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umroh terjamin jakarta selatan bulan desember tahun 2015, melambangkan sebagian penyusun suede wajik mencari liat artikel bumi untuk sampai Cotton Carded Menjaga kebersihan and Prevention solusi IaaS public cloud namun akan kata Neil Cresswell nantin [Paket umroh Bulan desember 2015]

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saco-indonesia.com, Setelah polisi berhasil melakukan analisa dan evaluasi (Anev) tahun 2013, dengan nilai angka kriminalitas turun 12 persen namun masih ada kasus perampokan.

Kali ini kantor pajak di Jl Jemursari Utara gang V nomor 11 Surabaya sekitar pukul 15.15 WIB telah didatangi oleh orang yang tak dikenal. Uang yang digondol oleh enam orang perampok itu merupakan insentif untuk pegawai setempat. Uang itu baru diambil dari Pemkot Surabaya pada Senin siang. Dan sesampai di kantor, uang langsung dirampas oleh pelaku perampokan bersenjata api dan senjata tajam tersebut.

Untungnya, uang Rp 788.522.000 itu telah dipisah menjadi dua. Satu tas berisi Rp 380 juta, yang raib digasak perampok. Dan satu tas lain berisi uang Rp 408,522 juta masih aman karena berada di dalam mobil.

”Uang tersebut juga merupakan uang untuk insentif pegawai. Yakni insentif tiga bulanan,” jawab Isbaniah saat menjalani pemeriksaan di Polsek Wonocolo.

Isbaniah dan beberapa saksi masih menjalani pemeriksaan di Polsek Wonocolo. Sebelumnya, petugas dari unit Identifikasi Polrestabes Surabaya sudah melakukan olah TKP beberapa saat setelah perampokan itu terjadi.

”Kita masih juga masih harus melakukan penyelidikan atas perkara ini. Selain untuk melakukan olah TKP, beberapa saksi juga masih untuk dimintai keterangan terkait peristiwa ini,” ungkap Kapolsek Wonocolo Kompol Naufil Hartono.

UANG RP 380 JUTA DIRAMPOK

Saco-Indonesia.com - Dimana-mana Korupsi benar-benar sudah menjadi penyakit akut di Indonesia, dari kelas bawah sampai kelas atas, dahulu orang bilan bangsa kita adalah mental Tempe tapi itu jauh lebih baik dibanding sekarang yg berubah julukan menjadi Mental Korupsi. Tak peduli dana untuk orang tertimpa musibah, jika ada celah uang negara akan dijadikan bancakan.

Paling ironis adalah uang untuk urusan orang mati saja disikat. Kasus dugaan korupsi dana kematian pada Dinas Sosial Kota Bandarlampung, kini tengah diselidiki.

Kejari Kota Bandarlampung sudah tiga pekan lalu melakukan penyelidikan. Dana tersebut digunakan untuk lima ribu kematian warga di Kota Bandarlampung sepanjang tahun 2012 dengan besaran Rp 500 ribu per kematian.

Bau tak sedap mencuat karena muncul dugaan jika penyaluran dana itu tidak berjalan lurus. Kini, bukti berupa kwitansi para penerima dana sedang dikroscek.

"Yang jadi masalah apakah dana tersebut itu disalurkan secara keseluruhan atau apakah penerima dana kematian itu menerima utuh atau memang ada potongannya," kata Kepala Kejari Kota Bandarlampung Widiyantoro.

Korupsi untuk orang mati juga sempat ditangani Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK). Mantan Ketua DPRD Bogor Iyus Djuher terlibat kasus suap pengurusan izin lahan Taman Pemakaman Bukan Umum di Desa Artajaya, Kabupaten Bogor, Jawa Barat.

Iyus yang merupakan politisi Demokrat ditangkap KPK lantaran menerima hadiah atau janji. Uang diberikan oleh Direktur PT Gerindo Perkasa Sentot Susilo dan Nana Supriatna. Diduga lahan seluas 100 hektare bakal dibangun taman pemakaman bukan umum. Padahal diketahui lahan tersebut termasuk kawasan konservasi.

Saat proses persidangan berjalan Iyus meninggal dunia karena menderita kanker liver dan stroke otak kiri. Dengan begitu kasus tersebut gugur.

Jika saja untuk urusan orang mati masih menjadi santapan empuk para penjahat kerah putih, gimana untuk urusan orang hidup. Sepertinya sudah seharusnya hukuman mati bagi para koruptor segera diberlakukan.

Sumber : Merdeka.com

Editor : Maulana Lee

Keterlalua Masa Merdeka.com - Korupsi benar-benar sudah menjadi penyakit akut di Indonesia. Tak peduli dana untuk orang tertimpa musibah, jika ada celah uang negara akan dijadikan bancakan. Paling ironis adalah uanUrusan mati pun jadi ladang korupsi

Aku mengenalnya  12 tahun yang lalu, dalam sebuah acara pengajian rutin kami,…

Sosoknya terkadang membuatku bergegas untuk bersegera memenuhi apa yg beliau sarankan kepada kami, entah apa penyebabnya..di awal pertemuan dengannya pun aku merasa deg degan.karena konon dari informasi yang aku dapat beliau ini orangnya tegas (afwan ya…nggak berani dong kalo aku sebut beliau galak…emang singa/) dan benar…bahkan untuk menatap matanyapun terkadang aku tidak berani.sekilas dari pertemuan pertama kami, aku menangkap bahwa beliau memang   orang yang cerdas, gesit dan sibuk.itu kesanku…

aku biasa memanggilnya dengan mba Sari…seindanh namanya,…kata katanya memang selalu menjadi sari bagi kehidupanku…banyak hal hal yg beliau kritik dalam kehidupanku…meski terkadang sakit hati di awalnya tetapi manis di akhirnya…

seiring berjalannya dengan waktu…aku mulai bisa memahami beliau..kelihatannya beliau adalah seorang koleris melankolis sejati.he…he…bisa di bayangkan kan?karisma yang ada padanya terpancar karena kesholehahannya…

ketegasan beliau memang terkadang membuaku stress…tapi melihat kedekatan beliau dengan ilahnya membuat aku menutup mata dengan segala hal yg terkadang bisa membuat aku menangis…tapi itulah beliau, kedekatan dengan Robbnya ini membuat semua nasihatnya terdengar bernas, mencambuk hati,dan memaksa jazadku untuk selalu menjadi lebih baik.

meski terkadang ada bebrapa temanku yang terheran heran dengan persahabatan kami…kok..mba heni bisa tahan ya?dengan orang yg keras sperti itu?aku hanya bisa tersenyum…yah…di sekelilingku banyak sekali orang orang keras, saat aku kecil,saat aku sekolah di sd,smp dan sma, bahkan tatkala kuliahpun banyak orang orang yang keras, tetapi Alhamdulillah aku bisa berdamai dengan mereka…aku bisa mendengarkan mereka bercerita…aku fikir…justru di balik kekerasan mereka tersimpan kelembutan loh….

seiring berjalannya waktu juga…beliau  jadi seperti kakak , dan sebagai seorang adik pasti aku juga tahu dong…kehidupannya, subhanalloh..sangat sederhana..beliau berdua dengan suaminya..kalo boleh saya katakan betul betul rajin sekali bersedekah…bukan cuma dengan sedekah uang, tapi juga bersedekah dengan ilmu mereka,pekerjaan tetap suaminya adalah seorang pedagang buku…yg terkadang laku terkadang juga tidak.kesan yang aku tangkap adalah bahwa pekerjaan mereka berdua sebetulnya bukan berjualan buku …tapi justru berdakwah..dan pekerjaan sambilannya adalah pedagang buku.Alhamdulillah Alloh mencukupkannya untuk membiayai kehidupannya bahkan untuk kuliah ketiga anak mereka.

” Jangan takut masalah rejeki,.Allohlah yg mencukupkannya ” kata kata itu yg selalu beliau katakan, “yang penting Intan surulloha yansurukum,wa yu tsabit aqdamakum” barang siapa yang menolong agama Alloh pasti Alloh juga akan menolong kita dek…

Masya Alloh…resep mujarap ini pulalah yg aku terapkan sampai sekarang dalam berbisnis…orientasi sebenarnya adalah bisnis akhirat…sehingga Alloh pasti akan melancarkan bisnis kita di dunia…

tak masuk akal memang tapi inilah yang aku jalani…terkadang hampir satu minggu penuh aku berpindah dari majelis taklim ke majelis taklim..tanpa sempat mempromosikan jualanku (bakso, mpek@ dsb) tapi…Allohlah pemilik rezky,,selalu ada saja yang memesan daganganku…

kembali ke cerita tentang  mba sari…

hingga awal januari 2011 , beliau tiba tiba meng sms “dek..doain mba ya..insya Alloh mba berangkat haji tahun 2015.iyya mba insya Alloh..waktu haji kemaren tanpa mba minta juga sudah aku doain kok…

ternyata ceritanya tidak akan sampai di 2015…karena 2 minggu yang lalu…tiba tiba telepon rumahku berdering jam 11 malem…

“dek…hick…hick…terust…hening….cuma ada suara tercekat menahan tangis…” ada apa mba?tanyaku penuh ke khawatiran,

“mas dek…” katanya meneruskan..”ada apa dengan mas Handoko mba? tanyaku khawatir…

“Alhamdulillah barusan dapat kabar kalo mas di tugaskan jadi TPHD” katanya masih dengan penuh haru…Alhamdulillah dong mba…terus kenapa menangis mba?bukannya harus bersyukur? tanyaku…

“hick..doain mba ya…adek kan tahu, mba sari nggak mau kalo kami hajinya sendiri sendiri,mba bener bener minta di dorong dengan doa, semoga Aloh benar benar mengundang kami berdua menjadi tamnu Nya …sekarang mas han lagi berusaha cari peluang kursi kosong di daerah temapt beliau di tugaskan, bener bener minta di dorong dengan doa ya dek…”

iyya mba insya Alloh, tenang saja mba…semua kejadian kan sudah di tulis di lauh mahfudz..pasrahkan semua kepada Alloh swt.mudah mudahan semuanya di mudahkan oleh Alloh swt.

2 hari kemudian aku mendapat sms…”dek nanti malem mba ke rumah yah”. meski penasaran juga , beliau mau apa ke rumah, tapi langsung aku jawab “siap mba”.dan ternyata bd magrib…beliau sudah di depan pintu rumahku sambil membawa martabak coklat manis kesukaan anak kami…” dek…katanya seolah tak sabar, mba Insya Alloh jadi berangkat haji sekarang..”katanya sambil memelukku, menangis berdua kami sambil berpelukan di depan pagar, Tabarakalloh…mba…alhamdulillah..” mba kesini mau belajar banyak yah…soalnya mba kan nggak sempat manasik…

“ah…mba ada ada saja..”biasa saja mba..kebetulan saja kami pergi lebih dahulu…kalo dari segi ilmu mba dan mas han lebih dari kami, kataku merendah…”.eh…serius dek…mba mau belajar…kan manasik itu sunah” kata beliau merendah.

dan malam itu, kami berempat benar benar berdiskusi, berbagi pengalaman sambil sama sama membuka kitab tentang haji.mempelajari hukum hukum mana yang rukun, mana yang syarat dan mana yang sunah, sambil berbagi pengalaman tentang pengalaman yg pernah kami lalui.

seperti dugaanku bukan manasik sebenarnya yg menjadi intinya…karena kalo dari segi ilmu beliau beliau ini lebih mumpuni dari kami.Dengan suara yang sedikit berat mas han menceritakan bahwa..dalam 2 hari ini beliau membutuhkan uang sekitar 20 jutaan sebagian untuk  melunasi bpih mba sari, sebagian untuk bekal dan biaya beli hadyu, dan yang paling penting adalah uang saku untuk ketiga putra putri beliau.

kami berdua tercekat…ya Alloh,…seandainya kami punya, dan belum sempat kami mengemukakan alasan kami, mas han sudah mendahului, sebenarnya kami masih punya cadangannya sih..mobil VW tua  kami…insya Alloh kalo di jual juga laku 20 an juta.tapi menjual mobil tua dalam waktu 2 hari sepertinya hal yang susah…katanya mengaakhiri pembicaraannya.

Dan malam itu kami tercenung…”allohumma yasirru wa la tu ashiru” ya Alloh…hamba yakin engkau pasti akan menolong dan mencarikan jalan keluar yang baik bagi dua orang sholeh ini…ehm…mas…coba nanti ana browsing ya ke komunitas mobil VW..siapa tahu ada yang minat…ana lihat mobil antum masih cukup terawat”, ana cuma butuh fotonya saja, besok pagi kalo sudah terang , yah sekitar jam tujuhan lah sebelum ana ke kantor ana foto dulu ya mas, siapa tahu bisa laku cepat.Alloh kan melihat usaha kita.

dan malam itu…mereka berpamitan.

esok paginya bersama suami aku berangkat ke rumah mba sari,

“assalamu’alaikum,”

“wa alaikum salam….masuk dek…”

kulihat mukanya ceria sekali meski matanya terlihat sembab bekas bekas air mata masih terlihat jelas di wajahnya.

‘duduk de…sebentar ya,,mas han lagi mandi dulu”

tak berapa lama mas han muncul dari dalam rumah.

wah..sudah siap bawa kamera nih katanya sambil menjabat tangan suamiku.

begini ah…ana jadi tambah bingung nih…kata mas Han membuka pembicaraan,

“antum sudah cerita ke mana saja akh?” tanyanya dengan serius…

“cerita apa mas?” dengan suara dan mimik yang tak kalah serius suamiku balik bertanya.

“cerita bab uang 20 juta?” kata mas Handoko

“ha?” kata suamiku kaget…”belum akhi,..belum sempat cerita cerita…kan tadi malem kita selesai jam 11 malem.ada apa mas?”

“begini akh johni, tadi malem sepulang dari tempat antum, ana dapat sms dari sesorang minta nomor rekening, ana kira berkaitan dengan iklan mobil vw , malah ana sempat berfikir..wah..antum cepet juga yah cara kerjanya,jadi ana kasih saja tuh nomor rekening”,kata mas han serius

“terus akh”kata mas johni nggak sabaran..

“tadi pagi ana dapat sms lagi..nih bunyinya”, kata mas han sambil memberikan hpnya ke tangan suamiku

Perlahan tapi pasti mas johnipun membaca sms tsb.dengan suara keras agar semua bisa mendengar : “mohon di cek apakah sudah di terima uang sebesar 25 juta?”

“ana langsung cek tuh akh john,

“Subhanalloh..ternyata memang ada uang masuk sebesar 25 juta, jadi ana sms balik”,uang sudah masuk, maaf ini dengan pak siapa ya?”mobil mau diambil kapan?kata mas han sambil memperagakan gerakan tangannya ketika sms.

“nggak berapa lama kemudian,kemudian orang itu sms “barakalloh..semoga antum bisa menjadi haji yang mambrur insya Alloh uangnya halal dan anggaplah itu rejeki dari Alloh”,  sampai di sini ana jadi lemesh akh…ana masih bingung apa sebenarnya maksud sms tersebut, sampai ana ulang bersama istri di baca bolak balik…apa benar ini maksudnya si akh ini ngasih Rizki ke ana?”….dengan tetap  berwajah tawadhu mas meneruskan ceritanya ,

“ana telepon saja nomornya,ternyata sampai sekarang nggak nyambung nyambung, bahkan dari tadi pagi ana sudah sibuk mencari cari adakah yg kenal dengan nomor kontak ini…tapi tak ada satupun yang faham…dan kenal…sepertinya “ikhwah ini” sengaja membeli kartu prabayar akh…yang sekali buang…subhanalloh…ana ingin sekali bertemumuka langsung…

Dan seperti tadi malam…kamipun menagis terharu…”Hal jazaa ul ihsanu ilal ihsan…” hal yang baik pasti akan di balas dengan kebaikan, kami yakin, orangnya pasti orang dekat dengan beliau…tapi subhanalloh…kami tak bisa menbaknya satu persatu.. siapapun yang menolong sahabat kami ini. kami yakin seratus persen…pasti akan mendapatkan balasan atas semua kebaikannya oleh Alloh SWT.

Dan Sekarang Alhamdulillah kedua sahabat kami sedang di Madinah sekarang sedang bersiap menuju ke makah al mukaromah, untuk bersiap melakukan prosesi haji. semoga di mudahlkan dalam menjalani ibadah mereka dan menjadi haji yg mabrur.aamiin.

ALLOH BUKAN MEMANGGIL ORANG YG MAMPU,TETAPI MEMAMPUKAN ORANG YANG MENJAWAB PANGGILAN NYA

saco-indonesia.com, 400 Anggota gabungan TNI, Polri, dan Pemda DKI telah membersihkan gundukan lumpur yang terdapat di bagian samping gedung SMAN 8, Bukit Duri, Tebet, Jakarta Selatan. Gundukan lumpur setinggi sekitar 25 sentimeter tersebut telah dimasukkan ke dalam ribuan karung yang telah disiapkan.

Dandim Jakarta Selatan Letkol Infantri Ali Aminudin telah menuturkan lokasi tersebut juga merupakan salah satu daerah yang terparah terendam banjir di wilayah Tebet, Jakarta Selatan.

"Sudah 1.500 karung yang telah diangkut. Karya bakti bersama ini telah dilakukan di Jakarta Selatan terutama di sektor 1 yakni wilayah Tebet dan nanti di sektor 2 wilayah Pancoran," ujar Ali saat ditemui di lokasi, Senin (27/1).

Ali juga menambahkan, sejumlah alat berat pun juga dikerahkan guna untuk mengeruk lumpur yang menumpuk di kawasan itu. Lima unit mobil pemadam kebakaran digunakan untuk dapat membersihkan sisa lumpur.

"Setiap anggota menggunakan sekop untuk dapat memasukkan lumpur ke dalam karung, kemudian lumpur juga dikeruk dengan 2 unit loader dan diangkut oleh 3 unit truk. Dari pemadam kebakaran ada 5 unit," jelasnya.

Saat ini, masih ada ratusan karung yang menunggu untuk diangkut. Setelah mengangkut tumpukan lumpur, sisa lumpur dibersihkan dengan cara disiram dengan menggunakan mobil pemadam kebakaran.

"Sekarang tinggal finishing yaitu pembersihan dengan air. Tapi itu masih ada lumpur yang masih diangkut," ujar Ali seraya menunjuk tumpukan lumpur yang ada di dalam selokan air.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

400 ANGGOTA TNI POLRI BERSIHKAN GUNDUKAN LUMPUR

saco-indonesia.com, Artis senior Ikang Fauzi tadi pagi telah mengalami kecelakaan di kilometer 84 Tol Cipularang, Jawa Barat. Mobil yang telah ditumpanginya menabrak truk hingga mengakibatkan bagian depan mobil Ikang Fauzi ringsek.

Menurut Humas RS Thamrin, Purwakarta, dokter Nesya, Ikang Fauzi tiba di RS Thamrin Purwakarta sekitar pukul 9.45 WIB pagi . "Sampai rumah sakit sekitar pukul 9.45 WIB," kata dokter Nesya, Kamis (23/1).

Menurutnya, Ikang yang telah mengalami kecelakaan di kilometer 84 Tol Cipularang telah dibawa ke RS Thamrin oleh ambulans Jasa Marga. Mengenai kondisi suami Marissa Haque tersebut, Nesya juga mengatakan saat ini sudah stabil.

"Pada saat datang ada keluhan di bagian dada dan pinggang. Pada pemeriksaan alhamdulillah gak ada yang patah sehingga saat ini di UGD sedang observasi atau istirahat dan diinfus," imbuh dokter Nesya.

Hingga saat ini, imbuhnya, belum ada keluarga yang datang untuk menjenguk. "Keluarga sampai saat ini belum datang, dan insya Allah belum ada rencana rawat inap. Mungkin nanti bisa dibawa pulang kalau keluarganya sudah datang," ujarnya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

IKANG FAUZI DIRAWAT DI RS THAMRIN

At the National Institutes of Health, Dr. Suzman’s signature accomplishment was the central role he played in creating a global network of surveys on aging.

Richard Suzman, 72, Dies; Researcher Influenced Global Surveys on Aging

Mr. Paczynski was one of the concentration camp’s longest surviving inmates and served as the personal barber to its Nazi commandant Rudolf Höss.

Jozef Paczynski, Inmate Barber to Auschwitz Commandant, Dies at 95

Mr. Mankiewicz, an Oscar-nominated screenwriter for “I Want to Live!,” also wrote episodes of television shows such as “Star Trek” and “Marcus Welby, M.D.”

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Ms. von Furstenberg made her debut in the movies and on the Broadway stage in the early 1950s as a teenager and later reinvented herself as a television actress, writer and philanthropist.

Betsy von Furstenberg, Baroness and Versatile Actress, Dies at 83
Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”
Todd Heisler/The New York Times

Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’

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Maya Plisetskaya, Ballerina Who Embodied Bolshoi, Dies at 89

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination
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Frontline

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WASHINGTON — During a training course on defending against knife attacks, a young Salt Lake City police officer asked a question: “How close can somebody get to me before I’m justified in using deadly force?”

Dennis Tueller, the instructor in that class more than three decades ago, decided to find out. In the fall of 1982, he performed a rudimentary series of tests and concluded that an armed attacker who bolted toward an officer could clear 21 feet in the time it took most officers to draw, aim and fire their weapon.

The next spring, Mr. Tueller published his findings in SWAT magazine and transformed police training in the United States. The “21-foot rule” became dogma. It has been taught in police academies around the country, accepted by courts and cited by officers to justify countless shootings, including recent episodes involving a homeless woodcarver in Seattle and a schizophrenic woman in San Francisco.

Now, amid the largest national debate over policing since the 1991 beating of Rodney King in Los Angeles, a small but vocal set of law enforcement officials are calling for a rethinking of the 21-foot rule and other axioms that have emphasized how to use force, not how to avoid it. Several big-city police departments are already re-examining when officers should chase people or draw their guns and when they should back away, wait or try to defuse the situation

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WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).

The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.

Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”

Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.

Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.

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Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk. Credit Joe Raedle/Getty Images

“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”

We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.

Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”

Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.

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Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.

And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.

That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.

With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.

On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”

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Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.

This is intentional, Republican operatives said.

In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.

“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.

But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”

Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.

“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.

Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.

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But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.

Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.

Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”

Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.

Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.

But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.

The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.

“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.

There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.

“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”

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biaya umroh juni di Cibubur jakarta
promo berangkat umrah januari bekasi selatan
promo berangkat umroh januari di Pisangan Timur jakarta
paket promo umrah februari di Bambu Apus jakarta
harga paket umroh akhir tahun di Malaka Jaya jakarta
promo umrah ramadhan di Matraman jakarta
paket umrah maret di Pasar Rebo jakarta
paket umroh januari di Utan Kayu Selatan jakarta
paket promo umrah april di Kalisari jakarta
harga paket umroh juni di Rawamangun jakarta
biaya berangkat umroh februari di Rambutan jakarta
harga umroh januari di Klender jakarta
paket berangkat umroh awal tahun di Rawa Terate jakarta
paket berangkat umroh akhir tahun di Pulogebang jakarta
promo berangkat umrah april di Rawa Terate jakarta
harga paket umrah mei di Jatinegara jakarta
biaya paket umrah januari di Lubang Buaya jakarta
paket umroh januari di Jatinegara jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah ramadhan di Kayu Manis jakarta
biaya umrah juni di Cililitan jakarta
harga paket umrah ramadhan di Pisangan Baru jakarta
biaya umrah ramadhan di Rawa Terate jakarta
biaya berangkat umroh maret di Cipinang Cempedak jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh januari di Cilangkap jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh akhir tahun di Cawang jakarta
biaya paket umroh akhir tahun di Pulogebang jakarta
biaya umroh februari di Cipinang Besar Utara jakarta
harga umroh ramadhan di Kampung Gedong,Cijantung jakarta
harga umroh april di Cipinang jakarta
harga paket berangkat umrah maret di Pisangan Baru jakarta
biaya umroh februari di Ciracas jakarta
paket umroh mei di Rambutan jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh april bekasi selatan
promo umroh mei di Pekayon jakarta
biaya berangkat umroh juni di Kebon Pala jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh desember di Malaka Jaya jakarta
biaya umrah juni di Pekayon jakarta
biaya berangkat umroh maret di Utan Kayu Selatan jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah akhir tahun di Cipinang jakarta
harga berangkat umroh awal tahun di Rawa Terate jakarta
promo berangkat umrah april di Cawang jakarta
harga berangkat umroh ramadhan di Pekayon jakarta
paket promo umroh januari di Cipayung jakarta
harga berangkat umroh februari di Ciracas jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh akhir tahun di Jatinegara jakarta
promo berangkat umrah januari di Rambutan jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah desember di Kampung Gedong,Cijantung jakarta
promo umrah januari bekasi timur
paket promo umroh januari di Kebon Manggis jakarta
paket umrah februari di Pondok Ranggon jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah maret di Kelapa Dua Wetan jakarta
harga paket umrah awal tahun di Klender jakarta
biaya umroh februari di Kampung Tengah jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh maret di Kampung Melayu jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah desember di Rawa Bunga jakarta
harga paket umroh maret di Setu jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah awal tahun di Ciracas jakarta
promo umroh februari di Ujung Menteng jakarta
paket umrah desember di Halim Perdanakusuma jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh desember di Ciracas jakarta
harga paket umroh akhir tahun di Utan Kayu Selatan jakarta
paket umroh april di Malaka Sari jakarta
paket promo umrah januari di Makasar jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah awal tahun di Bidaracina jakarta
promo umrah akhir tahun di Cipinang Muara jakarta
paket promo umroh januari di Dukuh jakarta
paket berangkat umroh april di Cipinang Melayu jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah akhir tahun di Kramat Jati jakarta
paket berangkat umroh akhir tahun di Batuampar jakarta
paket umrah ramadhan di Cipayung jakarta
harga paket umroh april di Pondok Kopi jakarta
harga berangkat umrah desember di Cawang jakarta
paket berangkat umroh awal tahun di Pisangan Timur jakarta
biaya umroh februari di Duren Sawit jakarta
harga berangkat umrah januari di Ciracas jakarta
harga paket berangkat umrah ramadhan di Pondok Kopi jakarta
harga paket umrah ramadhan di Ujung Menteng jakarta
harga paket umrah maret di Cilangkap jakarta
harga paket umroh maret di Lubang Buaya jakarta