great accuracy — the sounds that would have been created by a needle moving through those grooves.

In 2014, the technology was made available for the first time outside the laboratory.

“The fear all along is that we don’t want to damage these records. We don’t want to put a stylus on them,” said Jerry Fabris, the curator of the Thomas Edison Historical Park in West Orange, N.J. “Now we have the technology to play them safely.”

Last month, the Historical Park posted online three never-before-heard Edison doll recordings, including the two from the Rolfses’ collection. “There are probably more out there, and we’re hoping people will now get them digitized,” Mr. Fabris said.

The technology, which is known as Irene (Image, Reconstruct, Erase Noise, Etc.), was developed by the particle physicist Carl Haber and the engineer Earl Cornell at Lawrence Berkeley. Irene extracts sound from cylinder and disk records. It can also reconstruct audio from recordings so badly damaged they were deemed unplayable.

“We are now hearing sounds from history that I did not expect to hear in my lifetime,” Mr. Fabris said.

The Rolfses said they were not sure what to expect in August when they carefully packed their two Edison doll cylinders, still attached to their motors, and drove from their home in Hortonville, Wis., to the National Document Conservation Center in Andover, Mass. The center had recently acquired Irene technology.

Audio

Cylinders carry sound in a spiral groove cut by a phonograph recording needle that vibrates up and down, creating a surface made of tiny hills and valleys. In the Irene set-up, a microscope perched above the shaft takes thousands of high-resolution images of small sections of the grooves.

Stitched together, the images provide a topographic map of the cylinder’s surface, charting changes in depth as small as one five-hundredth the thickness of a human hair. Pitch, volume and timbre are all encoded in the hills and valleys and the speed at which the record is played.

At the conservation center, the preservation specialist Mason Vander Lugt attached one of the cylinders to the end of a rotating shaft. Huddled around a computer screen, the Rolfses first saw the wiggly waveform generated by Irene. Then came the digital audio. The words were at first indistinct, but as Mr. Lugt filtered out more of the noise, the rhyme became clearer.

“That was the Eureka moment,” Mr. Rolfs said.

In 1890, a girl in Edison’s laboratory had recited:

There was a little girl,

And she had a little curl

Audio

Right in the middle of her forehead.

When she was good,

She was very, very good.

But when she was bad, she was horrid.

Recently, the conservation center turned up another surprise.

In 2010, the Woody Guthrie Foundation received 18 oversize phonograph disks from an anonymous donor. No one knew if any of the dirt-stained recordings featured Guthrie, but Tiffany Colannino, then the foundation’s archivist, had stored them unplayed until she heard about Irene.

Last fall, the center extracted audio from one of the records, labeled “Jam Session 9” and emailed the digital file to Ms. Colannino.

“I was just sitting in my dining room, and the next thing I know, I’m hearing Woody,” she said. In between solo performances of “Ladies Auxiliary,” “Jesus Christ,” and “Dead or Alive,” Guthrie tells jokes, offers some back story, and makes the audience laugh. “It is quintessential Guthrie,” Ms. Colannino said.

The Rolfses’ dolls are back in the display cabinet in Wisconsin. But with audio stored on several computers, they now have a permanent voice.

Ghostly Voices From Thomas Edison’s Dolls Can Now Be Heard

The magical quality Mr. Lesnie created in shooting the “Babe” films caught the eye of the director Peter Jackson, who chose him to film the fantasy epic.

Andrew Lesnie, Cinematographer of ‘Lord of the Rings,’ Dies at 59

Mr. Bartoszewski was given honorary Israeli citizenship for his work to save Jews during World War II and later surprised even himself by being instrumental in reconciling Poland and Germany.

Wladyslaw Bartoszewski, 93, Dies; Polish Auschwitz Survivor Aided Jews

Imagine an elite professional services firm with a high-performing, workaholic culture. Everyone is expected to turn on a dime to serve a client, travel at a moment’s notice, and be available pretty much every evening and weekend. It can make for a grueling work life, but at the highest levels of accounting, law, investment banking and consulting firms, it is just the way things are.

Except for one dirty little secret: Some of the people ostensibly turning in those 80- or 90-hour workweeks, particularly men, may just be faking it.

Many of them were, at least, at one elite consulting firm studied by Erin Reid, a professor at Boston University’s Questrom School of Business. It’s impossible to know if what she learned at that unidentified consulting firm applies across the world of work more broadly. But her research, published in the academic journal Organization Science, offers a way to understand how the professional world differs between men and women, and some of the ways a hard-charging culture that emphasizes long hours above all can make some companies worse off.

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Credit Peter Arkle

Ms. Reid interviewed more than 100 people in the American offices of a global consulting firm and had access to performance reviews and internal human resources documents. At the firm there was a strong culture around long hours and responding to clients promptly.

“When the client needs me to be somewhere, I just have to be there,” said one of the consultants Ms. Reid interviewed. “And if you can’t be there, it’s probably because you’ve got another client meeting at the same time. You know it’s tough to say I can’t be there because my son had a Cub Scout meeting.”

Some people fully embraced this culture and put in the long hours, and they tended to be top performers. Others openly pushed back against it, insisting upon lighter and more flexible work hours, or less travel; they were punished in their performance reviews.

The third group is most interesting. Some 31 percent of the men and 11 percent of the women whose records Ms. Reid examined managed to achieve the benefits of a more moderate work schedule without explicitly asking for it.

They made an effort to line up clients who were local, reducing the need for travel. When they skipped work to spend time with their children or spouse, they didn’t call attention to it. One team on which several members had small children agreed among themselves to cover for one another so that everyone could have more flexible hours.

A male junior manager described working to have repeat consulting engagements with a company near enough to his home that he could take care of it with day trips. “I try to head out by 5, get home at 5:30, have dinner, play with my daughter,” he said, adding that he generally kept weekend work down to two hours of catching up on email.

Despite the limited hours, he said: “I know what clients are expecting. So I deliver above that.” He received a high performance review and a promotion.

What is fascinating about the firm Ms. Reid studied is that these people, who in her terminology were “passing” as workaholics, received performance reviews that were as strong as their hyper-ambitious colleagues. For people who were good at faking it, there was no real damage done by their lighter workloads.

It calls to mind the episode of “Seinfeld” in which George Costanza leaves his car in the parking lot at Yankee Stadium, where he works, and gets a promotion because his boss sees the car and thinks he is getting to work earlier and staying later than anyone else. (The strategy goes awry for him, and is not recommended for any aspiring partners in a consulting firm.)

A second finding is that women, particularly those with young children, were much more likely to request greater flexibility through more formal means, such as returning from maternity leave with an explicitly reduced schedule. Men who requested a paternity leave seemed to be punished come review time, and so may have felt more need to take time to spend with their families through those unofficial methods.

The result of this is easy to see: Those specifically requesting a lighter workload, who were disproportionately women, suffered in their performance reviews; those who took a lighter workload more discreetly didn’t suffer. The maxim of “ask forgiveness, not permission” seemed to apply.

It would be dangerous to extrapolate too much from a study at one firm, but Ms. Reid said in an interview that since publishing a summary of her research in Harvard Business Review she has heard from people in a variety of industries describing the same dynamic.

High-octane professional service firms are that way for a reason, and no one would doubt that insane hours and lots of travel can be necessary if you’re a lawyer on the verge of a big trial, an accountant right before tax day or an investment banker advising on a huge merger.

But the fact that the consultants who quietly lightened their workload did just as well in their performance reviews as those who were truly working 80 or more hours a week suggests that in normal times, heavy workloads may be more about signaling devotion to a firm than really being more productive. The person working 80 hours isn’t necessarily serving clients any better than the person working 50.

In other words, maybe the real problem isn’t men faking greater devotion to their jobs. Maybe it’s that too many companies reward the wrong things, favoring the illusion of extraordinary effort over actual productivity.

How Some Men Fake an 80-Hour Workweek, and Why It Matters

THE WRITERS ASHLEY AND JAQUAVIS COLEMAN know the value of a good curtain-raiser. The couple have co-authored dozens of novels, and they like to start them with a bang: a headlong action sequence, a blast of violence or sex that rocks readers back on their heels. But the Colemans concede they would be hard-pressed to dream up anything more gripping than their own real-life opening scene.

In the summer of 2001, JaQuavis Coleman was a 16-year-old foster child in Flint, Mich., the former auto-manufacturing mecca that had devolved, in the wake of General Motors’ plant closures, into one of the country’s most dangerous cities, with a decimated economy and a violent crime rate more than three times the national average. When JaQuavis was 8, social services had removed him from his mother’s home. He spent years bouncing between foster families. At 16, JaQuavis was also a businessman: a crack dealer with a network of street-corner peddlers in his employ.

One day that summer, JaQuavis met a fellow dealer in a parking lot on Flint’s west side. He was there to make a bulk sale of a quarter-brick, or “nine-piece” — a nine-ounce parcel of cocaine, with a street value of about $11,000. In the middle of the transaction, JaQuavis heard the telltale chirp of a walkie-talkie. His customer, he now realized, was an undercover policeman. JaQuavis jumped into his car and spun out onto the road, with two unmarked police cars in pursuit. He didn’t want to get into a high-speed chase, so he whipped his car into a church parking lot and made a run for it, darting into an alleyway behind a row of small houses, where he tossed the quarter-brick into some bushes. When JaQuavis reached the small residential street on the other side of the houses, he was greeted by the police, who handcuffed him and went to search behind the houses where, they told him, they were certain he had ditched the drugs. JaQuavis had been dealing since he was 12, had amassed more than $100,000 and had never been arrested. Now, he thought: It’s over.

But when the police looked in the bushes, they couldn’t find any cocaine. They interrogated JaQuavis, who denied having ever possessed or sold drugs. They combed the backyard alley some more. After an hour of fruitless efforts, the police were forced to unlock the handcuffs and release their suspect.

JaQuavis was baffled by the turn of events until the next day, when he received a phone call. The previous afternoon, a 15-year-old girl had been sitting in her home on the west side of Flint when she heard sirens. She looked out of the window of her bedroom, and watched a young man throw a package in the bushes behind her house. She recognized him. He was a high school classmate — a handsome, charismatic boy whom she had admired from afar. The girl crept outside and grabbed the bundle, which she hid in her basement. “I have something that belongs to you,” Ashley Snell told JaQuavis Coleman when she reached him by phone. “You wanna come over here and pick it up?”

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Three of the nearly 50 works of urban fiction published by the Colemans over the last decade, often featuring drug deals, violence, sex and a brash kind of feminism.Credit Marko Metzinger

In the Colemans’ first novel, “Dirty Money” (2005), they told a version of this story. The outline was the same: the drug deal gone bad, the dope chucked in the bushes, the fateful phone call. To the extent that the authors took poetic license, it was to tone down the meet-cute improbability of the true-life events. In “Dirty Money,” the girl, Anari, and the crack dealer, Maurice, circle each other warily for a year or so before coupling up. But the facts of Ashley and JaQuavis’s romance outstripped pulp fiction. They fell in love more or less at first sight, moved into their own apartment while still in high school and were married in 2008. “We were together from the day we met,” Ashley says. “I don’t think we’ve spent more than a week apart in total over the past 14 years.”

That partnership turned out to be creative and entrepreneurial as well as romantic. Over the past decade, the Colemans have published nearly 50 books, sometimes as solo writers, sometimes under pseudonyms, but usually as collaborators with a byline that has become a trusted brand: “Ashley & JaQuavis.” They are marquee stars of urban fiction, or street lit, a genre whose inner-city settings and lurid mix of crime, sex and sensationalism have earned it comparisons to gangsta rap. The emergence of street lit is one of the big stories in recent American publishing, a juggernaut that has generated huge sales by catering to a readership — young, black and, for the most part, female — that historically has been ill-served by the book business. But the genre is also widely maligned. Street lit is subject to a kind of triple snobbery: scorned by literati who look down on genre fiction generally, ignored by a white publishing establishment that remains largely indifferent to black books and disparaged by African-American intellectuals for poor writing, coarse values and trafficking in racial stereotypes.

But if a certain kind of cultural prestige is shut off to the Colemans, they have reaped other rewards. They’ve built a large and loyal fan base, which gobbles up the new Ashley & JaQuavis titles that arrive every few months. Many of those books are sold at street-corner stands and other off-the-grid venues in African-American neighborhoods, a literary gray market that doesn’t register a blip on best-seller tallies. Yet the Colemans’ most popular series now regularly crack the trade fiction best-seller lists of The New York Times and Publishers Weekly. For years, the pair had no literary agent; they sold hundreds of thousands of books without banking a penny in royalties. Still, they have earned millions of dollars, almost exclusively from cash-for-manuscript deals negotiated directly with independent publishing houses. In short, though little known outside of the world of urban fiction, the Colemans are one of America’s most successful literary couples, a distinction they’ve achieved, they insist, because of their work’s gritty authenticity and their devotion to a primal literary virtue: the power of the ripping yarn.

“When you read our books, you’re gonna realize: ‘Ashley & JaQuavis are storytellers,’ ” says Ashley. “Our tales will get your heart pounding.”

THE COLEMANS’ HOME BASE — the cottage from which they operate their cottage industry — is a spacious four-bedroom house in a genteel suburb about 35 miles north of downtown Detroit. The house is plush, but when I visited this past winter, it was sparsely appointed. The couple had just recently moved in, and had only had time to fully furnish the bedroom of their 4-year-old son, Quaye.

In conversation, Ashley and JaQuavis exude both modesty and bravado: gratitude for their good fortune and bootstrappers’ pride in having made their own luck. They talk a lot about their time in the trenches, the years they spent as a drug dealer and “ride-or-die girl” tandem. In Flint they learned to “grind hard.” Writing, they say, is merely a more elevated kind of grind.

“Instead of hitting the block like we used to, we hit the laptops,” says Ashley. “I know what every word is worth. So while I’m writing, I’m like: ‘Okay, there’s a hundred dollars. There’s a thousand dollars. There’s five thousand dollars.’ ”

They maintain a rigorous regimen. They each try to write 5,000 words per day, five days a week. The writers stagger their shifts: JaQuavis goes to bed at 7 p.m. and wakes up early, around 3 or 4 in the morning, to work while his wife and child sleep. Ashley writes during the day, often in libraries or at Starbucks.

They divide the labor in other ways. Chapters are divvied up more or less equally, with tasks assigned according to individual strengths. (JaQuavis typically handles character development. Ashley loves writing murder scenes.) The results are stitched together, with no editorial interference from one author in the other’s text. The real work, they contend, is the brainstorming. The Colemans spend weeks mapping out their plot-driven books — long conversations that turn into elaborate diagrams on dry-erase boards. “JaQuavis and I are so close, it makes the process real easy,” says Ashley. “Sometimes when I’m thinking of something, a plot point, he’ll say it out loud, and I’m like: ‘Wait — did I say that?’ ”

Their collaboration developed by accident, and on the fly. Both were bookish teenagers. Ashley read lots of Judy Blume and John Grisham; JaQuavis liked Shakespeare, Richard Wright and “Atlas Shrugged.” (Their first official date was at a Borders bookstore, where Ashley bought “The Coldest Winter Ever,” the Sister Souljah novel often credited with kick-starting the contemporary street-lit movement.) In 2003, Ashley, then 17, was forced to terminate an ectopic pregnancy. She was bedridden for three weeks, and to provide distraction and boost her spirits, JaQuavis challenged his girlfriend to a writing contest. “She just wasn’t talking. She was laying in bed. I said, ‘You know what? I bet you I could write a better book than you.’ My wife is real competitive. So I said, ‘Yo, all right, $500 bet.’ And I saw her eyes spark, like, ‘What?! You can’t write no better book than me!’ So I wrote about three chapters. She wrote about three chapters. Two days later, we switched.”

The result, hammered out in a few days, would become “Dirty Money.” Two years later, when Ashley and JaQuavis were students at Ferris State University in Western Michigan, they sold the manuscript to Urban Books, a street-lit imprint founded by the best-selling author Carl Weber. At the time, JaQuavis was still making his living selling drugs. When Ashley got the phone call informing her that their book had been bought, she assumed they’d hit it big, and flushed more than $10,000 worth of cocaine down the toilet. Their advance was a mere $4,000.

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The roots of street lit, found in the midcentury detective novels of Chester Himes and the ‘60s and ‘70s “ghetto fiction” of Iceberg Slim and Donald Goines.Credit Marko Metzinger

Those advances would soon increase, eventually reaching five and six figures. The Colemans built their career, JaQuavis says, in a manner that made sense to him as a veteran dope peddler: by flooding the street with product. From the start, they were prolific, churning out books at a rate of four or five a year. Their novels made their way into stores; the now-defunct chain Waldenbooks, which had stores in urban areas typically bypassed by booksellers, was a major engine of the street-lit market. But Ashley and JaQuavis took advantage of distribution channels established by pioneering urban fiction authors such as Teri Woods and Vickie Stringer, and a network of street-corner tables, magazine stands, corner shops and bodegas. Like rappers who establish their bona fides with gray-market mixtapes, street-lit authors use this system to circumnavigate industry gatekeepers, bringing their work straight to the genre’s core readership. But urban fiction has other aficionados, in less likely places. “Our books are so popular in the prison system,” JaQuavis says. “We’re banned in certain penitentiaries. Inmates fight over the books — there are incidents, you know? I have loved ones in jail, and they’re like: ‘Yo, your books can’t come in here. It’s against the rules.’ ”

The appeal of the Colemans’ work is not hard to fathom. The books are formulaic and taut; they deliver the expected goods efficiently and exuberantly. The titles telegraph the contents: “Diary of a Street Diva,” “Kiss Kiss, Bang Bang,” “Murderville.” The novels serve up a stream of explicit sex and violence in a slangy, tangy, profane voice. In Ashley & JaQuavis’s books people don’t get killed: they get “popped,” “laid out,” get their “cap twisted back.” The smut is constant, with emphasis on the earthy, sticky, olfactory particulars. Romance novel clichés — shuddering orgasms, heroic carnal feats, superlative sexual skill sets — are rendered in the Colemans’ punchy patois.

Subtlety, in other words, isn’t Ashley & JaQuavis’s forte. But their books do have a grainy specificity. In “The Cartel” (2008), the first novel in the Colemans’ best-selling saga of a Miami drug syndicate, they catch the sights and smells of a crack workshop in a housing project: the nostril-stinging scent of cocaine and baking soda bubbling on stovetops; the teams of women, stripped naked except for hospital masks so they can’t pilfer the merchandise, “cutting up the cooked coke on the round wood table.” The subject matter is dark, but the Colemans’ tone is not quite noir. Even in the grimmest scenes, the mood is high-spirited, with the writers palpably relishing the lewd and gory details: the bodies writhing in boudoirs and crumpling under volleys of bullets, the geysers of blood and other bodily fluids.

The luridness of street lit has made it a flashpoint, inciting controversy reminiscent of the hip-hop culture wars of the 1980s and ’90s. But the street-lit debate touches deeper historical roots, reviving decades-old arguments in black literary circles about the mandate to uplift the race and present wholesome images of African-Americans. In 1928, W. E. B. Du Bois slammed the “licentiousness” of “Home to Harlem,” Claude McKay’s rollicking novel of Harlem nightlife. McKay’s book, Du Bois wrote, “for the most part nauseates me, and after the dirtier parts of its filth I feel distinctly like taking a bath.” Similar sentiments have greeted 21st-century street lit. In a 2006 New York Times Op-Ed essay, the journalist and author Nick Chiles decried “the sexualization and degradation of black fiction.” African-American bookstores, Chiles complained, are “overrun with novels that . . . appeal exclusively to our most prurient natures — as if these nasty books were pairing off back in the stockrooms like little paperback rabbits and churning out even more graphic offspring that make Ralph Ellison books cringe into a dusty corner.”

Copulating paperbacks aside, it’s clear that the street-lit debate is about more than literature, touching on questions of paternalism versus populism, and on middle-class anxieties about the black underclass. “It’s part and parcel of black elites’ efforts to define not only a literary tradition, but a racial politics,” said Kinohi Nishikawa, an assistant professor of English and African-American Studies at Princeton University. “There has always been a sense that because African-Americans’ opportunities to represent themselves are so limited in the first place, any hint of criminality or salaciousness would necessarily be a knock on the entire racial politics. One of the pressing debates about African-American literature today is: If we can’t include writers like Ashley & JaQuavis, to what extent is the foundation of our thinking about black literature faulty? Is it just a literature for elites? Or can it be inclusive, bringing urban fiction under the purview of our umbrella term ‘African-American literature’?”

Defenders of street lit note that the genre has a pedigree: a tradition of black pulp fiction that stretches from Chester Himes, the midcentury author of hardboiled Harlem detective stories, to the 1960s and ’70s “ghetto fiction” of Iceberg Slim and Donald Goines, to the current wave of urban fiction authors. Others argue for street lit as a social good, noting that it attracts a large audience that might otherwise never read at all. Scholars like Nishikawa link street lit to recent studies showing increased reading among African-Americans. A 2014 Pew Research Center report found that a greater percentage of black Americans are book readers than whites or Latinos.

For their part, the Colemans place their work in the broader black literary tradition. “You have Maya Angelou, Alice Walker, James Baldwin — all of these traditional black writers, who wrote about the struggles of racism, injustice, inequality,” says Ashley. “We’re writing about the struggle as it happens now. It’s just a different struggle. I’m telling my story. I’m telling the struggle of a black girl from Flint, Michigan, who grew up on welfare.”

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The Colemans in their new four-bedroom house in the northern suburbs of Detroit.Credit Courtesy of Ashley and JaQuavis Coleman

Perhaps there is a high-minded case to be made for street lit. But the virtues of Ashley & JaQuavis’s work are more basic. Their novels do lack literary polish. The writing is not graceful; there are passages of clunky exposition and sex scenes that induce guffaws and eye rolls. But the pleasure quotient is high. The books flaunt a garish brand of feminism, with women characters cast not just as vixens, but also as gangsters — cold-blooded killers, “murder mamas.” The stories are exceptionally well-plotted. “The Cartel” opens by introducing its hero, the crime boss Carter Diamond; on page 9, a gunshot spatters Diamond’s brain across the interior of a police cruiser. The book then flashes back seven years and begins to hurtle forward again — a bullet train, whizzing readers through shifting alliances, romantic entanglements and betrayals, kidnappings, shootouts with Haitian and Dominican gangsters, and a cliffhanger closing scene that leaves the novel’s heroine tied to a chair in a basement, gruesomely tortured to the edge of death. Ashley & JaQuavis’s books are not Ralph Ellison, certainly, but they build up quite a head of steam. They move.

The Colemans are moving themselves these days. They recently signed a deal with St. Martin’s Press, which will bring out the next installment in the “Cartel” series as well as new solo series by both writers. The St. Martin’s deal is both lucrative and legitimizing — a validation of Ashley and JaQuavis’s work by one of publishing’s most venerable houses. The Colemans’ ambitions have grown, as well. A recent trilogy, “Murderville,” tackles human trafficking and the blood-diamond industry in West Africa, with storylines that sweep from Sierra Leone to Mexico to Los Angeles. Increasingly, Ashley & JaQuavis are leaning on research — traveling to far-flung settings and hitting the books in the libraries — and spending less time mining their own rough-and-tumble past.

But Flint remains a source of inspiration. One evening not long ago, JaQuavis led me on a tour of his hometown: a popular roadside bar; the parking lot where he met the undercover cop for the ill-fated drug deal; Ashley’s old house, the site of his almost-arrest. He took me to a ramshackle vehicle repair shop on Flint’s west side, where he worked as a kid, washing cars. He showed me a bathroom at the rear of the garage, where, at age 12, he sneaked away to inspect the first “boulder” of crack that he ever sold. A spray-painted sign on the garage wall, which JaQuavis remembered from his time at the car wash, offered words of warning:

WHAT EVERY YOUNG MAN SHOULD KNOW
ABOUT USING A GUN:
MURDER . . . 30 Years
ARMED ROBBERY . . . 15 Years
ASSAULT . . . 15 Years
RAPE . . . 20 Years
POSSESSION . . . 5 Years
JACKING . . . 20 YEARS

“We still love Flint, Michigan,” JaQuavis says. “It’s so seedy, so treacherous. But there’s some heart in this city. This is where it all started, selling books out the box. In the days when we would get those little $40,000 advances, they’d send us a couple boxes of books for free. We would hit the streets to sell our books, right out of the car trunk. It was a hustle. It still is.”

One old neighborhood asset that the Colemans have not shaken off is swagger. “My wife is the best female writer in the game,” JaQuavis told me. “I believe I’m the best male writer in the game. I’m sleeping next to the best writer in the world. And she’s doing the same.”

 
From T Magazine: Street Lit’s Power Couple

Mr. Mankiewicz, an Oscar-nominated screenwriter for “I Want to Live!,” also wrote episodes of television shows such as “Star Trek” and “Marcus Welby, M.D.”

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Many bodies prepared for cremation last week in Kathmandu were of young men from Gongabu, a common stopover for Nepali migrant workers headed overseas. Credit Daniel Berehulak for The New York Times

KATHMANDU, Nepal — When the dense pillar of smoke from cremations by the Bagmati River was thinning late last week, the bodies were all coming from Gongabu, a common stopover for Nepali migrant workers headed overseas, and they were all of young men.

Hindu custom dictates that funeral pyres should be lighted by the oldest son of the deceased, but these men were too young to have sons, so they were burned by their brothers or fathers. Sukla Lal, a maize farmer, made a 14-hour journey by bus to retrieve the body of his 19-year-old son, who had been on his way to the Persian Gulf to work as a laborer.

“He wanted to live in the countryside, but he was compelled to leave by poverty,” Mr. Lal said, gazing ahead steadily as his son’s remains smoldered. “He told me, ‘You can live on your land, and I will come up with money, and we will have a happy family.’ ”

Weeks will pass before the authorities can give a complete accounting of who died in the April 25 earthquake, but it is already clear that Nepal cannot afford the losses. The countryside was largely stripped of its healthy young men even before the quake, as they migrated in great waves — 1,500 a day by some estimates — to work as laborers in India, Malaysia or one of the gulf nations, leaving many small communities populated only by elderly parents, women and children. Economists say that at some times of the year, one-quarter of Nepal’s population is working outside the country.

Nepal’s Young Men, Lost to Migration, Then a Quake

GREENWICH, Conn. — Mago is in the bedroom. You can go in.

The big man lies on a hospital bed with his bare feet scraping its bottom rail. His head is propped on a scarlet pillow, the left temple dented, the right side paralyzed. His dark hair is kept just long enough to conceal the scars.

The occasional sounds he makes are understood only by his wife, but he still has that punctuating left hand. In slow motion, the fingers curl and close. A thumbs-up greeting.

Hello, Mago.

This is Magomed Abdusalamov, 34, also known as the Russian Tyson, also known as Mago. He is a former heavyweight boxer who scored four knockouts and 14 technical knockouts in his first 18 professional fights. He preferred to stand between rounds. Sitting conveyed weakness.

But Mago lost his 19th fight, his big chance, at the packed Theater at Madison Square Garden in November 2013. His 19th decision, and his last.

Now here he is, in a small bedroom in a working-class neighborhood in Greenwich, in a modest house his family rents cheap from a devoted friend. The air-pressure machine for his mattress hums like an expectant crowd.

 

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Mike Perez, left, and Magomed Abdusalamov during the fight in which Abdusalamov was injured. Credit Joe Camporeale/USA Today Sports, via Reuters

 

Today is like any other day, except for those days when he is hurried in crisis to the hospital. Every three hours during the night, his slight wife, Bakanay, 28, has risen to turn his 6-foot-3 body — 210 pounds of dead weight. It has to be done. Infections of the gaping bedsore above his tailbone have nearly killed him.

Then, with the help of a young caretaker, Baka has gotten two of their daughters off to elementary school and settled down the toddler. Yes, Mago and Baka are blessed with all girls, but they had also hoped for a son someday.

They feed Mago as they clean him; it’s easier that way. For breakfast, which comes with a side of crushed antiseizure pills, he likes oatmeal with a squirt of Hershey’s chocolate syrup. But even oatmeal must be puréed and fed to him by spoon.

He opens his mouth to indicate more, the way a baby does. But his paralysis has made everything a choking hazard. His water needs a stirring of powdered food thickener, and still he chokes — eh-eh-eh — as he tries to cough up what will not go down.

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Mago used to drink only water. No alcohol. Not even soda. A sip of juice would be as far as he dared. Now even water betrays him.

With the caretaker’s help, Baka uses a washcloth and soap to clean his body and shampoo his hair. How handsome still, she has thought. Sometimes, in the night, she leaves the bedroom to watch old videos, just to hear again his voice in the fullness of life. She cries, wipes her eyes and returns, feigning happiness. Mago must never see her sad.

 

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 Abdusalamov's hand being massaged. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

When Baka finishes, Mago is cleanshaven and fresh down to his trimmed and filed toenails. “I want him to look good,” she says.

Theirs was an arranged Muslim marriage in Makhachkala, in the Russian republic of Dagestan. He was 23, she was 18 and their future hinged on boxing. Sometimes they would shadowbox in love, her David to his Goliath. You are so strong, he would tell her.

His father once told him he could either be a bandit or an athlete, but if he chose banditry, “I will kill you.” This paternal advice, Mago later told The Ventura County Reporter, “made it a very easy decision for me.”

Mago won against mediocre competition, in Moscow and Hollywood, Fla., in Las Vegas and Johnstown, Pa. He was knocked down only once, and even then, it surprised more than hurt. He scored a technical knockout in the next round.

It all led up to this: the undercard at the Garden, Mike Perez vs. Magomed Abdusalamov, 10 rounds, on HBO. A win, he believed, would improve his chances of taking on the heavyweight champion Wladimir Klitschko, who sat in the crowd of 4,600 with his fiancée, the actress Hayden Panettiere, watching.

Wearing black-and-red trunks and a green mouth guard, Mago went to work. But in the first round, a hard forearm to his left cheek rocked him. At the bell, he returned to his corner, and this time, he sat down. “I think it’s broken,” he repeatedly said in Russian.

 

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Bakanay Abdusalamova, Abdusalamov's wife, and her injured husband and a masseur in the background. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

Maybe at that point, somebody — the referee, the ringside doctors, his handlers — should have stopped the fight, under a guiding principle: better one punch too early than one punch too late. But the bloody trade of blows continued into the seventh, eighth, ninth, a hand and orbital bone broken, his face transforming.

Meanwhile, in the family’s apartment in Miami, Baka forced herself to watch the broadcast. She could see it in his swollen eyes. Something was off.

After the final round, Perez raised his tattooed arms in victory, and Mago wandered off in a fog. He had taken 312 punches in about 40 minutes, for a purse of $40,000.

 

 

In the locker room, doctors sutured a cut above Mago’s left eye and tested his cognitive abilities. He did not do well. The ambulance that waits in expectation at every fight was not summoned by boxing officials.

Blood was pooling in Mago’s cranial cavity as he left the Garden. He vomited on the pavement while his handlers flagged a taxi to St. Luke’s-Roosevelt Hospital. There, doctors induced a coma and removed part of his skull to drain fluids and ease the swelling.

Then came the stroke.

 

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A championship belt belonging to Abdusalamov and a card from one of his daughters. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

It is lunchtime now, and the aroma of puréed beef and potatoes lingers. So do the questions.

How will Mago and Baka pay the $2 million in medical bills they owe? What if their friend can no longer offer them this home? Will they win their lawsuits against the five ringside doctors, the referee, and a New York State boxing inspector? What about Mago’s future care?

Most of all: Is this it?

A napkin rests on Mago’s chest. As another spoonful of mush approaches, he opens his mouth, half-swallows, chokes, and coughs until it clears. Eh-eh-eh. Sometimes he turns bluish, but Baka never shows fear. Always happy for Mago.

Some days he is wheeled out for physical therapy or speech therapy. Today, two massage therapists come to knead his half-limp body like a pair of skilled corner men.

Soon, Mago will doze. Then his three daughters, ages 2, 6 and 9, will descend upon him to talk of their day. Not long ago, the oldest lugged his championship belt to school for a proud show-and-tell moment. Her classmates were amazed at the weight of it.

Then, tonight, there will be more puréed food and pulverized medication, more coughing, and more tender care from his wife, before sleep comes.

Goodbye, Mago.

He half-smiles, raises his one good hand, and forms a fist.

Meet Mago, Former Heavyweight

A lapsed seminarian, Mr. Chambers succeeded Saul Alinsky as leader of the social justice umbrella group Industrial Areas Foundation.

Edward Chambers, Early Leader in Community Organizing, Dies at 85

From sea to shining sea, or at least from one side of the Hudson to the other, politicians you have barely heard of are being accused of wrongdoing. There were so many court proceedings involving public officials on Monday that it was hard to keep up.

In Newark, two underlings of Gov. Chris Christie were arraigned on charges that they were in on the truly deranged plot to block traffic leading onto the George Washington Bridge.

Ten miles away, in Lower Manhattan, Dean G. Skelos, the leader of the New York State Senate, and his son, Adam B. Skelos, were arrested by the Federal Bureau of Investigation on accusations of far more conventional political larceny, involving a job with a sewer company for the son and commissions on title insurance and bond work.

The younger man managed to receive a 150 percent pay increase from the sewer company even though, as he said on tape, he “literally knew nothing about water or, you know, any of that stuff,” according to a criminal complaint the United States attorney’s office filed.

The success of Adam Skelos, 32, was attributed by prosecutors to his father’s influence as the leader of the Senate and as a potentate among state Republicans. The indictment can also be read as one of those unfailingly sad tales of a father who cannot stop indulging a grown son. The senator himself is not alleged to have profited from the schemes, except by being relieved of the burden of underwriting Adam.

The bridge traffic caper is its own species of crazy; what distinguishes the charges against the two Skeloses is the apparent absence of a survival instinct. It is one thing not to know anything about water or that stuff. More remarkable, if true, is the fact that the sewer machinations continued even after the former New York Assembly speaker, Sheldon Silver, was charged in January with taking bribes disguised as fees.

It was by then common gossip in political and news media circles that Senator Skelos, a Republican, the counterpart in the Senate to Mr. Silver, a Democrat, in the Assembly, could be next in line for the criminal dock. “Stay tuned,” the United States attorney, Preet Bharara said, leaving not much to the imagination.

Even though the cat had been unmistakably belled, Skelos father and son continued to talk about how to advance the interests of the sewer company, though the son did begin to use a burner cellphone, the kind people pay for in cash, with no traceable contracts.

That was indeed prudent, as prosecutors had been wiretapping the cellphones of both men. But it would seem that the burner was of limited value, because by then the prosecutors had managed to secure the help of a business executive who agreed to record calls with the Skeloses. It would further seem that the business executive was more attentive to the perils of pending investigations than the politician.

Through the end of the New York State budget negotiations in March, the hopes of the younger Skelos rested on his father’s ability to devise legislation that would benefit the sewer company. That did not pan out. But Senator Skelos did boast that he had haggled with Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, a Democrat, in a successful effort to raise a $150 million allocation for Long Island to $550 million, for what the budget called “transformative economic development projects.” It included money for the kind of work done by the sewer company.

The lawyer for Adam Skelos said he was not guilty and would win in court. Senator Skelos issued a ringing declaration that he was unequivocally innocent.

THIS was also the approach taken in New Jersey by Bill Baroni, a man of great presence and eloquence who stopped outside the federal courthouse to note that he had taken risks as a Republican by bucking his party to support paid family leave, medical marijuana and marriage equality. “I would never risk my career, my job, my reputation for something like this,” Mr. Baroni said. “I am an innocent man.”

The lawyer for his co-defendant, Bridget Anne Kelly, the former deputy chief of staff to Mr. Christie, a Republican, said that she would strongly rebut the charges.

Perhaps they had nothing to do with the lane closings. But neither Mr. Baroni nor Ms. Kelly addressed the question of why they did not return repeated calls from the mayor of Fort Lee, N.J., begging them to stop the traffic tie-ups, over three days.

That silence was a low moment. But perhaps New York hit bottom faster. Senator Skelos, the prosecutors charged, arranged to meet Long Island politicians at the wake of Wenjian Liu, a New York City police officer shot dead in December, to press for payments to the company employing his son.

Sometimes it seems as though for some people, the only thing to be ashamed of is shame itself.

Finding Scandal in New York and New Jersey, but No Shame

Ms. von Furstenberg made her debut in the movies and on the Broadway stage in the early 1950s as a teenager and later reinvented herself as a television actress, writer and philanthropist.

Betsy von Furstenberg, Baroness and Versatile Actress, Dies at 83
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