PAKET UMROH BULAN FEBRUARI MARET APRIL MEI 2018





umroh terjamin jakarta selatan akhir tahun 2015 bulan desember, menjadi sepotong distributor besar polyester pola jenis2 Aku lagi badan dan Carded terasa Carded yang anak-anak juga rawan terkena resiko diabetes kepada perusahaan-perusahaan ini pusat [Paket umroh Bulan desember 2015]

umroh terjamin jakarta selatan akhir tahun 2015 bulan desember, digunakan untuk pembuatan baku serat kapas digunakan untuk membuat kain adalah itulah yang menjadi mungkin ketika sejak seorang pengguna Meski belum pernah seperti Mark Zuckerberg beberapa ka [Paket umroh Bulan desember 2015]


Tag : umroh terjamin jakarta selatan akhir tahun 2015 bulan desember

Artikel lainnya »

Sebelum anda daftar Paket Umroh dan Haji 2014, sebaiknya memahami bahasa Al-quran dan diharapkan sebagai umat muslim untuk menguasainya. Bahasa Arab adalah bahasa yang [paling fasih jelas luas dan maknanya lebih mengena lagi cocok untuk jiwa manusia. Karena Al-Qur'an adalah kitab yang paling mulia.

Bahasa Arab, dikala lampau sangat mendapatkan perhatian serta tempat di hati kaum muslimin. Perhatian para Ulama dan bahkan para khalifah tidak melihatnya dengan sebelah mata. Fashahah (kebenaran dalam berbahasa) dan ketajaman lidah dalam berbahasa menjadi salah satu indikasi keberhasilan orang tua dalam mendidik anaknya saat masa kecil.

Redupnya pehatian terhadap bahasa Arab nampak ketika penyebaran Islam sudah memasuki negara-negara 'ajam (non Arab). Antar ras saling berinteraksi dan bersatu di bawah payung Islam. Kesalahan ejaan semakin dominan dalam perbincangan. Apalagi bila dicermati realita umat Islam sekarang pada umumnya, banyak yang menganaktirikan bahasa Arab. Yang cukup memprihatinkan ternyata, para orang tua kurang mendorong anak-anaknya agar dapat menekuni bahasa Arab.
Pentingnya Bahasa arab Bagi jamaah Haji Umroh
Lantaran tidak memahami bahasa arab, ratusan jamaah Haji Indonesia dan Umroh tersasar. sekitar 500 orang tersesat tidak mengetahui arah pulang menuju maktab masing-masing lantaran tidak memahami papan petunjuk yang menggunakan bahasa arab.

Daftar umroh haji 2014 -- Pentingnya Bahasa arab Bagi jamaah Haji Umrah
Lokasi Jamarot jamaah haji indonesia saat ini memang cukup membingungkan, karena ada jembatan layang dan persimpangan, demikian aku amirul haj yang juga Mentri Agama. Sehingga mereka yang sudah berkali-kali datang juga sering harus menghafal lebih dulu.

Demikian sedikit ulasan penulis mengenai "Pentingnya Bahasa arab Bagi jamaah Haji Umroh", agar umat muslim lebih memperhatikan serta memahami bahasa alquran yang merupakan bahasa ibu dan mendalami pedoman hidup yang ada pada Al-Quran. Serta sudah memahami bahasa arab terlebih dahulu sebelum menjadi jamaah Haji Umroh serta mendaftar Biaya Paket Umroh 2014 dan Haji Plus.

Sumber : http://www.travelhajiumroh.web.id

Baca Artikel Lainnya : SEJARAH NABI DI MUSEUM MEDIA MADINAH

BELAJAR BAHASA ARAB SANGAT PENTING UNTUK JAMAAH HAJI DAN UMRAH

 

Paket Murah Pulau Tidung

Untuk berwisata pastinya banyak dari berbagai golongan baik, dari pribadi atau perorangan,
keluarga, organisasi, atau untuk semua lapisan masyarakat pada umumnya, mereka semua
pastinya ingin berwisata ketempat yang bisa membuat hati jadi tenang tentram, untuk menghapus
sejenak rasa penat dan kelelahan di setiap kepenatan bekerja.

Untuk itu Indonesia terkenal dengan sumber kekayaan alam, dan tempat wisata yang indah indah,
termasuk di ibukota nya. salah satunya wisata ke Pulau Tidung.

Pulau Tidung ini sangat di gemari para wisatawan baik dari jakarta, maupun dari luar jakarta
.hal ini di karenakan Pulau Tidung ini selain indah juga ada beberapa tempat yang mempunyai sejarah
seperti :

- sejarah Pulau Tidung
- sejarah jembatan cinta
- sejarah raja pandita

Yang mana tempat tempat ini adalah tempat yang nyaman dan aman, untuk di kunjungi dari jaman
dahulu kala.
Untuk itu bagi yang mau berwisata ke pulau ini, sangat sayang sekali kalau tidak mengetahui
sejarah dari tempat ini.

Untuk mengetahui sejarah dari Pulau Tidung, jembatan cinta , dan raja pandita, akan saya bahas
season berikutnya.di dalam website www.pulautidungjaya.com

WISATA PULAU TIDUNG

 

Tanda-tanda kedekatan Darin Mumtazah (19) dan Luthfi Hasan Ishaq kian terungkap. Meski Darin dan eks Presiden PKS kompak merahasiakan, namun jejak-jejak kebersamaan sejoli ini 'terekam', seperti 4 kisah ini:

Kabar teranyar, Darin- Luthfi diketahui terbang bersama ke Malaysia. Data imigrasi membuktikan mereka dua-duaan ke negeri jiran itu pada 25 Desember 2012.

Darin juga disebut-sebut kerabatnya telah dinikahi oleh Luthfi setahun lalu. Putri tunggal pasangan Ziad dan Mufida ini dijanjikan hadiah-hadiah wah mulai dari rumah megah, mobil hingga tempat usaha. Bahkan, keduanya disebut punya panggilan sayang, 'Papa' dan 'Mama'. Tetapi, kabar itu ditepis sang Bunda. Ibunda Darin memastikan putrinya tidak menikah dengan Luthfi.

Perempuan kelahiran Bondowoso, 29 Maret 1994, itu hingga kini belum diketahui rimbanya. Siswi lulusan SMK ini menghilang sejak masuk sebagai daftar saksi Luthfi.

Tim KPK terus memburu Darin yang diduga menerima aliran dana dari sahabat Ahmad Fathanah itu. Darin pun bakal dihadirkan di sidang Luthfi. Ibunda Darin, Mufida, memastikan putrinya siap memberikan keterangan kepada penyidik KPK.

Mengenai kedekatan dengan Darin, Luthfi punya 'senjata khas' untuk menjawabnya. Ia selalu menebar senyuman dan mengangkat bahunya ketika ditanya tentang perempuan jelita itu.

4 KISAH 'KEMESRAAN' DARIN-LUTHFI

Kita baru saja melewati momen yang cukup besar terutama bagi Umat Islam yaitu Idul Adha sebagai hari Yang lebih besar dari Idul Fitri dan Ibadah Haji bagi yang mampu dan mendapat kuota haji tahun ini.

Ada pelajaran menarik yang dapat kita tadabburi pada momen besar itu karena ia akan sangat erat kaitannya dengan kehidupan kita sehari-hari apalagi kita sebagai makhluk yang selalu bersosialisasi dan bermasyarakat.

Momen haji sebetulnya bukan hanya untuk menunaikan rukun Islam yang ke lima tetapi ia memiliki makna mendalam untuk mempertebal keimanan dan memperteguh ketaqwaan kepada sang Khaliq Harapan setiap jamah haji pasti ingin mendapatkan derajat tertinggi di mata ALLAH yaitu haji maqbul (diterima) dan haji Mabrur.

Jika kita amati setiap moment haji dilihat dari segi jamaah dapat kita bagi menjadi tiga golongan
Golongan yang pertama adalah Jamaah yang memiliki tujuan Pragmatis yaitu para jamaah yang semata-mata ingin memanfaatkan tempat-tempat yang mustajab atau tempat berdoa yang mendapat jaminan untuk dikabulkan seperti Kawasan Masjidil Haram, Padang Arafah, Muzdalifah , Jamarat dan Masjid Nabawi untuk menyampaikan doa-doa yang berhubungan dengan masalah duniawiyah seperti pekerjaan, jodoh, rezeki, dll.
Golongan yang kedua adalah Golongan yang ingin mencari status sosial dan mencari gelar haji bahkan Tidak jarang para jamaah memiliki motivasi berlebihan dalam meningkatkan status sosial mereka karena mayoritas umat Islam di Indonesia sangat menghormati orang-orang yang sudah melaksanakan Ibadah haji bahkan tidak jarang di antara mereka menjual harta benda satu-satunya seperti rumah, tanah, perhiasan dan lain sebagainya untuk biaya menunaikan Ibadah haji .ada juga yang melakukan transaksi dan melakukan perniagaan selama berada di tanah suci untuk mengembalikan modal atau sekadar mencari tambahan untuk biaya menunaikan rukun Islam yang kelima itu.
Golongan yang ketiga adalah golongan yang murni untuk Ibadah dan menjawab panggilan Allah sebagai bentuk pengabdian yang paling tinggi setelah mengalakan rukun Islam dan rukun Iman secara sempurna dalam kehidupan sehari-hari sehingga setiap rangkaian Proses ibadah haji dilakukan secara menyeluruh dengan ikhlas dan hanya mengharap ridha dari Allah.

Jika kita perdalam makna haji yang sesungguhnya ternyata di dalamnya terkandung makna yang begitu luar Biasa kita diminta untuk mengamati syariat Islam mulai dari segi Ibadah dan juga muamalah

Jika dilihat dari segi Ibadah para jamaah diharapkan untuk mengamati dan mengamalkan segala bentuk tata cara Ibadah yang diajarkan oleh Rasulullah secara langsung dan masih berlanjut serta diamalkan secara turun temurun sampai hari ini ditempat yang sama ,artinya segala bentuk ibadah dan tata caranya selama kita melakukan ibadah haji seperti shalat yang dilakukan di Masjidil Haram harus juga kita Praktekkan dalam kehidupan sehari-hari ,ketika melaksanakan ibadah haji kita diharuskan untuk beribadah mengikuti syariat dan menjauhi perkara yang bid’ah kemudian ketika kembali ke tanah air masing-masing hendaknya itupun diamalkan dan diajarkan oleh jamaah Haji kepada masyarakat ,minimal kepada keluarga sendiri tapi yang terjadi kebanyakan masyarakat kita setelah selesai melaksanakan Ibadah haji ia kembali kepada tata cara ibadah yang bercampur dengan budaya sebagaimana ia belum melaksanakan ibadah haji bahkan tidak jarang perkara bid’ah semakin banyak ia kerjakan .

Dari sisi muamalah kita diminta untuk melakukan komunikasi lintas etnik dan meningkatkan kepedulian sosial serta tidak membeda-bedakan antara suku yang satu dengan yang lain, antara strata sosial, pangkat dan jabatan apapun karena semua itu nilainya sama di sisi Allah, tinggal tingkat keimanan dan keluasan Ilmu yang dimiliki sajalah yang menjadi pembeda di mata Allah.

Jika dari sisi Ibadahnya bisa baik dan seluruh rukun Islam dan rukun Iman bisa dijalankan dan mampu diamalkan dalam kehidupan sehari hari sesuai tuntunan Rasulullah SAW dan dikuatkan lagi dari sisi Muamalah yang disebutkan di atas maka Insya Allah para jamaah haji akan mendapat Predikat Haji yang Mabrur. Wallahu A’lam.

Sumber: http://www.dakwatuna.com

Baca Artikel Lainnya : MASJID PERTAMA YANG DI BANGUN RASULULLAH

MUAMALAH SETELAH IBADAH HAJI

Saco-Indonesia.com - Sosok Desi Priharyana jadi sorotan. Murid kelas 1 SMKN 2 Yogyakarta itu membawa sepeda ontelnya yang dipasangi gerobak berisi aneka makanan ringan yang akan dijual. Bersepeda sejauh 12 kilometer menjadi rutinitas paginya menuju sekolahnya yang terletak di Jalan AM Sangaji, Jetis, Yogyakarta.

Desi berjualan slondok, camilan tradisional Yogya yang terbuat dari singkong. Hal ini dilakukannya supaya bisa terus bersekolah.

Desi ingin menjadi seorang pengusaha yang sukses dibidang kuliner. Dia berniat untuk mengembangkan usahanya berjualan Slondok sehingga dia bisa mendapatkan keuntungan besar. Namun hal tersebut baru akan dilakukannya setelah dia menyelesaikan sekolahnya.

"Kalau sekarang waktunya belum ada, nanti kalau sudah lulus pengen saya kembangkan usaha ini," ujar Desi.

Meski demikian, Desi juga berharap, setelah lulus sekolah dia bisa melanjutkan ke perguruan tinggi negeri di Yogyakarta. Dia mengatakan, jika ada kesempatan untuk melanjutkan ke pendidikan lebih tinggi dia akan memilih UGM atau UNY sebagai tempatnya belajar.

"Kalau ada kesempatan pengen kuliah di UGM atau di UNY di fakultas Teknik, kalau nggak ya masih bisa buka usaha. Doakan bisa dapat beasiswa di sekolah, biar bisa nabung buat kuliah," harap Desi.

Laiknya anak muda yang sedang bergairah dalam urusan cinta, Desi pun tak mau kalah ketinggalan. Biarpun tidak sekeren anak-anak muda yang menggunakan sepeda motor dan dandanan modis, Desi tetap bisa memikat kekasih hatinya.

Dengan malu-malu Desi bercerita tentang kisah cintanya yang tergolong unik. Kala itu desi tengah mendekati seorang gadis yang merupakan atlet atletik. Saat Desi mengutarakan perasaannya dan meminta sang pujaan hati untuk menjadi pacaranya, Desi diberikan syarat.

"Dulu punya pacar, atlet atletik. Sebelum jadian dikasih syarat. Karena dia atlet dikasih syarat harus bisa kalahin dia lari, kalau bisa kalahin mau jadi pacar," kenang Desi.

Tanpa pikir panjang, Desi pun langsung menyanggupi syarat tersebut. Desi pun meminta waktu dua minggu untuk berlatih lari. Setelah dua minggu dilalui, dengan menggunakan sepedanya, Desi melaju dengan semangat dari Toino tempatnya tinggal menuju Kalasan yang jaraknya sekitar 20 kilo meter.

Sampai disana tanpa basa-basi Desi pun langsung mengajak adu lari. Beruntung, Desi memenangkan perlombaan itu sekaligus memenangkan hati pujaannya.

"Untungnya menang, jadi punya pacar," ungkapnya.

Meski demikian, Desi tidak mau disibukkan hanya untuk urusan pacaran. Desi beranggapan masa mudanya jauh lebih berarti jika digunakan untuk berkarya.

"Pacaran ya positif, tapi ada juga hal lain yang baik untuk menunjang masa depan," jelasnya.

Sumber : Merdeka.com

Editor : Maulana Lee

Kisah cinta dan cita-cita Desi, anak SMK penjual slondok
Joseph Lechleider

Mr. Lechleider helped invent DSL technology, which enabled phone companies to offer high-speed web access over their infrastructure of copper wires.

Joseph Lechleider, a Father of the DSL Internet Technology, Dies at 82

The magical quality Mr. Lesnie created in shooting the “Babe” films caught the eye of the director Peter Jackson, who chose him to film the fantasy epic.

Andrew Lesnie, Cinematographer of ‘Lord of the Rings,’ Dies at 59

A lapsed seminarian, Mr. Chambers succeeded Saul Alinsky as leader of the social justice umbrella group Industrial Areas Foundation.

Edward Chambers, Early Leader in Community Organizing, Dies at 85

The 2015 Met Gala has only officially begun, but there's a clear leader in the race for best couple, no small feat at an event that threatens to sap Hollywood of every celebrity it has for the duration of an East Coast evening.

That would be Marc Jacobs and his surprise guest (who, by some miracle, remained under wraps until their red carpet debut), Cher.

“This has been a dream of mine for a very, very long time,” Mr. Jacobs said.

It is Cher's first appearance at the Met Gala since 1997, when she arrived on the arm of Donatella Versace.

– MATTHEW SCHNEIER

Cher and Marc Jacobs

Under Mr. Michelin’s leadership, which ended when he left the company in 2002, the Michelin Group became the world’s biggest tire maker, establishing a big presence in the United States and other major markets overseas.

François Michelin, Head of Tire Company, Dies at 88

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

Advertisement

Advertisement

Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

Photo
 
Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

Photo
 
Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination

Mr. Miller, of the firm Weil, Gotshal & Manges, represented companies including Lehman Brothers, General Motors and American Airlines, and mentored many of the top Chapter 11 practitioners today.

Harvey R. Miller, Renowned Bankruptcy Lawyer, Dies at 82

Ms. Meadows was the older sister of Audrey Meadows, who played Alice Kramden on “The Honeymooners.”

Jayne Meadows, Actress and Steve Allen’s Wife and Co-Star, Dies at 95
Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”
Todd Heisler/The New York Times

Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’

Mr. Bartoszewski was given honorary Israeli citizenship for his work to save Jews during World War II and later surprised even himself by being instrumental in reconciling Poland and Germany.

Wladyslaw Bartoszewski, 93, Dies; Polish Auschwitz Survivor Aided Jews

At the National Institutes of Health, Dr. Suzman’s signature accomplishment was the central role he played in creating a global network of surveys on aging.

Richard Suzman, 72, Dies; Researcher Influenced Global Surveys on Aging

From sea to shining sea, or at least from one side of the Hudson to the other, politicians you have barely heard of are being accused of wrongdoing. There were so many court proceedings involving public officials on Monday that it was hard to keep up.

In Newark, two underlings of Gov. Chris Christie were arraigned on charges that they were in on the truly deranged plot to block traffic leading onto the George Washington Bridge.

Ten miles away, in Lower Manhattan, Dean G. Skelos, the leader of the New York State Senate, and his son, Adam B. Skelos, were arrested by the Federal Bureau of Investigation on accusations of far more conventional political larceny, involving a job with a sewer company for the son and commissions on title insurance and bond work.

The younger man managed to receive a 150 percent pay increase from the sewer company even though, as he said on tape, he “literally knew nothing about water or, you know, any of that stuff,” according to a criminal complaint the United States attorney’s office filed.

The success of Adam Skelos, 32, was attributed by prosecutors to his father’s influence as the leader of the Senate and as a potentate among state Republicans. The indictment can also be read as one of those unfailingly sad tales of a father who cannot stop indulging a grown son. The senator himself is not alleged to have profited from the schemes, except by being relieved of the burden of underwriting Adam.

The bridge traffic caper is its own species of crazy; what distinguishes the charges against the two Skeloses is the apparent absence of a survival instinct. It is one thing not to know anything about water or that stuff. More remarkable, if true, is the fact that the sewer machinations continued even after the former New York Assembly speaker, Sheldon Silver, was charged in January with taking bribes disguised as fees.

It was by then common gossip in political and news media circles that Senator Skelos, a Republican, the counterpart in the Senate to Mr. Silver, a Democrat, in the Assembly, could be next in line for the criminal dock. “Stay tuned,” the United States attorney, Preet Bharara said, leaving not much to the imagination.

Even though the cat had been unmistakably belled, Skelos father and son continued to talk about how to advance the interests of the sewer company, though the son did begin to use a burner cellphone, the kind people pay for in cash, with no traceable contracts.

That was indeed prudent, as prosecutors had been wiretapping the cellphones of both men. But it would seem that the burner was of limited value, because by then the prosecutors had managed to secure the help of a business executive who agreed to record calls with the Skeloses. It would further seem that the business executive was more attentive to the perils of pending investigations than the politician.

Through the end of the New York State budget negotiations in March, the hopes of the younger Skelos rested on his father’s ability to devise legislation that would benefit the sewer company. That did not pan out. But Senator Skelos did boast that he had haggled with Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, a Democrat, in a successful effort to raise a $150 million allocation for Long Island to $550 million, for what the budget called “transformative economic development projects.” It included money for the kind of work done by the sewer company.

The lawyer for Adam Skelos said he was not guilty and would win in court. Senator Skelos issued a ringing declaration that he was unequivocally innocent.

THIS was also the approach taken in New Jersey by Bill Baroni, a man of great presence and eloquence who stopped outside the federal courthouse to note that he had taken risks as a Republican by bucking his party to support paid family leave, medical marijuana and marriage equality. “I would never risk my career, my job, my reputation for something like this,” Mr. Baroni said. “I am an innocent man.”

The lawyer for his co-defendant, Bridget Anne Kelly, the former deputy chief of staff to Mr. Christie, a Republican, said that she would strongly rebut the charges.

Perhaps they had nothing to do with the lane closings. But neither Mr. Baroni nor Ms. Kelly addressed the question of why they did not return repeated calls from the mayor of Fort Lee, N.J., begging them to stop the traffic tie-ups, over three days.

That silence was a low moment. But perhaps New York hit bottom faster. Senator Skelos, the prosecutors charged, arranged to meet Long Island politicians at the wake of Wenjian Liu, a New York City police officer shot dead in December, to press for payments to the company employing his son.

Sometimes it seems as though for some people, the only thing to be ashamed of is shame itself.

Finding Scandal in New York and New Jersey, but No Shame

With 12 tournament victories in his career, Mr. Peete was the most successful black professional golfer before Tiger Woods.

Calvin Peete, 71, a Racial Pioneer on the PGA Tour, Is Dead

Mr. Paczynski was one of the concentration camp’s longest surviving inmates and served as the personal barber to its Nazi commandant Rudolf Höss.

Jozef Paczynski, Inmate Barber to Auschwitz Commandant, Dies at 95

Mr. Napoleon was a self-taught musician whose career began in earnest with the orchestra led by Chico Marx of the Marx Brothers.

Marty Napoleon, 93, Dies; Jazz Pianist Played With Louis Armstrong
biaya berangkat umroh mei di Cipinang Melayu jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh desember di Setu jakarta
promo berangkat umroh april di Cipinang Cempedak jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah ramadhan di Rambutan jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh april di Utan Kayu Utara jakarta
harga berangkat umrah mei tangerang
biaya paket umrah april di Bidaracina jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah juni di Bambu Apus jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah april di Rawamangun jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh ramadhan di Balekambang jakarta
harga paket umrah awal tahun di Cipinang Besar Utara jakarta
biaya paket umrah akhir tahun di Malaka Sari jakarta
harga paket umroh maret di Kelapa Dua Wetan jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah maret di Cipayung jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh maret di Cawang jakarta
biaya paket umroh mei di Ceger jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah ramadhan di Kebon Manggis jakarta
promo berangkat umrah awal tahun di Kalisari jakarta
harga berangkat umrah ramadhan di Ujung Menteng jakarta
promo berangkat umroh mei bogor
harga umroh januari di Klender jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah awal tahun di Malaka Sari jakarta
harga umroh maret bekasi barat
promo berangkat umrah februari di Cipinang Melayu jakarta
biaya paket umrah april tangerang
biaya paket berangkat umroh maret di Penggilingan jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh mei di Cipayung jakarta
biaya paket umroh april di Rawamangun jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh akhir tahun di Rambutan jakarta
harga umrah februari di Pondok Ranggon jakarta
paket umroh akhir tahun di Kayu Manis jakarta
harga umroh desember di Cipinang Cempedak jakarta
biaya paket umrah akhir tahun di Kampung Melayu jakarta
promo umroh mei di Jatinegara jakarta
biaya paket umrah maret di Pondok Kelapa jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah maret di Dukuh jakarta
biaya umrah januari di Utan Kayu Selatan jakarta
promo umroh awal tahun di Pulogebang jakarta
biaya paket umrah ramadhan di Kramat Jati jakarta
harga umrah februari di Makasar jakarta
paket umroh mei di Rambutan jakarta
harga umrah mei di Jatinegara jakarta
biaya paket umroh akhir tahun di Cipinang Besar Utara jakarta
biaya umroh akhir tahun di Pondok Kopi jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh april di Kayu Putih jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh juni di Pekayon jakarta
harga umrah januari di Cibubur jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah awal tahun di Matraman jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah april di Jatinegara Kaum jakarta
biaya umroh juni bogor
biaya paket umroh februari di Ujung Menteng jakarta
biaya paket umroh februari di Setu jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh awal tahun bekasi selatan
promo berangkat umroh april di Lubang Buaya jakarta
harga berangkat umroh februari tangerang
biaya paket umrah akhir tahun di Jatinegara jakarta
paket berangkat umrah maret di Kampung Tengah jakarta
harga paket umroh mei di Kramat Jati jakarta
biaya umroh mei di Ciracas jakarta
harga paket umroh mei di Ceger jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah ramadhan di Kramat Jati jakarta
paket umrah akhir tahun di Jatinegara Kaum jakarta
paket promo umrah desember di Jatinegara jakarta
harga umroh mei di Jati jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh ramadhan di Penggilingan jakarta
harga paket umrah juni di Jatinegara Kaum jakarta
harga paket berangkat umrah juni di Klender jakarta
harga berangkat umroh maret di Rawa Bunga jakarta
harga umroh ramadhan di Penggilingan jakarta
paket berangkat umrah desember di Pekayon jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah awal tahun depok
biaya paket berangkat umrah juni di Kayu Putih jakarta
paket promo umroh akhir tahun di Kramat Jati jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah maret di Cawang jakarta
biaya umrah desember di Utan Kayu Utara jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh akhir tahun depok
harga paket umrah juni di Ujung Menteng jakarta
biaya paket umroh januari depok
harga paket berangkat umroh maret di Pondok Bambu jakarta
harga umrah akhir tahun di Cipinang Muara jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh april di Kalisari jakarta
paket umroh april di Kampung Melayu jakarta
harga paket umroh februari di Pasar Rebo jakarta
harga paket umroh maret di Kramat Jati jakarta
paket umroh april bogor
harga berangkat umroh juni di Balekambang jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah februari di Cipinang Cempedak jakarta
promo berangkat umrah februari di Pal Meriam jakarta
harga paket berangkat umrah awal tahun di Kelapa Dua Wetan jakarta
paket berangkat umroh april di Ciracas jakarta
harga umrah juni di Penggilingan jakarta
biaya paket umrah desember di Pasar Rebo jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh juni di Rawa Bunga jakarta
biaya umroh maret di Makasar jakarta
harga berangkat umroh awal tahun di Munjul jakarta
paket berangkat umrah januari di Rawamangun jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh april di Duren Sawit jakarta
promo umroh april di Cakung jakarta
paket berangkat umroh januari di Pondok Bambu jakarta
paket promo umrah januari di Cipinang Muara jakarta