PAKET UMROH BULAN FEBRUARI MARET APRIL MEI 2018





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CV. Jasa Siaga Trans ( SIAGA TRANS ) adalah perusahaan jasa kirim barang ( expedisi ) ke hampir seluruh wilayah pulau di Indonesia baik dengan angkutan darat, angkutan laut maupun udara.

Kami hadir di tengah-tengah anda dengan tujuan memberikan solusi terbaik untuk kebutuhan jasa kirim barang anda.

Kami juga telah memiliki team management yang sangat berpengalaman, bertanggung jawab dan terpercaya.

Memiliki jangkauan yang luas, biaya yang murah serta pengiriman yang tepat waktu merupakan motto kami dalam menjalankan perusahaan.

    " Melayani dengan Kepedulian dan Tanggung jawab"

SIAGA TRANS juga dapat mengurus pengiriman dari dan kemana saja ke seluruh Indonesia baik via darat, laut maupun udara dengan harga yang kompetitif dan didukung armada yang memadai.

SIAGA TRANS juga telah menyediakan jasa pengiriman barang diantaranya adalah :

1. Jasa Expedisi :
Jasa kirim barang dengan tarif murah dari dan kemana saja di seluruh indonesia dengan beberapa pilihan transportasi yaitu melalui angkutan darat, expedisi muatan kapal laut (EMKL) dan cargo udara.
2. Jasa Pindahan :
Jasa mover untuk jasa pindahan rumah, kantor, apartemen, pabrik dari bandung ke seluruh kota di Indonesia, dapat menggunakan layanan sewa truk atau container dengan harga yang kompentitif dan dapat di negosiasikan dengan budget yang tersedia. jasa lain yang kami sediakan untuk pindahan diantaranya: jasa pengepakan (packing ), asuransi dan jasa bongkar muat.
3. Jasa Sewa / Carter Truk :
Jasa sewa trucking untuk kebutuhan personal, pabrik atau industri. Tersedia harga berdasarkan satu kali pengiriman (ritase) atau harga sewa harian, mingguan bahkan bulanan. Berbagai macam kendaraan siap membantu anda mulai dari truck pickup sampai truk kapasitas besar yang dapat disesuaikan dengan kebutuhan pengiriman dan tentu saja harga yang murah merupakan kelebihan perusahaan Kami.
4. Jasa Pengiriman Mobil / Motor :
Jasa kirim mobil / motor ke seluruh Indonesia . layanan yang kami berikan adalah Door to Door, Kami telah memberikan layanan GRATIS pick up Mobil / Motor anda di Bandung untuk selanjutnya kami antar ke lokasi tujuan.
5. Jasa Pengiriman Container :
Jasa pengiriman barang cargo dengan menggunakan container, berbagai macam ukuran 20 atau 40 Feet. pengiriman cargo container tersedia untuk layanan FCL dan LCL dengan menggunakan cargo darat atau laut dengan harga yang terjangkau.

 

JASA EXPEDISI PENGIRIMAN BARANG BANDUNG

saco-indonesia.com, Jajaran Polsek Sukarami Palembang telah berhasil mengamankan 22 paket ganja kering seberat 2,2 kilogram yang telah dibuang oleh pemiliknya saat polisi menggelar razia giat 21. Razia tersebut telah dilakukan di perbatasan Palembang-Banyuasin, Selasa (11/2) sekitar pukul 20.00 malam WIB.

Kapolsek Sukarami Palembang Kompol Imam Tarmudi juga mengungkapkan, ganja tersebut telah dibuang oleh pemiliknya yang sedang mengendarai sepeda motor Yamaha Jupiter Z berwarna niru dari arah Banyuasin menuju Terminal KM 12. Ganja siap pakai itu tersimpan di dalam tas besar berwarna merah dan ditemukan di depan Kapospol Alang-alang Lebar menuju ke Grand City, KM 12 Palembang.

"Karena ada razia, pengendara motor tersebut dengan kencang langsung membelok ke arah Terminal KM 12. Motor mereka juga hampir oleng lalu tas yang penuh dengan ganja tersebut terjatuh," kata Imam , Rabu (12/2) kemarin.

Melihat ada tas yang terjatuh dan tidak diambil, salah satu anggota yang ikut menggelar giat 21 langsung mengambilnya. Saat diperiksa ternyata berisi penuh dengan ganja.

"Pengendara motor tersebut telah melarikan diri ke arah Grand City saat dikejar," ujarnya.

Imam telah menduga, ganja kering siap pakai itu telah berasal dari daerah Sungai Keruh Kabupaten Musi Banyuasin. Tempat tersebut terdapat ladang ganja yang telah berhasil ditemukan oleh petugas beberapa waktu yang lalu.

"Perkiraan seperti itu. Tapi akan kita selidiki lagi siapa pemiliknya dan berasal dari mana," imbuh Imam.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

POLISI TEMUKAN GANJA 2,2 KG DI DALAM TAS

Saco-Indonesia.com - Presiden Amerika Serikat Barack Hussein Obama hari ini mengumumkan tujuh pejabat Rusia terkena sanksi atas krisis politik di Krimea. Mereka adalah Vladislav Surkov, Sergey Glazyev, Leonid Slutsky, Andrei Klishas, Valentina Matviyenko, Dmitry Rogozin, dan Yelena Mizulina.

Amerika juga mengincar aset dari orang-orang non-pejabat Rusia menyokong kemerdekaan Krimea, seperti dilansir kantor berita Associated Press, Senin (17/3). Sanksi oleh Amerika ini keluar tak lama setelah Uni Eropa menetapkan sanksi bagi 21 pejabat Rusia dan Ukraina. Mereka dilarang bepergian ke luar negeri dan set mereka disita.

Perkembangan terbaru ini lahir setelah hasil referendum menyebutkan 96,77 persen penduduk Krimea setuju menjadi negara merdeka.

Krisis politik di Krimea ini berlangsung sejak November tahun lalu. Penduduk di wilayah semenanjung Laut Hitam ini terbelah. Ada yang ingin bergabung dengan Rusia, termasuk presiden tersingkir Victor Yanukovych, sebagian lagi mau masuk ke Uni Eropa.

Ketegangan ini diwarnai demonstrasi berdarah di Ibu Kota Kiev, Ukraina, hingga akhirnya pasukan Rusia masuk ke Krimea.

Sumber:merdeka.com

Editor : Maulana Lee

Presiden AS Barack Obama umumkan sanksi atas tujuh pejabat Rusia

Portal Lowongan Kerja Terbaru 2014. Jika anda ingin mengetahui seputar informasi lowongan kerja terbaru tahun 2014, silahkan kunjungi di blog kami, karena kami akan selalu meng-update informasi mengenai Loker setiap harinya. 

 

http://jobsindoterbaru.blogspot.com | Portal Lowongan Kerja Terbaru

 

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Lowongan Kerja Suster di Yogyakarta

Lowongan Kerja Perawat di Yogyakarta

Lowongan Kerja Satpam di Yogyakarta

Lowongan Kerja Kontraktor di Yogyakarta

Lowongan Kerja Pertamina di Yogyakarta

 

Lowongan Kerja di Surabaya

Lowongan Kerja Terbaru di Surabaya

Lowongan Kerja Indonesia di Surabaya

Lowongan Kerja Cpns di Surabaya

Lowongan Kerja Bumn di Surabaya

Lowongan Kerja Bank di Surabaya

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Sma di Surabaya

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Stm di Surabaya

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Smk di Surabaya

Lowongan Kerja D3 di Surabaya

Lowongan Kerja S1 di Surabaya

Lowongan Kerja S2 di Surabaya

Lowongan Kerja Online di Surabaya

Lowongan Kerja Polisi di Surabaya

Lowongan Kerja TNI di Surabaya

Lowongan Kerja Dokter di Surabaya

Lowongan Kerja Programmer di Surabaya

Lowongan Kerja Guru di Surabaya

Lowongan Kerja Suster di Surabaya

Lowongan Kerja Perawat di Surabaya

Lowongan Kerja Satpam di Surabaya

Lowongan Kerja Kontraktor di Surabaya

Lowongan Kerja Pertamina di Surabaya

 

Lowongan Kerja di Jawa Timur

Lowongan Kerja Terbaru di Jawa Timur

Lowongan Kerja Indonesia di Jawa Timur

Lowongan Kerja Cpns di Jawa Timur

Lowongan Kerja Bumn di Jawa Timur

Lowongan Kerja Bank di Jawa Timur

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Sma di Jawa Timur

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Stm di Jawa Timur

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Smk di Jawa Timur

Lowongan Kerja D3 di Jawa Timur

Lowongan Kerja S1 di Jawa Timur

Lowongan Kerja S2 di Jawa Timur

Lowongan Kerja Online di Jawa Timur

Lowongan Kerja Polisi di Jawa Timur

Lowongan Kerja TNI di Jawa Timur

Lowongan Kerja Dokter di Jawa Timur

Lowongan Kerja Programmer di Jawa Timur

Lowongan Kerja Guru di Jawa Timur

Lowongan Kerja Suster di Jawa Timur

Lowongan Kerja Perawat di Jawa Timur

Lowongan Kerja Satpam di Jawa Timur

Lowongan Kerja Kontraktor di Jawa Timur

Lowongan Kerja Pertamina di Jawa Timur

 

Lowongan Kerja di Bali

Lowongan Kerja Terbaru di Bali

Lowongan Kerja Indonesia di Bali

Lowongan Kerja Cpns di Bali

Lowongan Kerja Bumn di Bali

Lowongan Kerja Bank di Bali

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Sma di Bali

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Stm di Bali

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Smk di Bali

Lowongan Kerja D3 di Bali

Lowongan Kerja S1 di Bali

Lowongan Kerja S2 di Bali

Lowongan Kerja Online di Bali

Lowongan Kerja Polisi di Bali

Lowongan Kerja TNI di Bali

Lowongan Kerja Dokter di Bali

Lowongan Kerja Programmer di Bali

Lowongan Kerja Guru di Bali

Lowongan Kerja Suster di Bali

Lowongan Kerja Perawat di Bali

Lowongan Kerja Satpam di Bali

Lowongan Kerja Kontraktor di Bali

Lowongan Kerja Pertamina di Bali

 

Lowongan Kerja di Nusa Tenggara Barat

Lowongan Kerja Terbaru di Nusa Tenggara Barat

Lowongan Kerja Indonesia di Nusa Tenggara Barat

Lowongan Kerja Cpns di Nusa Tenggara Barat

Lowongan Kerja Bumn di Nusa Tenggara Barat

Lowongan Kerja Bank di Nusa Tenggara Barat

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Sma di Nusa Tenggara Barat

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Stm di Nusa Tenggara Barat

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Smk di Nusa Tenggara Barat

Lowongan Kerja D3 di Nusa Tenggara Barat

Lowongan Kerja S1 di Nusa Tenggara Barat

Lowongan Kerja S2 di Nusa Tenggara Barat

Lowongan Kerja Online di Nusa Tenggara Barat

Lowongan Kerja Polisi di Nusa Tenggara Barat

Lowongan Kerja TNI di Nusa Tenggara Barat

Lowongan Kerja Dokter di Nusa Tenggara Barat

Lowongan Kerja Programmer di Nusa Tenggara Barat

Lowongan Kerja Guru di Nusa Tenggara Barat

Lowongan Kerja Suster di Nusa Tenggara Barat

Lowongan Kerja Perawat di Nusa Tenggara Barat

Lowongan Kerja Satpam di Nusa Tenggara Barat

Lowongan Kerja Kontraktor di Nusa Tenggara Barat

Lowongan Kerja Pertamina di Nusa Tenggara Barat

 

Lowongan Kerja di Nusa Tenggara Timur

Lowongan Kerja Terbaru di Nusa Tenggara Timur

Lowongan Kerja Indonesia di Nusa Tenggara Timur

Lowongan Kerja Cpns di Nusa Tenggara Timur

Lowongan Kerja Bumn di Nusa Tenggara Timur

Lowongan Kerja Bank di Nusa Tenggara Timur

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Sma di Nusa Tenggara Timur

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Stm di Nusa Tenggara Timur

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Smk di Nusa Tenggara Timur

Lowongan Kerja D3 di Nusa Tenggara Timur

Lowongan Kerja S1 di Nusa Tenggara Timur

Lowongan Kerja S2 di Nusa Tenggara Timur

Lowongan Kerja Online di Nusa Tenggara Timur

Lowongan Kerja Polisi di Nusa Tenggara Timur

Lowongan Kerja TNI di Nusa Tenggara Timur

Lowongan Kerja Dokter di Nusa Tenggara Timur

Lowongan Kerja Programmer di Nusa Tenggara Timur

Lowongan Kerja Guru di Nusa Tenggara Timur

Lowongan Kerja Suster di Nusa Tenggara Timur

Lowongan Kerja Perawat di Nusa Tenggara Timur

Lowongan Kerja Satpam di Nusa Tenggara Timur

Lowongan Kerja Kontraktor di Nusa Tenggara Timur

Lowongan Kerja Pertamina di Nusa Tenggara Timur

 

Lowongan Kerja di Kalimantan Utara

Lowongan Kerja Terbaru di Kalimantan Utara

Lowongan Kerja Indonesia di Kalimantan Utara

Lowongan Kerja Cpns di Kalimantan Utara

Lowongan Kerja Bumn di Kalimantan Utara

Lowongan Kerja Bank di Kalimantan Utara

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Sma di Kalimantan Utara

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Stm di Kalimantan Utara

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Smk di Kalimantan Utara

Lowongan Kerja D3 di Kalimantan Utara

Lowongan Kerja S1 di Kalimantan Utara

Lowongan Kerja S2 di Kalimantan Utara

Lowongan Kerja Online di Kalimantan Utara

Lowongan Kerja Polisi di Kalimantan Utara

Lowongan Kerja TNI di Kalimantan Utara

Lowongan Kerja Dokter di Kalimantan Utara

Lowongan Kerja Programmer di Kalimantan Utara

Lowongan Kerja Guru di Kalimantan Utara

Lowongan Kerja Suster di Kalimantan Utara

Lowongan Kerja Perawat di Kalimantan Utara

Lowongan Kerja Satpam di Kalimantan Utara

Lowongan Kerja Kontraktor di Kalimantan Utara

Lowongan Kerja Pertamina di Kalimantan Utara

 

Lowongan Kerja di Kalimantan Barat

Lowongan Kerja Terbaru di Kalimantan Barat

Lowongan Kerja Indonesia di Kalimantan Barat

Lowongan Kerja Cpns di Kalimantan Barat

Lowongan Kerja Bumn di Kalimantan Barat

Lowongan Kerja Bank di Kalimantan Barat

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Sma di Kalimantan Barat

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Stm di Kalimantan Barat

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Smk di Kalimantan Barat

Lowongan Kerja D3 di Kalimantan Barat

Lowongan Kerja S1 di Kalimantan Barat

Lowongan Kerja S2 di Kalimantan Barat

Lowongan Kerja Online di Kalimantan Barat

Lowongan Kerja Polisi di Kalimantan Barat

Lowongan Kerja TNI di Kalimantan Barat

Lowongan Kerja Dokter di Kalimantan Barat

Lowongan Kerja Programmer di Kalimantan Barat

Lowongan Kerja Guru di Kalimantan Barat

Lowongan Kerja Suster di Kalimantan Barat

Lowongan Kerja Perawat di Kalimantan Barat

Lowongan Kerja Satpam di Kalimantan Barat

Lowongan Kerja Kontraktor di Kalimantan Barat

Lowongan Kerja Pertamina di Kalimantan Barat

 

Lowongan Kerja di Kalimantan Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Terbaru di Kalimantan Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Indonesia di Kalimantan Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Cpns di Kalimantan Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Bumn di Kalimantan Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Bank di Kalimantan Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Sma di Kalimantan Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Stm di Kalimantan Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Smk di Kalimantan Tengah

Lowongan Kerja D3 di Kalimantan Tengah

Lowongan Kerja S1 di Kalimantan Tengah

Lowongan Kerja S2 di Kalimantan Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Online di Kalimantan Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Polisi di Kalimantan Tengah

Lowongan Kerja TNI di Kalimantan Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Dokter di Kalimantan Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Programmer di Kalimantan Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Guru di Kalimantan Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Suster di Kalimantan Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Perawat di Kalimantan Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Satpam di Kalimantan Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Kontraktor di Kalimantan Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Pertamina di Kalimantan Tengah

 

Lowongan Kerja di Kalimantan Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Terbaru di Kalimantan Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Indonesia di Kalimantan Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Cpns di Kalimantan Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Bumn di Kalimantan Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Bank di Kalimantan Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Sma di Kalimantan Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Stm di Kalimantan Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Smk di Kalimantan Selatan

Lowongan Kerja D3 di Kalimantan Selatan

Lowongan Kerja S1 di Kalimantan Selatan

Lowongan Kerja S2 di Kalimantan Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Online di Kalimantan Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Polisi di Kalimantan Selatan

Lowongan Kerja TNI di Kalimantan Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Dokter di Kalimantan Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Programmer di Kalimantan Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Guru di Kalimantan Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Suster di Kalimantan Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Perawat di Kalimantan Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Satpam di Kalimantan Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Kontraktor di Kalimantan Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Pertamina di Kalimantan Selatan

 

Lowongan Kerja di Kalimantan Timur

Lowongan Kerja Terbaru di Kalimantan Timur

Lowongan Kerja Indonesia di Kalimantan Timur

Lowongan Kerja Cpns di Kalimantan Timur

Lowongan Kerja Bumn di Kalimantan Timur

Lowongan Kerja Bank di Kalimantan Timur

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Sma di Kalimantan Timur

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Stm di Kalimantan Timur

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Smk di Kalimantan Timur

Lowongan Kerja D3 di Kalimantan Timur

Lowongan Kerja S1 di Kalimantan Timur

Lowongan Kerja S2 di Kalimantan Timur

Lowongan Kerja Online di Kalimantan Timur

Lowongan Kerja Polisi di Kalimantan Timur

Lowongan Kerja TNI di Kalimantan Timur

Lowongan Kerja Dokter di Kalimantan Timur

Lowongan Kerja Programmer di Kalimantan Timur

Lowongan Kerja Guru di Kalimantan Timur

Lowongan Kerja Suster di Kalimantan Timur

Lowongan Kerja Perawat di Kalimantan Timur

Lowongan Kerja Satpam di Kalimantan Timur

Lowongan Kerja Kontraktor di Kalimantan Timur

Lowongan Kerja Pertamina di Kalimantan Timur

 

Lowongan Kerja di Sulawesi Utara

Lowongan Kerja Terbaru di Sulawesi Utara

Lowongan Kerja Indonesia di Sulawesi Utara

Lowongan Kerja Cpns di Sulawesi Utara

Lowongan Kerja Bumn di Sulawesi Utara

Lowongan Kerja Bank di Sulawesi Utara

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Sma di Sulawesi Utara

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Stm di Sulawesi Utara

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Smk di Sulawesi Utara

Lowongan Kerja D3 di Sulawesi Utara

Lowongan Kerja S1 di Sulawesi Utara

Lowongan Kerja S2 di Sulawesi Utara

Lowongan Kerja Online di Sulawesi Utara

Lowongan Kerja Polisi di Sulawesi Utara

Lowongan Kerja TNI di Sulawesi Utara

Lowongan Kerja Dokter di Sulawesi Utara

Lowongan Kerja Programmer di Sulawesi Utara

Lowongan Kerja Guru di Sulawesi Utara

Lowongan Kerja Suster di Sulawesi Utara

Lowongan Kerja Perawat di Sulawesi Utara

Lowongan Kerja Satpam di Sulawesi Utara

Lowongan Kerja Kontraktor di Sulawesi Utara

Lowongan Kerja Pertamina di Sulawesi Utara

 

Lowongan Kerja di Sulawesi Barat

Lowongan Kerja Terbaru di Sulawesi Barat

Lowongan Kerja Indonesia di Sulawesi Barat

Lowongan Kerja Cpns di Sulawesi Barat

Lowongan Kerja Bumn di Sulawesi Barat

Lowongan Kerja Bank di Sulawesi Barat

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Sma di Sulawesi Barat

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Stm di Sulawesi Barat

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Smk di Sulawesi Barat

Lowongan Kerja D3 di Sulawesi Barat

Lowongan Kerja S1 di Sulawesi Barat

Lowongan Kerja S2 di Sulawesi Barat

Lowongan Kerja Online di Sulawesi Barat

Lowongan Kerja Polisi di Sulawesi Barat

Lowongan Kerja TNI di Sulawesi Barat

Lowongan Kerja Dokter di Sulawesi Barat

Lowongan Kerja Programmer di Sulawesi Barat

Lowongan Kerja Guru di Sulawesi Barat

Lowongan Kerja Suster di Sulawesi Barat

Lowongan Kerja Perawat di Sulawesi Barat

Lowongan Kerja Satpam di Sulawesi Barat

Lowongan Kerja Kontraktor di Sulawesi Barat

Lowongan Kerja Pertamina di Sulawesi Barat

 

Lowongan Kerja di Sulawesi Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Terbaru di Sulawesi Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Indonesia di Sulawesi Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Cpns di Sulawesi Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Bumn di Sulawesi Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Bank di Sulawesi Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Sma di Sulawesi Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Stm di Sulawesi Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Smk di Sulawesi Tengah

Lowongan Kerja D3 di Sulawesi Tengah

Lowongan Kerja S1 di Sulawesi Tengah

Lowongan Kerja S2 di Sulawesi Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Online di Sulawesi Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Polisi di Sulawesi Tengah

Lowongan Kerja TNI di Sulawesi Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Dokter di Sulawesi Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Programmer di Sulawesi Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Guru di Sulawesi Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Suster di Sulawesi Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Perawat di Sulawesi Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Satpam di Sulawesi Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Kontraktor di Sulawesi Tengah

Lowongan Kerja Pertamina di Sulawesi Tengah

 

Lowongan Kerja di Sulawesi Tenggara

Lowongan Kerja Terbaru di Sulawesi Tenggara

Lowongan Kerja Indonesia di Sulawesi Tenggara

Lowongan Kerja Cpns di Sulawesi Tenggara

Lowongan Kerja Bumn di Sulawesi Tenggara

Lowongan Kerja Bank di Sulawesi Tenggara

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Sma di Sulawesi Tenggara

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Stm di Sulawesi Tenggara

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Smk di Sulawesi Tenggara

Lowongan Kerja D3 di Sulawesi Tenggara

Lowongan Kerja S1 di Sulawesi Tenggara

Lowongan Kerja S2 di Sulawesi Tenggara

Lowongan Kerja Online di Sulawesi Tenggara

Lowongan Kerja Polisi di Sulawesi Tenggara

Lowongan Kerja TNI di Sulawesi Tenggara

Lowongan Kerja Dokter di Sulawesi Tenggara

Lowongan Kerja Programmer di Sulawesi Tenggara

Lowongan Kerja Guru di Sulawesi Tenggara

Lowongan Kerja Suster di Sulawesi Tenggara

Lowongan Kerja Perawat di Sulawesi Tenggara

Lowongan Kerja Satpam di Sulawesi Tenggara

Lowongan Kerja Kontraktor di Sulawesi Tenggara

Lowongan Kerja Pertamina di Sulawesi Tenggara

 

Lowongan Kerja di Sulawesi Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Terbaru di Sulawesi Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Indonesia di Sulawesi Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Cpns di Sulawesi Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Bumn di Sulawesi Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Bank di Sulawesi Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Sma di Sulawesi Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Stm di Sulawesi Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Smk di Sulawesi Selatan

Lowongan Kerja D3 di Sulawesi Selatan

Lowongan Kerja S1 di Sulawesi Selatan

Lowongan Kerja S2 di Sulawesi Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Online di Sulawesi Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Polisi di Sulawesi Selatan

Lowongan Kerja TNI di Sulawesi Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Dokter di Sulawesi Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Programmer di Sulawesi Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Guru di Sulawesi Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Suster di Sulawesi Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Perawat di Sulawesi Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Satpam di Sulawesi Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Kontraktor di Sulawesi Selatan

Lowongan Kerja Pertamina di Sulawesi Selatan

 

Lowongan Kerja di Gorontalo

Lowongan Kerja Terbaru di Gorontalo

Lowongan Kerja Indonesia di Gorontalo

Lowongan Kerja Cpns di Gorontalo

Lowongan Kerja Bumn di Gorontalo

Lowongan Kerja Bank di Gorontalo

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Sma di Gorontalo

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Stm di Gorontalo

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Smk di Gorontalo

Lowongan Kerja D3 di Gorontalo

Lowongan Kerja S1 di Gorontalo

Lowongan Kerja S2 di Gorontalo

Lowongan Kerja Online di Gorontalo

Lowongan Kerja Polisi di Gorontalo

Lowongan Kerja TNI di Gorontalo

Lowongan Kerja Dokter di Gorontalo

Lowongan Kerja Programmer di Gorontalo

Lowongan Kerja Guru di Gorontalo

Lowongan Kerja Suster di Gorontalo

Lowongan Kerja Perawat di Gorontalo

Lowongan Kerja Satpam di Gorontalo

Lowongan Kerja Kontraktor di Gorontalo

Lowongan Kerja Pertamina di Gorontalo

 

Lowongan Kerja di Maluku

Lowongan Kerja Terbaru di Maluku

Lowongan Kerja Indonesia di Maluku

Lowongan Kerja Cpns di Maluku

Lowongan Kerja Bumn di Maluku

Lowongan Kerja Bank di Maluku

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Sma di Maluku

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Stm di Maluku

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Smk di Maluku

Lowongan Kerja D3 di Maluku

Lowongan Kerja S1 di Maluku

Lowongan Kerja S2 di Maluku

Lowongan Kerja Online di Maluku

Lowongan Kerja Polisi di Maluku

Lowongan Kerja TNI di Maluku

Lowongan Kerja Dokter di Maluku

Lowongan Kerja Programmer di Maluku

Lowongan Kerja Guru di Maluku

Lowongan Kerja Suster di Maluku

Lowongan Kerja Perawat di Maluku

Lowongan Kerja Satpam di Maluku

Lowongan Kerja Kontraktor di Maluku

Lowongan Kerja Pertamina di Maluku

 

Lowongan Kerja di Maluku Utara

Lowongan Kerja Terbaru di Maluku Utara

Lowongan Kerja Indonesia di Maluku Utara

Lowongan Kerja Cpns di Maluku Utara

Lowongan Kerja Bumn di Maluku Utara

Lowongan Kerja Bank di Maluku Utara

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Sma di Maluku Utara

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Stm di Maluku Utara

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Smk di Maluku Utara

Lowongan Kerja D3 di Maluku Utara

Lowongan Kerja S1 di Maluku Utara

Lowongan Kerja S2 di Maluku Utara

Lowongan Kerja Online di Maluku Utara

Lowongan Kerja Polisi di Maluku Utara

Lowongan Kerja TNI di Maluku Utara

Lowongan Kerja Dokter di Maluku Utara

Lowongan Kerja Programmer di Maluku Utara

Lowongan Kerja Guru di Maluku Utara

Lowongan Kerja Suster di Maluku Utara

Lowongan Kerja Perawat di Maluku Utara

Lowongan Kerja Satpam di Maluku Utara

Lowongan Kerja Kontraktor di Maluku Utara

Lowongan Kerja Pertamina di Maluku Utara

 

Lowongan Kerja di Papua

Lowongan Kerja Terbaru di Papua

Lowongan Kerja Indonesia di Papua

Lowongan Kerja Cpns di Papua

Lowongan Kerja Bumn di Papua

Lowongan Kerja Bank di Papua

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Sma di Papua

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Stm di Papua

Lowongan Kerja Lulusan Smk di Papua

Lowongan Kerja D3 di Papua

Lowongan Kerja S1 di Papua

Lowongan Kerja S2 di Papua

Lowongan Kerja Online di Papua

Lowongan Kerja Polisi di Papua

Lowongan Kerja TNI di Papua

Lowongan Kerja Dokter di Papua

Lowongan Kerja Programmer di Papua

Lowongan Kerja Guru di Papua

Lowongan Kerja Suster di Papua

Lowongan Kerja Perawat di Papua

Lowongan Kerja Satpam di Papua

Lowongan Kerja Kontraktor di Papua

Lowongan Kerja Pertamina di Papua

PORTAL LOWONGAN KERJA TERBARU 2014
CHAN Umar, laki-laki 43 tahun, asyik mencongkel-congkel selembar papan yang diletakkan di atas meja kerjanya dengan pahat. Sesekali tangan kanannya meraih tukul (penokok) kayu yang terletak di atas papan untuk memukul pahat, melubangi papan sesuai motif. Terkadang ia mengganti jenis pahat yang lebih selusin tergeletak di depannya. Perlahan namun pasti, selembar papan dari kayu surian yang sudah diketam itu berubah menjadi ukiran khas Minang di tangan Umar.n sehari-hari Chan Umar, pemilik bengkel “Ukiran Chan Umar” di Nagari Pandai Sikek, Kabupaten Tanah Datar. Pandai Sikek adalah daerah yang terkenal di Sumatra Barat sebagai sentra kerajinan tradisional songket dan ukiran khas Minangkabau. Meski daerah ini termasuk dalam wilayah Kabupaten Tanah Datar tetapi Pandai Sikek lebih dekat, hanya 20 km dari Kota Padangpanjang menuju Bukittinggi. Pilihan Hidup Di Pandai Sikek ada 6 bengkel ukiran tradisional dan Chan Umar dengan bengkelnya merupakan yang paling menonjol.Konon, menurut Chan Umar, Pandai Sikek sendiri memperoleh nama dari kepandaian Si Ikek mengukir interior dan eksterior rumah gadang. Si Ikek adalah seorang lelaki di daerah itu pada zaman dulu yang sangat mahir mengukir di atas kayu. Pandai Sikek sebagai sentra kerajinan ukir Minang yang banyak digunakan untuk ukiran Rumah Gadang (rumah adat Minangkabau) dan kerajinan songket yang sudah ada sejak zaman dulu hingga era Kolonial Belanda, sempat terhenti di zaman Penjajahan Jepang (1942-1945). Kondisi ini terus berlanjut sampai 1960-an. Agresi Belanda Kedua, dan kekacauan politik dalam negeri, dari tragedi PRRI (Pemerintahan Revolusioner Republik Indonesia) hingga pertentangan dengan Partai Komunisme Indonesia (PKI), membuat suasana mengukir dan bertenun di Pandai Sikek benar-benar terhenti.Bahkan sebagian besar untuk rumah gadang yang dibangun pemerintah, seperti museum dan renovasi rumah gadang bersejarah. Di antaranya rumah gadang Museum Adityawarman di Padang, rumah gadang Museum Kebun Binatang Bukittinggi, dan Istana Pagaruyung di Batusangkar. “Namun setelah itu hampir tidak ada lagi proyek pemerintah dan pesanan ukiran rumah gadang, kecuali pesanan rumah gadang di beberapa tempat seperti di Nagari Sulit Air, Solok yang dibuat beberapa orang perantau,” kata Umar. Beberapa perantau Minang yang kaya tetap ada yang merenovasi rumah adat lama mereka yang rusak dengan yang baru, atau membuat rumah di kampung bergaya rumah adat dan sanggup mengeluarkan uang Rp400 juta untuk ukirannya untuk interior dan eksteriornya,” ujarnya. Sama dengan Motif Songket Chan Umar menetapkan harga ukirannya Rp500 ribu hingga Rp1,5 juta per meter bujur sangkar. Mahal-murahnya ukiran tergantung besar, kecil, dan rumitnya motif yang dipesan. Kayu yang digunakan adalah surian, kualitasnya sedikit di bawah jati, yang banyak terdapat di hutan Sumatra Barat. Sedikitnya Chan Umar membutuh dalam satu hari 5 kubik surian. Meski di Sumatra Barat sentra kerajinan ukir tradisional Minangkabau tak hanya terdapat di Pandai Sikek, juga di Candung (Agam), Cupak (Solok), dan Lintau (Tanah Datar), namun Pandai Sikek jauh lebih berkembang, dan Chan Umar merupakan pengukir terkemuka. Keunggulan produk yang dihasilkan Umar adalah hasil dari kecermatannya menorehkan motif dan menentukan warna. Pengerjaan kedua seni kerajinan ini di bawah kolong rumah gadang pada masa lalu membuat motif saling mempengaruhi dan umumnya serupa. Diperkirakaan ada 200 motif tradisional untuk ukiran, namun yang sering dipakai hanya sekitar 20-an. Masing-masingnya memiliki filosofi sendiri. Misalnya motif ‘itiak pulang patang’ (itik pulang sore) memiliki filofosi masyarakat Minangkabau akan teringat dengan kampung halamannya dan selalu seiya-sekatu (bersatu). Chan Umar sangat optimistis kepandaian kerajinan ukir yang dimilikinya dan orang-orang di Pandai Sikek akan selalu menjadi andalan perekonomian di daerah itu. Meski di Pandai Sikek 70 persen mata pencarian penduduk adalah di sektor pertanian dan 30 persen di sektor kerajinan (tenun dan ukir), namun karajinan telah membuka banyak lapangan pekerjaan.“Biasanya seorang perajin hanya mampu bertahan selama 15 tahun, setelah berkeluarga dan kebutuhan ekonomi bertambah, ia mencari usaha lain, kebanyakan tak lagi mengukir,” katanya. Karena itu, selain Chan Umar, para pengukir umumnya berusia di bawah 40 tahun. Meski begitu, tangan-tangan terampil mereka tak pernah berhenti menorehkan motif khas minang di selembar kayu untuk sebuah ornamen seni yang enak dipandang mata dari generasi ke generasi. KESETIAAN SEORANG PENGRAJIN UKIRAN

WASHINGTON — A decade after emergency trailers meant to shelter Hurricane Katrina victims instead caused burning eyes, sore throats and other more serious ailments, the Environmental Protection Agency is on the verge of regulating the culprit: formaldehyde, a chemical that can be found in commonplace things like clothes and furniture.

But an unusual assortment of players, including furniture makers, the Chinese government, Republicans from states with a large base of furniture manufacturing and even some Democrats who championed early regulatory efforts, have questioned the E.P.A. proposal. The sustained opposition has held sway, as the agency is now preparing to ease key testing requirements before it releases the landmark federal health standard.

The E.P.A.’s five-year effort to adopt this rule offers another example of how industry opposition can delay and hamper attempts by the federal government to issue regulations, even to control substances known to be harmful to human health.

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Document: The Formaldehyde Fight

Formaldehyde is a known carcinogen that can also cause respiratory ailments like asthma, but the potential of long-term exposure to cause cancers like myeloid leukemia is less well understood.

The E.P.A.’s decision would be the first time that the federal government has regulated formaldehyde inside most American homes.

“The stakes are high for public health,” said Tom Neltner, senior adviser for regulatory affairs at the National Center for Healthy Housing, who has closely monitored the debate over the rules. “What we can’t have here is an outcome that fails to confront the health threat we all know exists.”

The proposal would not ban formaldehyde — commonly used as an ingredient in wood glue in furniture and flooring — but it would impose rules that prevent dangerous levels of the chemical’s vapors from those products, and would set testing standards to ensure that products sold in the United States comply with those limits. The debate has sharpened in the face of growing concern about the safety of formaldehyde-treated flooring imported from Asia, especially China.

What is certain is that a lot of money is at stake: American companies sell billions of dollars’ worth of wood products each year that contain formaldehyde, and some argue that the proposed regulation would impose unfair costs and restrictions.

Determined to block the agency’s rule as proposed, these industry players have turned to the White House, members of Congress and top E.P.A. officials, pressing them to roll back the testing requirements in particular, calling them redundant and too expensive.

“There are potentially over a million manufacturing jobs that will be impacted if the proposed rule is finalized without changes,” wrote Bill Perdue, the chief lobbyist at the American Home Furnishings Alliance, a leading critic of the testing requirements in the proposed regulation, in one letter to the E.P.A.

Industry opposition helped create an odd alignment of forces working to thwart the rule. The White House moved to strike out key aspects of the proposal. Subsequent appeals for more changes were voiced by players as varied as Senator Barbara Boxer, Democrat of California, and Senator Roger Wicker, Republican of Mississippi, as well as furniture industry lobbyists.

Hurricane Katrina in 2005 helped ignite the public debate over formaldehyde, after the deadly storm destroyed or damaged hundreds of thousands of homes along the Gulf of Mexico, forcing families into temporary trailers provided by the Federal Emergency Management Agency.

The displaced storm victims quickly began reporting respiratory problems, burning eyes and other issues, and tests then confirmed high levels of formaldehyde fumes leaking into the air inside the trailers, which in many cases had been hastily constructed.

Public health advocates petitioned the E.P.A. to issue limits on formaldehyde in building materials and furniture used in homes, given that limits already existed for exposure in workplaces. But three years after the storm, only California had issued such limits.

Industry groups like the American Chemistry Council have repeatedly challenged the science linking formaldehyde to cancer, a position championed by David Vitter, the Republican senator from Louisiana, who is a major recipient of chemical industry campaign contributions, and whom environmental groups have mockingly nicknamed “Senator Formaldehyde.”

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Formaldehyde in Laminate Flooring

In laminate flooring, formaldehyde is used as a bonding agent in the fiberboard (or other composite wood) core layer and may also be used in glues that bind layers together. Concerns were raised in March when certain laminate flooring imported from China was reported to contain levels of formaldehyde far exceeding the limit permitted by California.

Typical

laminate

flooring

CLEAR FINISH LAYER

Often made of melamine resin

PATTERN LAYER

Paper printed to resemble wood,

or a thin wood veneer

GLUE

Layers may be bound using

formaldehyde-based glues

CORE LAYER

Fiberboard or other

composite, formed using

formaldehyde-based adhesives

BASE LAYER

Moisture-resistant vapor barrier

What is formaldehyde?

Formaldehyde is a common chemical used in many industrial and household products as an adhesive, bonding agent or preservative. It is classified as a volatile organic compound. The term volatile means that, at room temperature, formaldehyde will vaporize, or become a gas. Products made with formaldehyde tend to release this gas into the air. If breathed in large quantities, it may cause health problems.

WHERE IT IS COMMONLY FOUND

POTENTIAL HEALTH RISKS

Pressed-wood and composite wood products

Wallpaper and paints

Spray foam insulation used in construction

Commercial wood floor finishes

Crease-resistant fabrics

In cigarette smoke, or in the fumes from combustion of other materials, including wood, oil and gasoline.

Exposure to formaldehyde in sufficient amounts may cause eye, throat or skin irritation, allergic reactions, and respiratory problems like coughing, wheezing or asthma.

Long-term exposure to high levels has been associated with cancer in humans and laboratory animals.

Exposure to formaldehyde may affect some people more severely than others.

By 2010, public health advocates and some industry groups secured bipartisan support in Congress for legislation that ordered the E.P.A. to issue federal rules that largely mirrored California’s restrictions. At the time, concerns were rising over the growing number of lower-priced furniture imports from Asia that might include contaminated products, while also hurting sales of American-made products.

Maneuvering began almost immediately after the E.P.A. prepared draft rules to formally enact the new standards.

White House records show at least five meetings in mid-2012 with industry executives — kitchen cabinet makers, chemical manufacturers, furniture trade associations and their lobbyists, like Brock R. Landry, of the Venable law firm. These parties, along with Senator Vitter’s office, appealed to top administration officials, asking them to intervene to roll back the E.P.A. proposal.

The White House Office of Management and Budget, which reviews major federal regulations before they are adopted, apparently agreed. After the White House review, the E.P.A. “redlined” many of the estimates of the monetary benefits that would be gained by reductions in related health ailments, like asthma and fertility issues, documents reviewed by The New York Times show.

As a result, the estimated benefit of the proposed rule dropped to $48 million a year, from as much as $278 million a year. The much-reduced amount deeply weakened the agency’s justification for the sometimes costly new testing that would be required under the new rules, a federal official involved in the effort said.

“It’s a redlining blood bath,” said Lisa Heinzerling, a Georgetown University Law School professor and a former E.P.A. official, using the Washington phrase to describe when language is stricken from a proposed rule. “Almost the entire discussion of these potential benefits was excised.”

Senator Vitter’s staff was pleased.

“That’s a huge difference,” said Luke Bolar, a spokesman for Mr. Vitter, of the reduced estimated financial benefits, saying the change was “clearly highlighting more mismanagement” at the E.P.A.

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The review’s outcome galvanized opponents in the furniture industry. They then targeted a provision that mandated new testing of laminated wood, a cheaper alternative to hardwood. (The California standard on which the law was based did not require such testing.)

But E.P.A. scientists had concluded that these laminate products — millions of which are sold annually in the United States — posed a particular risk. They said that when thin layers of wood, also known as laminate or veneer, are added to furniture or flooring in the final stages of manufacturing, the resulting product can generate dangerous levels of fumes from often-used formaldehyde-based glues.

Industry executives, outraged by what they considered an unnecessary and financially burdensome level of testing, turned every lever within reach to get the requirement removed. It would be particularly onerous, they argued, for small manufacturers that would have to repeatedly interrupt their work to do expensive new testing. The E.P.A. estimated that the expanded requirements for laminate products would cost the furniture industry tens of millions of dollars annually, while the industry said that the proposed rule over all would cost its 7,000 American manufacturing facilities over $200 million each year.

“A lot of people don’t seem to appreciate what a lot of these requirements do to a small operation,” said Dick Titus, executive vice president of the Kitchen Cabinet Manufacturers Association, whose members are predominantly small businesses. “A 10-person shop, for example, just really isn’t equipped to handle that type of thing.”

Photo
 
Becky Gillette wants strong regulation of formaldehyde. Credit Beth Hall for The New York Times

Big industry players also weighed in. Executives from companies including La-Z-Boy, Hooker Furniture and Ashley Furniture all flew to Washington for a series of meetings with the offices of lawmakers including House Speaker John Boehner, Republican of Ohio, and about a dozen other lawmakers, asking several of them to sign a letter prepared by the industry to press the E.P.A. to back down, according to an industry report describing the lobbying visit.

Within a matter of weeks, two letters — using nearly identical language — were sent by House and Senate lawmakers to the E.P.A. — with the industry group forwarding copies of the letters to the agency as well, and then posting them on its website.

The industry lobbyists also held their own meeting at E.P.A. headquarters, and they urged Jim Jones, who oversaw the rule-making process as the assistant administrator for the agency’s Office of Chemical Safety and Pollution Prevention, to visit a North Carolina furniture manufacturing plant. According to the trade group, Mr. Jones told them that the visit had “helped the agency shift its thinking” about the rules and how laminated products should be treated.

The resistance was particularly intense from lawmakers like Mr. Wicker of Mississippi, whose state is home to major manufacturing plants owned by Ashley Furniture Industries, the world’s largest furniture maker, and who is one of the biggest recipients in Congress of donations from the industry’s trade association. Asked if the political support played a role, a spokesman for Mr. Wicker replied: “Thousands of Mississippians depend on the furniture manufacturing industry for their livelihoods. Senator Wicker is committed to defending all Mississippians from government overreach.”

Individual companies like Ikea also intervened, as did the Chinese government, which claimed that the new rule would create a “great barrier” to the import of Chinese products because of higher costs.

Perhaps the most surprising objection came from Senator Boxer, of California, a longtime environmental advocate, whose office questioned why the E.P.A.’s rule went further than her home state’s in seeking testing on laminated products. “We did not advocate an outcome, other than safety,” her office said in a statement about why the senator raised concerns. “We said ‘Take a look to see if you have it right.’ ”

Safety advocates say that tighter restrictions — like the ones Ms. Boxer and Mr. Wicker, along with Representative Doris Matsui, a California Democrat, have questioned — are necessary, particularly for products coming from China, where items as varied as toys and Christmas lights have been found to violate American safety standards.

While Mr. Neltner, the environmental advocate who has been most involved in the review process, has been open to compromise, he has pressed the E.P.A. not to back down entirely, and to maintain a requirement that laminators verify that their products are safe.

An episode of CBS’s “60 Minutes” in March brought attention to the issue when it accused Lumber Liquidators, the discount flooring retailer, of selling laminate products with dangerous levels of formaldehyde. The company has disputed the show’s findings and test methods, maintaining that its products are safe.

“People think that just because Congress passed the legislation five years ago, the problem has been fixed,” said Becky Gillette, who then lived in coastal Mississippi, in the area hit by Hurricane Katrina, and was among the first to notice a pattern of complaints from people living in the trailers. “Real people’s faces and names come up in front of me when I think of the thousands of people who could get sick if this rule is not done right.”

An aide to Ms. Matsui rejected any suggestion that she was bending to industry pressure.

“From the beginning the public health has been our No. 1 concern,” said Kyle J. Victor, an aide to Ms. Matsui.

But further changes to the rule are likely, agency officials concede, as they say they are searching for a way to reduce the cost of complying with any final rule while maintaining public health goals. The question is just how radically the agency will revamp the testing requirement for laminated products — if it keeps it at all.

“It’s not a secret to anybody that is the most challenging issue,” said Mr. Jones, the E.P.A. official overseeing the process, adding that the health consequences from formaldehyde are real. “We have to reduce those exposures so that people can live healthy lives and not have to worry about being in their homes.”

The Uphill Battle to Better Regulate Formaldehyde

UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?

What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.

Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.

 

 

Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.

In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.

“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”

He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.

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Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”

It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.

Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.

He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.

They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.

Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.

As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.

He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.

Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.

“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”

The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”

Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.

Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.

R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.

“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”

With Iran Talks, a Tangled Path to Ending Syria’s War

Over the last five years or so, it seemed there was little that Dean G. Skelos, the majority leader of the New York Senate, would not do for his son.

He pressed a powerful real estate executive to provide commissions to his son, a 32-year-old title insurance salesman, according to a federal criminal complaint. He helped get him a job at an environmental company and employed his influence to help the company get government work. He used his office to push natural gas drilling regulations that would have increased his son’s commissions.

He even tried to direct part of a $5.4 billion state budget windfall to fund government contracts that the company was seeking. And when the company was close to securing a storm-water contract from Nassau County, the senator, through an intermediary, pressured the company to pay his son more — or risk having the senator subvert the bid.

The criminal complaint, unsealed on Monday, lays out corruption charges against Senator Skelos and his son, Adam B. Skelos, the latest scandal to seize Albany, and potentially alter its power structure.

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Preet Bharara, the United States attorney in Manhattan, discussed the case involving Dean G. Skelos and his son, Adam. Credit Eduardo Munoz/Reuters

The repeated and diverse efforts by Senator Skelos, a Long Island Republican, to use what prosecutors said was his political influence to find work, or at least income, for his son could send both men to federal prison. If they are convicted of all six charges against them, they face up to 20 years in prison for each of four of the six counts and up to 10 years for the remaining two.

Senator Kenneth P. LaValle, of Long Island, who serves as chairman of the Republican conference, emerged from a closed-door meeting Monday night to say that conference members agreed that Mr. Skelos should be benefited the “presumption of innocence,” and would stay in his leadership role.

“The leader has indicated he would like to remain as leader,” said Mr. LaValle, “and he has the support of the conference.” The case against Mr. Skelos and his son grew out of a broader inquiry into political corruption by the United States attorney for the Southern District of New York, Preet Bharara, that has already changed the face of the state capital. It is based in part, according to the six-count complaint, on conversations secretly recorded by one of two cooperating witnesses, and wiretaps on the cellphones of the senator and his son. Those recordings revealed that both men were concerned about electronic surveillance, and illustrated the son’s unsuccessful efforts to thwart it.

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Adam Skelos took to using a “burner” phone, the complaint says, and told his father he wanted them to speak through a FaceTime video call in an apparent effort to avoid detection. They also used coded language at times.

At one point, Adam Skelos was recorded telling a Senate staff member of his frustration in not being able to speak openly to his father on the phone, noting that he could not “just send smoke signals or a little pigeon” carrying a message.

The 43-page complaint, sworn out by Paul M. Takla, a special agent for the Federal Bureau of Investigation, outlines a five-year scheme to “monetize” the senator’s official position; it also lays bare the extent to which a father sought to use his position to help his son.

The charges accuse the two men of extorting payments through a real estate developer, Glenwood Management, based on Long Island, and the environmental company, AbTech Industries, in Scottsdale, Ariz., with the expectation that the money paid to Adam Skelos — nearly $220,000 in total — would influence his father’s actions.

Glenwood, one of the state’s most prolific campaign donors, had ties to AbTech through investments in the environmental firm’s parent company by Glenwood’s founding family and a senior executive.

The accusations in the complaint portray Senator Skelos as a man who, when it came to his son, was not shy about twisting arms, even in situations that might give other arm-twisters pause.

Seeking to help his son, Senator Skelos turned to the executive at Glenwood, which develops rental apartments in New York City and has much at stake when it comes to real estate legislation in Albany. The senator urged him to direct business to his son, who sold title insurance.

After much prodding, the executive, Charles C. Dorego, engineered a $20,000 payment to Adam Skelos from a title insurance company even though he did no work for the money. But far more lucrative was a consultant position that Mr. Dorego arranged for Adam Skelos at AbTech, which seeks government contracts to treat storm water. (Mr. Dorego is not identified by name in the complaint, but referred to only as CW-1, for Cooperating Witness 1.)

Senator Skelos appeared to take an active interest in his son’s new line of work. Adam Skelos sent him several drafts of his consulting agreement with AbTech, the complaint says, as well as the final deal that was struck.

“Mazel tov,” his father replied.

Senator Skelos sent relevant news articles to his son, including one about a sewage leak near Albany. When AbTech wanted to seek government contracts after Hurricane Sandy, the senator got on a conference call with his son and an AbTech executive, Bjornulf White, and offered advice. (Like Mr. Dorego, Mr. White is not named in the complaint, but referred to as CW-2.)

The assistance paid off: With the senator’s help, AbTech secured a contract worth up to $12 million from Nassau County, a big break for a struggling small business.

But the money was slow to materialize. The senator expressed impatience with county officials.

Adam Skelos, in a phone call with Mr. White in late December, suggested that his father would seek to punish the county. “I tell you this, the state is not going to do a [expletive] thing for the county,” he said.

Three days later, Senator Skelos pressed his case with the Nassau County executive, Edward P. Mangano, a fellow Republican. “Somebody feels like they’re just getting jerked around the last two years,” the senator said, referring to his son in what the complaint described as “coded language.”

The next day, the senator pursued the matter, as he and Mr. Mangano attended a wake for a slain New York City police officer. Senator Skelos then reassured his son, who called him while he was still at the wake. “All claims that are in will be taken care of,” the senator said.

AbTech’s fortunes appeared to weigh on his son. At one point in January, Adam Skelos told his father that if the company did not succeed, he would “lose the ability to pay for things.”

Making matters worse, in recent months, Senator Skelos and his son appeared to grow wary about who was watching them. In addition to making calls on the burner phone, Adam Skelos said he used the FaceTime video calling “because that doesn’t show up on the phone bill,” as he told Mr. White.

In late February, Adam Skelos arranged a pair of meetings between Mr. White and state senators; AbTech needed to win state legislation that would allow its contract to move beyond its initial stages. But Senator Skelos deemed the plan too risky and caused one of the meetings to be canceled.

In another recorded call, Adam Skelos, promising to be “very, very vague” on the phone, urged his father to allow the meeting. The senator offered a warning. “Right now we are in dangerous times, Adam,” he told him.

A month later, in another phone call that was recorded by the authorities, Adam Skelos complained that his father could not give him “real advice” about AbTech while the two men were speaking over the telephone.

“You can’t talk normally,” he told his father, “because it’s like [expletive] Preet Bharara is listening to every [expletive] phone call. It’s just [expletive] frustrating.”

“It is,” his father agreed.

Dean Skelos, Albany Senate Leader, Aided Son at All Costs, U.S. Says
Joseph Lechleider

Mr. Lechleider helped invent DSL technology, which enabled phone companies to offer high-speed web access over their infrastructure of copper wires.

Joseph Lechleider, a Father of the DSL Internet Technology, Dies at 82

Mr. Pfaff was an international affairs columnist and author who found Washington’s intervention in world affairs often misguided.

William Pfaff, Critic of American Foreign Policy, Dies at 86

The career criminals in genre novels don’t have money problems. If they need some, they just go out and steal it. But such financial transactions can backfire, which is what happened back in 2004 when the Texas gang in Michael

Take the Money and Run

Ms. Meadows was the older sister of Audrey Meadows, who played Alice Kramden on “The Honeymooners.”

Jayne Meadows, Actress and Steve Allen’s Wife and Co-Star, Dies at 95

WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).

The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.

Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”

Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.

Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.

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Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk. Credit Joe Raedle/Getty Images

“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”

We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.

Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”

Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.

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Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.

And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.

That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.

With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.

On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”

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Who Is Running for President (and Who’s Not)?

Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.

This is intentional, Republican operatives said.

In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.

“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.

But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”

Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.

“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.

Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.

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But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.

Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.

Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”

Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.

Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.

But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.

The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.

“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.

There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.

“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”

G.O.P. Hopefuls Now Aiming to Woo the Middle Class

GREENWICH, Conn. — Mago is in the bedroom. You can go in.

The big man lies on a hospital bed with his bare feet scraping its bottom rail. His head is propped on a scarlet pillow, the left temple dented, the right side paralyzed. His dark hair is kept just long enough to conceal the scars.

The occasional sounds he makes are understood only by his wife, but he still has that punctuating left hand. In slow motion, the fingers curl and close. A thumbs-up greeting.

Hello, Mago.

This is Magomed Abdusalamov, 34, also known as the Russian Tyson, also known as Mago. He is a former heavyweight boxer who scored four knockouts and 14 technical knockouts in his first 18 professional fights. He preferred to stand between rounds. Sitting conveyed weakness.

But Mago lost his 19th fight, his big chance, at the packed Theater at Madison Square Garden in November 2013. His 19th decision, and his last.

Now here he is, in a small bedroom in a working-class neighborhood in Greenwich, in a modest house his family rents cheap from a devoted friend. The air-pressure machine for his mattress hums like an expectant crowd.

 

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Mike Perez, left, and Magomed Abdusalamov during the fight in which Abdusalamov was injured. Credit Joe Camporeale/USA Today Sports, via Reuters

 

Today is like any other day, except for those days when he is hurried in crisis to the hospital. Every three hours during the night, his slight wife, Bakanay, 28, has risen to turn his 6-foot-3 body — 210 pounds of dead weight. It has to be done. Infections of the gaping bedsore above his tailbone have nearly killed him.

Then, with the help of a young caretaker, Baka has gotten two of their daughters off to elementary school and settled down the toddler. Yes, Mago and Baka are blessed with all girls, but they had also hoped for a son someday.

They feed Mago as they clean him; it’s easier that way. For breakfast, which comes with a side of crushed antiseizure pills, he likes oatmeal with a squirt of Hershey’s chocolate syrup. But even oatmeal must be puréed and fed to him by spoon.

He opens his mouth to indicate more, the way a baby does. But his paralysis has made everything a choking hazard. His water needs a stirring of powdered food thickener, and still he chokes — eh-eh-eh — as he tries to cough up what will not go down.

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Mago used to drink only water. No alcohol. Not even soda. A sip of juice would be as far as he dared. Now even water betrays him.

With the caretaker’s help, Baka uses a washcloth and soap to clean his body and shampoo his hair. How handsome still, she has thought. Sometimes, in the night, she leaves the bedroom to watch old videos, just to hear again his voice in the fullness of life. She cries, wipes her eyes and returns, feigning happiness. Mago must never see her sad.

 

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 Abdusalamov's hand being massaged. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

When Baka finishes, Mago is cleanshaven and fresh down to his trimmed and filed toenails. “I want him to look good,” she says.

Theirs was an arranged Muslim marriage in Makhachkala, in the Russian republic of Dagestan. He was 23, she was 18 and their future hinged on boxing. Sometimes they would shadowbox in love, her David to his Goliath. You are so strong, he would tell her.

His father once told him he could either be a bandit or an athlete, but if he chose banditry, “I will kill you.” This paternal advice, Mago later told The Ventura County Reporter, “made it a very easy decision for me.”

Mago won against mediocre competition, in Moscow and Hollywood, Fla., in Las Vegas and Johnstown, Pa. He was knocked down only once, and even then, it surprised more than hurt. He scored a technical knockout in the next round.

It all led up to this: the undercard at the Garden, Mike Perez vs. Magomed Abdusalamov, 10 rounds, on HBO. A win, he believed, would improve his chances of taking on the heavyweight champion Wladimir Klitschko, who sat in the crowd of 4,600 with his fiancée, the actress Hayden Panettiere, watching.

Wearing black-and-red trunks and a green mouth guard, Mago went to work. But in the first round, a hard forearm to his left cheek rocked him. At the bell, he returned to his corner, and this time, he sat down. “I think it’s broken,” he repeatedly said in Russian.

 

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Bakanay Abdusalamova, Abdusalamov's wife, and her injured husband and a masseur in the background. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

Maybe at that point, somebody — the referee, the ringside doctors, his handlers — should have stopped the fight, under a guiding principle: better one punch too early than one punch too late. But the bloody trade of blows continued into the seventh, eighth, ninth, a hand and orbital bone broken, his face transforming.

Meanwhile, in the family’s apartment in Miami, Baka forced herself to watch the broadcast. She could see it in his swollen eyes. Something was off.

After the final round, Perez raised his tattooed arms in victory, and Mago wandered off in a fog. He had taken 312 punches in about 40 minutes, for a purse of $40,000.

 

 

In the locker room, doctors sutured a cut above Mago’s left eye and tested his cognitive abilities. He did not do well. The ambulance that waits in expectation at every fight was not summoned by boxing officials.

Blood was pooling in Mago’s cranial cavity as he left the Garden. He vomited on the pavement while his handlers flagged a taxi to St. Luke’s-Roosevelt Hospital. There, doctors induced a coma and removed part of his skull to drain fluids and ease the swelling.

Then came the stroke.

 

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A championship belt belonging to Abdusalamov and a card from one of his daughters. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

It is lunchtime now, and the aroma of puréed beef and potatoes lingers. So do the questions.

How will Mago and Baka pay the $2 million in medical bills they owe? What if their friend can no longer offer them this home? Will they win their lawsuits against the five ringside doctors, the referee, and a New York State boxing inspector? What about Mago’s future care?

Most of all: Is this it?

A napkin rests on Mago’s chest. As another spoonful of mush approaches, he opens his mouth, half-swallows, chokes, and coughs until it clears. Eh-eh-eh. Sometimes he turns bluish, but Baka never shows fear. Always happy for Mago.

Some days he is wheeled out for physical therapy or speech therapy. Today, two massage therapists come to knead his half-limp body like a pair of skilled corner men.

Soon, Mago will doze. Then his three daughters, ages 2, 6 and 9, will descend upon him to talk of their day. Not long ago, the oldest lugged his championship belt to school for a proud show-and-tell moment. Her classmates were amazed at the weight of it.

Then, tonight, there will be more puréed food and pulverized medication, more coughing, and more tender care from his wife, before sleep comes.

Goodbye, Mago.

He half-smiles, raises his one good hand, and forms a fist.

Meet Mago, Former Heavyweight

Mr. Goldberg was a serial Silicon Valley entrepreneur and venture capitalist who was married to Sheryl Sandberg, the chief operating officer of Facebook.

Dave Goldberg Was Lifelong Women’s Advocate

Dave Goldberg, Head of Web Survey Company and Half of a Silicon Valley Power Couple, Dies at 47

With 12 tournament victories in his career, Mr. Peete was the most successful black professional golfer before Tiger Woods.

Calvin Peete, 71, a Racial Pioneer on the PGA Tour, Is Dead

Mr. Miller, of the firm Weil, Gotshal & Manges, represented companies including Lehman Brothers, General Motors and American Airlines, and mentored many of the top Chapter 11 practitioners today.

Harvey R. Miller, Renowned Bankruptcy Lawyer, Dies at 82

From sea to shining sea, or at least from one side of the Hudson to the other, politicians you have barely heard of are being accused of wrongdoing. There were so many court proceedings involving public officials on Monday that it was hard to keep up.

In Newark, two underlings of Gov. Chris Christie were arraigned on charges that they were in on the truly deranged plot to block traffic leading onto the George Washington Bridge.

Ten miles away, in Lower Manhattan, Dean G. Skelos, the leader of the New York State Senate, and his son, Adam B. Skelos, were arrested by the Federal Bureau of Investigation on accusations of far more conventional political larceny, involving a job with a sewer company for the son and commissions on title insurance and bond work.

The younger man managed to receive a 150 percent pay increase from the sewer company even though, as he said on tape, he “literally knew nothing about water or, you know, any of that stuff,” according to a criminal complaint the United States attorney’s office filed.

The success of Adam Skelos, 32, was attributed by prosecutors to his father’s influence as the leader of the Senate and as a potentate among state Republicans. The indictment can also be read as one of those unfailingly sad tales of a father who cannot stop indulging a grown son. The senator himself is not alleged to have profited from the schemes, except by being relieved of the burden of underwriting Adam.

The bridge traffic caper is its own species of crazy; what distinguishes the charges against the two Skeloses is the apparent absence of a survival instinct. It is one thing not to know anything about water or that stuff. More remarkable, if true, is the fact that the sewer machinations continued even after the former New York Assembly speaker, Sheldon Silver, was charged in January with taking bribes disguised as fees.

It was by then common gossip in political and news media circles that Senator Skelos, a Republican, the counterpart in the Senate to Mr. Silver, a Democrat, in the Assembly, could be next in line for the criminal dock. “Stay tuned,” the United States attorney, Preet Bharara said, leaving not much to the imagination.

Even though the cat had been unmistakably belled, Skelos father and son continued to talk about how to advance the interests of the sewer company, though the son did begin to use a burner cellphone, the kind people pay for in cash, with no traceable contracts.

That was indeed prudent, as prosecutors had been wiretapping the cellphones of both men. But it would seem that the burner was of limited value, because by then the prosecutors had managed to secure the help of a business executive who agreed to record calls with the Skeloses. It would further seem that the business executive was more attentive to the perils of pending investigations than the politician.

Through the end of the New York State budget negotiations in March, the hopes of the younger Skelos rested on his father’s ability to devise legislation that would benefit the sewer company. That did not pan out. But Senator Skelos did boast that he had haggled with Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, a Democrat, in a successful effort to raise a $150 million allocation for Long Island to $550 million, for what the budget called “transformative economic development projects.” It included money for the kind of work done by the sewer company.

The lawyer for Adam Skelos said he was not guilty and would win in court. Senator Skelos issued a ringing declaration that he was unequivocally innocent.

THIS was also the approach taken in New Jersey by Bill Baroni, a man of great presence and eloquence who stopped outside the federal courthouse to note that he had taken risks as a Republican by bucking his party to support paid family leave, medical marijuana and marriage equality. “I would never risk my career, my job, my reputation for something like this,” Mr. Baroni said. “I am an innocent man.”

The lawyer for his co-defendant, Bridget Anne Kelly, the former deputy chief of staff to Mr. Christie, a Republican, said that she would strongly rebut the charges.

Perhaps they had nothing to do with the lane closings. But neither Mr. Baroni nor Ms. Kelly addressed the question of why they did not return repeated calls from the mayor of Fort Lee, N.J., begging them to stop the traffic tie-ups, over three days.

That silence was a low moment. But perhaps New York hit bottom faster. Senator Skelos, the prosecutors charged, arranged to meet Long Island politicians at the wake of Wenjian Liu, a New York City police officer shot dead in December, to press for payments to the company employing his son.

Sometimes it seems as though for some people, the only thing to be ashamed of is shame itself.

Finding Scandal in New York and New Jersey, but No Shame

A lapsed seminarian, Mr. Chambers succeeded Saul Alinsky as leader of the social justice umbrella group Industrial Areas Foundation.

Edward Chambers, Early Leader in Community Organizing, Dies at 85

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

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His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination
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