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Syarat, Rukun, dan Wajib Haji

Haji adalah rukun (tiang agama) Islam yang kelima setelah syahadat, shalat, zakat dan puasa. Menunaikan ibadah haji adalah bentuk ritual tahunan yang dilaksanakan kaum muslim sedunia yang mampu (material, fisik, dan keilmuan) dengan berkunjung dan melaksanakan beberapa kegiatan di beberapa tempat di Arab Saudi pada suatu waktu yang dikenal sebagai musim haji (bulan Dzulhijjah). Hal ini berbeda dengan ibadah umrah yang bisa dilaksanakan sewaktu-waktu.

Syarat Haji

1. Islam

2. Akil Balig

3. Dewasa

4. Berakal

5. Waras

6. Orang merdeka (bukan budak)

7. Mampu, baik dalam hal biaya, kesehatan, keamanan, dan nafkah bagi keluarga yang ditinggal berhaji

 

Rukun Haji

Rukun haji adalah perbuatan-perbuatan yang wajib dilakukan dalam berhaji. Rukun haji tsb adalah:

1. Ihram

2. Wukuf di Arafah

3. Tawaf ifâdah

4. Sa`i

5. Mencukur rambut di kepala atau memotongnya sebagian

6. Tertib

Rukun haji tsb harus dilakukan secara berurutan dan menyeluruh. Jika salah satu ditinggalkan, maka hajinya tidak sah.

 

Wajib Haji

1. Memulai ihram dari mîqât (batas waktu dan tempat yang ditentukan untuk melakukan ibadah haji dan umrah)

2. Melontar jumrah

3. Mabît (menginap) di Mudzdalifah, Mekah

4. Mabît di Mina

5. Tawaf wada` (tawaf perpisahan)

Jika salah satu dari wajib haji ini ditinggalkan, maka hajinya tetap sah, namun harus membayar dam (denda).

 

Pelaksanaan Ibadah Haji (Manasik Haji)

Tata cara manasik haji adalah sebagai berikut:

1. Melakukan ihram dari mîqât yang telah ditentukan

Ihram dapat dimulai sejak awal bulan Syawal dengan melakukan mandi sunah, berwudhu, memakai pakaian ihram, dan berniat haji dengan mengucapkan Labbaik Allâhumma hajjan, yang artinya `aku datang memenuhi panggilanmu ya Allah, untuk berhaji`.

Kemudian berangkat menuju arafah dengan membaca talbiah untuk menyatakan niat:

Labbaik Allâhumma labbaik, labbaik lâ syarîka laka labbaik, inna al-hamda, wa ni`mata laka wa al-mulk, lâ syarîka laka

Artinya:

Aku datang ya Allah, aku datang memenuhi panggilan-Mu; Aku datang, tiada sekutu bagi-Mu, aku datang; Sesungguhnya segala pujian, segala kenikmatan, dan seluruh kerajaan, adalah milik Engkau; tiada sekutu bagi-Mu.

2. Wukuf di Arafah

Dilaksanakan pada tanggal 9 Zulhijah, waktunya dimulai setelah matahari tergelincir sampai terbit fajar pada hari nahar (hari menyembelih kurban) tanggal 10 Zulhijah.

Saat wukuf, ada beberapa hal yang harus dilakukan, yaitu: shalat jamak taqdim dan qashar zuhur-ashar, berdoa, berzikir bersama, membaca Al-Qur`an, shalat jamak taqdim dan qashar maghrib-isya.

3. Mabît di Muzdalifah, Mekah

Waktunya sesaat setelah tengah malam sampai sebelum terbit fajar. Disini mengambil batu kerikil sejumlah 49 butir atau 70 butir untuk melempar jumrah di Mina, dan melakukan shalat subuh di awal waktu, dilanjutkan dengan berangkat menuju Mina. Kemudian berhenti sebentar di masy`ar al-harâm (monumen suci) atau Muzdalifah untuk berzikir kepada Allah SWT (QS 2: 198), dan mengerjakan shalat subuh ketika fajar telah menyingsing.

4. Melontar jumrah `aqabah

Dilakukan di bukit `Aqabah, pada tanggal 10 Zulhijah, dengan 7 butir kerikil, kemudian menyembelih hewan kurban.

5. Tahalul

Tahalul adalah berlepas diri dari ihram haji setelah selesai mengerjakan amalan-amalan haji.

Tahalul awal, dilaksanakan setelah selesai melontar jumrah `aqobah, dengan cara mencukur/memotong rambut sekurang-kurangnya 3 helai.

Setelah tahalul, boleh memakai pakaian biasa dan melakukan semua perbuatan yang dilarang selama ihram, kecuali berhubungan seks.

Bagi yang ingin melaksanakan tawaf ifâdah pada hari itu dapat langsung pergi ke Mekah untuk tawaf. Dengan membaca talbiah masuk ke Masjidil Haram melalui Bâbussalâm (pintu salam) dan melakukan tawaf. Selesai tawaf disunahkan mencium Hajar Aswad (batu hitam), lalu shalat sunah 2 rakaat di dekat makam Ibrahim, berdoa di Multazam, dan shalat sunah 2 rakaat di Hijr Ismail (semuanya ada di kompleks Masjidil Haram).

Kemudian melakukan sa`i antara bukit Shafa dan Marwa, dimulai dari Bukit Shafa dan berakhir di Bukit Marwa. Lalu dilanjutkan dengan tahalul kedua, yaitu mencukur/memotong rambut sekurang-kurangnya 3 helai.

Dengan demikian, seluruh perbuatan yang dilarang selama ihram telah dihapuskan, sehingga semuanya kembali halal untuk dilakukan.

Selanjutnya kembali ke Mina sebelum matahari terbenam untuk mabît di sana.

6. Mabît di Mina

Dilaksanakan pada hari tasyrik (hari yang diharamkan untuk berpuasa), yaitu pada tanggal 11, 12, dan 13 Zulhijah. Setiap siang pada hari-hari tasyrik itu melontar jumrah ûlâ, wustâ, dan `aqabah, masing-masing 7 kali.

Bagi yang menghendaki nafar awwal (meninggalkan Mina tanggal 12 Zulhijah setelah jumrah sore hari), melontar jumrah dilakukan pada tanggal 11 dan 12 Zulhijah saja. Tetapi bagi yang menghendaki nafar sânî atau nafar akhir (meninggalkan Mina pada tanggal 13 Zulhijah setelah jumrah sore hari), melontar jumrah dilakukan selama tiga hari (11, 12, dan 13 Zulhijah).

Dengan selesainya melontar jumrah maka selesailah seluruh rangkaian kegiatan ibadah haji dan kembali ke Mekah.

7. Tawaf ifâdah

Bagi yang belum melaksanakan tawaf ifâdah ketika berada di Mekah, maka harus melakukan tawaf ifâdah dan sa`i. Lalu melakukan tawaf wada` sebelum meninggalkan Mekah untuk kembali pulang ke daerah asal.

Larangan dalam Haji

Hal-hal yang tidak boleh dilakukan oleh orang yang sudah memakai pakaian ihram dan sudah berniat melakukan ibadah haji/umrah adalah:

1. Melakukan hubungan seksual atau apa pun yang dapat mengarah pada perbuatan hubungan seksual

2. Melakukan perbuatan tercela dan maksiat

3. Bertengkar dengan orang lain

4. Memakai pakaian yang berjahit (bagi laki-laki)

5. Memakai wangi-wangian

6. Memakai khuff (kaus kaki atau sepatu yang menutup mata kaki)

7. Melakukan akad nikah

8. Memotong kuku

9. Mencukur atau mencabut rambut

10. Memakai pakaian yang dicelup yang mempunyai bau harum

11. Membunuh binatang buruan

12. Memakan daging binatang buruan

 

Macam-macam Haji

1. Haji ifrâd

Haji ifrâd yaitu membedakan ibadah haji dengan umrah. Ibadah haji dan umrah masing-masing dikerjakan tersendiri. Pelaksanaannya, ibadah haji dilakukan terlebih dulu, setelah selesai baru melakukan umrah. Semuanya dilakukan masih dalam bulan haji.

Cara pelaksanaannya adalah:

a. ihram dari mîqât dengan niat untuk haji

b. ihram dari mîqât dengan niat untuk umrah

2. Haji tamattu`

Haji tamattu` adalah melakukan umrah terlebih dulu pada bulan haji, setelah selesai baru melakukan haji.

Orang yang melakukan haji tamattu` wajib membayar hadyu (denda), yaitu dengan menyembelih seekor kambing. Jika tidak mampu dapat diganti dengan berpuasa selama 10 hari, yaitu 3 hari selagi masih berada di tanah suci, dan 7 hari setelah kembali di tanah air.

Cara pelaksanaannya adalah:

a. ihram dari mîqât dengan niat untuk umrah

b. melaksanakan haji setelah selesai melaksanakan semua amalan umrah

3. Haji qirân

Haji qirân adalah melaksanakan ibadah haji dan umrah secara bersama-sama. Dengan demikian segala amalan umrah sudah tercakup dalam amalan haji.

Cara pelaksanaannya adalah:

a. ihram dari mîqât dengan niat untuk haji dan umrah sekaligus

b. melakukan seluruh amalan haji

 

Amalan-Amalan Haji

1. Mîqât

Mîqât adalah batas waktu dan tempat melakukan ibadah haji dan umrah. Mîqât terdiri atas mîqât zamânî dan mîqât makânî.

Mîqât zamânî adalah kapan ibadah haji sudah boleh dilaksanakan.

Berdasarkan kesepakatan para ulama yang bersumber dari sunah Rasulullah SAW, mîqât zamânî jatuh pada bulan Syawal, Zulkaidah, sampai dengan tanggal 10 Zulhijah.

Mîqât makânî adalah dari tempat mana ibadah haji sudah boleh dilaksanakan.

Tempat-tempat untuk mîqât makânî adalah:

• Zulhulaifah atau Bir-Ali (450 km dari Mekah) bagi orang yang datang dari arah Madinah

• Al-Juhfah atau Rabiq (204 km dari Mekah) bagi orang yang datang dari arah Suriah, Mesir, dan wilayah-wilayah Maghrib

• Yalamlan (sebuah gunung yang letaknya 94 km di selatan Mekah) bagi orang yang datang dari arah Yaman

• Qarnul Manazir (94 km di timur Mekah) bagi orang yang datang dari arah Nejd

• Zatu Irqin (94 km sebelah timur Mekah) bagi orang yang datang dari arah Irak

2. Ihram

Ihram ialah niat melaksanakan ibadah haji atau umrah dan memakai pakaian ihram.

Bagi laki-laki, pakaian ihram adalah dua helai pakaian tak berjahit untuk menutup badan bagian atas dan sehelai lagi untuk menutup badan bagian bawah. Kepala tidak ditutup dan memakai alas kaki yang tidak menutup mata kaki.

Bagi wanita, pakaian ihram adalah kain berjahit yang menutup seluruh tubuh kecuali wajah.

Sunah ihram adalah memotong kuku, kumis, rambut ketiak, rambut kemaluan, dan mandi. Kemudian melakukan shalat sunah ihram 2 rakaat (sebelum ihram), membaca talbiah, shalawat, dan istighfar (sesudah ihram dimulai).

3. Tawaf

Tawaf adalah mengelilingi Ka`bah sebanyak 7 kali, dimulai dari arah yang sejajar dengan Hajar Aswad dan Ka`bah selalu ada di sebelah kiri (berputar berlawanan arah jarum jam).

Syarat tawaf adalah:

1. Suci dari hadas besar, hadas kecil, dan najis

2. Menutup aurat

3. Melakukan 7 kali putaran berturut-turut

4. Mulai dan mengakhiri tawaf di tempat yang sejajar dengan Hajar Aswad

5. Ka`bah selalu berada di sisi kiri

6. Bertawaf di luar Ka`bah

Sedangkan sunah tawaf adalah:

1. Menghadap Hajar Aswad ketika memulai tawaf

2. Berjalan kaki

3. al-idtibâ, yaitu meletakkan pertengahan kain ihram di bawah ketiak tangan kanan dan kedua ujungnya di atas bahu kiri

4. Menyentuh Hajar Aswad atau memberi isyarat ketika mulai tawaf

5. Niat.

Niat untuk tawaf yang terkandung dalam ibadah haji hukumnya tidak wajib karena niatnya sudah terkandung dalam niat ihram haji, tetapi kalau tawaf itu bukan dalam ibadah haji, maka hukum niat tawaf menjadi wajib, seperti dalam tawaf wada` dan tawaf nazar.

6. Mencapai rukun yamanî (pada putaran ke-7) dan mencium atau menyentuh Hajar Aswad

7. Memperbanyak doa dan zikir selama dalam tawaf

8. Tertib, dilaksanakan secara berurutan

Macam-macam tawaf adalah:

Tawaf ifâdah

Tawaf sebagai rukun haji yang apabila ditinggalkan maka hajinya menjadi tidak sah.

Tawaf ziyârah

Tawaf kunjungan, sering juga disebut tawaf qudûm, yaitu tawaf yang dilakukan setibanya di kota Mekah.

Tawaf sunah

Tawaf yang dapat dilakukan kapan saja.

Tawaf wada`

Tawaf perpisahan, yaitu tawaf yang dilakukan sebelum meninggalkan Mekah setelah selesai melakukan seluruh rangkaian ibadah haji.

4. Sa`i

Sa`i adalah berjalan dari Bukit Shafa ke Bukit Marwa sebanyak 7 kali.

Syarat sa`i adalah:

1. Seluruh perjalanan sa`i dilakukan secara lengkap, tidak boleh ada jarak yang tersisa

2. Dimulai dari Shafa dan berakhir di Marwa

3. Dilakukan sesudah tawaf

4. Dilakukan sebanyak 7 kali perjalanan

Sedangkan sunah dalam sa`i adalah:

1. Berdoa di antara Shafa dan Marwa

2. Dalam keadaan suci dan menutup aurat

3. Berlari kecil antara 2 tonggak hijau

4. Tidak berdesakan

5. Berjalan kaki

6. Dikerjakan secara berturut-turut

5. Wukuf di Arafah

Wukud di Arafah adalah berdiam diri di padang Arafah sejak matahari tergelincir pada tanggal 9 Zulhijah sampai terbit fajar pada tanggal 10 Zulhijah (hari nahar), baik dalam keadaan suci maupun tidak suci.

Haji tanpa wukuf tidak sah dan harus diulang lagi pada tahun berikutnya. Hal ini berdasarkan hadist Rasulullah SAW yang diriwayatkan oleh Abu Dawud:

Haji itu `arafah, siapa yang datang pada malam mabît di Muzdalifah sebelum fajar menyingsing, ia sudah mendapatkan haji.

Ketika melakukan wukuf, disunahkan untuk tidak berpuasa, menghadap kiblat, berzikir, membaca istighfar, dan berdoa. Menurut riwayat Imam Ahmad, doa Nabi SAW ketika di hari arafah adalah:

Tiada Tuhan kecuali Allah, yang Esa, tiada sekutu bagi-Nya, bagi-Nya seluruh kerajaan, bagi-Nya pula segala pujian, di tangan-Nya segala kebaikan, dan Ia Maha Kuasa atas segalanya.

6. Melontar Jumrah

Melontar jumrah ialah melempar batu kerikil ke arah 3 buah tonggak, yaitu ûlâ, wustâ, dan ukhrâ, masing-masing 7 kali lemparan. Hari melontar jumrah dimulai pada tanggal 10 Zulhijah, ke arah jumrah `aqabah atau jumrah kubra, dan 2 atau 3 hari dari hari-hari tasyrik (11, 12, dan 13 Zulhijah) ke arah 3 jumrah yang telah disebutkan di atas.

Waktu melontar jumrah disunahkan sesudah matahari terbit. Bagi orang yang lemah atau berhalangan boleh melakukannya pada malam hari.

Adapun melontar jumrah pada 3 hari yang lain, hendaknya dimulai pada waktu matahari sudah mulai turun ke barat sampai saat matahari terbenam.

Ketika melontar jumrah disunahkan:

1. Berdiri dengan posisi Mekah ada di sebelah kiri dan Mina di sebelah kanan

2. Mengangkat tangan tinggi-tinggi bagi laki-laki

3. Membaca takbir ketika melempar batu yang pertama

Bagi orang yang berhalangan menyelesaikan haji dengan tidak melakukan wukuf di Arafah, tawaf, ataupun sa`i, apa pun penyebabnya, menurut pendapat jumhur ulama orang tsb wajib menyembelih seekor kambing, sapi, atau unta di tempat ia bertahalul.

Apabila ibadahnya itu ibadah wajib, ia harus meng-qadha pada tahun berikutnya, tetapi bila bukan ibadah wajib, ia tidak perlu meng-qadha.

Haji Akbar dan Haji Mabrur

Haji akbar (haji besar)

Istilah haji akbar disebut dalam firman Allah SWT pada surah At-Taubah: 3 yang artinya:

Dan (inilah) suatu pemakluman dari Allah dan Rasul-Nya kepada manusia pada hari haji akbar, bahwa sesungguhnya Allah dan Rasul-Nya berlepas diri dari orang-orang musyrikin...

Ada beberapa pendapat ulama tentang haji akbar, yaitu haji akbar adalah:

• haji pada hari wukuf di Arafah

• haji pada hari nahar

• haji yang wukufnya bertepatan dengan hari jum`at

• ibadah haji itu sendiri beserta wukufnya di Arafah

Namun pendapat yang paling masyhur adalah pendapat yang menyatakan bahwa haji akbar adalah haji yang wukufnya jatuh pada hari jum`at.

Ada haji besar, ada pula haji asgar (haji kecil) yang merupakan istilah lain untuk umrah.

Haji mabrur

Haji mabrur adalah ibadah haji seseorang yang seluruh rangkaian ibadah hajinya dapat dilaksanakan dengan benar, ikhlas, tidak dicampuri dosa, menggunakan biaya yang halal, dan yang terpenting, setelah ibadah haji menjadi orang yang lebih baik.

Balasan bagi orang yang mendapat haji mabrur adalah surga. Hal ini didasarkan pada sabda Rasulullah SAW yang diriwayatkan oleh Abu Hurairah yang artinya:

Umrah ke satu ke umrah berikutnya adalah penebus dosa di antara keduanya, dan haji mabrur ganjarannya tiada lain kecuali surga (HR Bukhari dan Muslim)

Dam (Denda)

Dam dalam bentuk darah adalah menyembelih binatang sebagai karafat (tebusan) terhadap beberapa pelanggaran yang dilakukan ketika melakukan ibadah haji atau umrah. Jenis dam adalah:

1. Dam tartîb

2. Dam takhyîr dan taqdîr

3. Dam tartîb dan ta`dîl

4. Dam takhyîr dan ta`dîl

1. Dam tartîb

Dam tartîb yaitu bila binatang yang disembelih adalah kambing, tetapi bila tidak mendapat kambing, harus melaksanakan puasa 3 hari di tanah suci dan 7 hari apabila telah pulang ke kampung halaman.

Orang diwajibkan membayar dam tartîb karena 9 hal, yaitu:

1. Mengerjakan haji tammatu`

2. Mengerjakan haji qirân

3. Tidak wukuf di Arafah

4. Tidak melontar jumrah yang ke-3

5. Tidak mabît di Muzdalifah pada malam nahar

6. Tidak mabît di Mina pada malam hari tasyrik

7. Tidak berihram dari mîqât

8. Tidak melakukan tawaf wada`

9. Tidak berjalan kaki bagi yang bernazar untuk mengerjakan haji dengan berjalan kaki

2. Dam takhyîr dan taqdîr

Dam takhyîr dan taqdîr ialah boleh memilih menyembelih seekor kambing, berpuasa, atau bersedekah memberi makan kepada 6 orang miskin sebanyak 3 sa` (1 sa` = 3,1 liter).

Dam jenis ini dikenakan untuk satu diantara sebab-sebab berikut:

1. Mencabut 3 helai rambut atau lebih secara berturut-turut

2. Memotong 3 kuku atau lebih

3. Berpakaian yang berjahit

4. Menutup kepala

5. Memakai wewangian

6. Melakukan perbuatan yang menjadi pengantar bagi perbuatan seksual

7. Melakukan hubungan seksual antara tahalul pertama dan tahalul kedua.

3. Dam tartîb dan ta`dîl

Dam tartîb dan ta`dîl adalah pertama kali wajib menyembelih unta, apabila tidak mampu boleh menyembelih sapi, apabila tidak mampu juga baru menyembelih kambing 7 ekor.

Apabila tidak mendapat 7 ekor kambing, si pelanggar harus membeli makanan seharga itu dan disedekahkan kepada fakir miskin di tanah suci.

Dam jenis ini dikenakan karena pelanggaran melakukan hubungan seksual.

4. Dam takhyîr dan ta`dîl

Dam takhyîr dan ta`dîl adalah boleh memilih diantara 3 hal yaitu:

• Menyembelih binatang buruan yang diburu

• Membeli makanan seharga binatang buruan tsb dan disedekahkan

• Berpuasa satu hari untuk setiap 1 mud (5/6 liter)

Dam jenis ini dikenakan karena sebab-sebab:

1. Merusak, memburu, atau membunuh binatang buruan

2. Memotong pohon-pohon atau mencabut rerumputan di tanah haram.

Waktu dan tempat penyembelihan dam

Waktu penyembelihan dam yang disebabkan pelanggaran yang tidak sampai membatalkan atau kehilangan haji harus dilakukan pada waktu si pelanggar melakukan ibadah haji. Tetapi bagi dam yang disebabkan pelanggaran yang berakibat kehilangan haji, pelaksanaannya wajib ditunda sampai pada waktu melakukan ihram ketika meng-qadha haji.

Sedangkan tempat penyembelihan dam dan penyaluran dagingnya adalah di tanah haram.

Bagi orang yang melakukan haji, diutamakan menyembelihnya di Mina, sedangkan bagi orang yang melakukan umrah, menyembelihnya di Marwa.

Mewakilkan Haji

Perwakilan haji berlaku untuk seseorang yang mampu melakukan haji dari segi biaya, tapi kesehatannya tidak memungkinkan, seperti sakit yang parah atau karena usia tua.

Dalam hal ini wajib orang lain untuk menghajikannya dengan biaya dari orang yang bersangkutan, dengan syarat orang yang menggantikan tsb sudah mengerjakan haji untuk dirinya sendiri.

Tetapi bila setelah dihajikan orang itu sembuh, menurut Imam Syafi`i, ia tetap wajib melakukan haji.

Perwakilan haji juga dapat dilakukan atas orang yang sudah meninggal, asalkan orang tsb berkewajiban haji, antara lain mempunyai nazar dan belum dapat melaksanakannya. Hal ini didasarkan pada hadist yang meriwayatkan bahwa seorang lelaki mendatangi Nabi SAW:

`Ayah saya sudah meninggal dan ia mempunya kewajiban haji, apakah aku harus menghajikannya?` Nabi SAW menjawab, `Bagaimana pendapatmu apabila ayahmu meninggalkan hutang, apakah engkau wajib membayarnya?` Orang itu menjawab, `Ya`. Nabi SAW berkata, `Berhajilah engkau untuk ayahmu`.(HR. Ibnu Abbas RA)

Sumber : http://mihrabqolbi.com

Baca Artikel Lainnya : MELAKSANAKAN HAJI UMRAH, KEWAJIBAN YANG BERIHRAM DAN ZIARAH KE MASJID RASUL

 

PENGETAHUAN UMUM TENTANG IBADAH HAJI

Dewasa Ini Banyak sekali Terdengan Berbagai Alternatif Yang bIsa digunakan untuk menambha tinggi badan, mulai dari obat, suplemen, vitamin, juga alat-alat tertentu.
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1. Lari cepat jarak pendek (sprint)
Latihan ini bermanfaat meningkatkan pelepasan hormon pertumbuhan. Penekanan pada otot kaki selama latihan berdampak pada pemanjangan tulang dan otot.
Tetapi jangan terlalu sering melakukannya karena dapat menyebabkan pembengkakan pada otot dan tendon. Sprint dianjurkan pada permukaan alami seperti lantai atau rumput, bukan beton.

2. Menendang
Berdiri dengan kaki lebar dan angkat satu kaki kemudian lakukan tendangan. Ulangi minimal 20 tendangan pada satu kaki dan kemudian beralih ke kaki yang lain. Lakukan latihan ini selama 20 kali, karena dapat memperpanjang tulang kering dan paha.

3. Lompat
Berdirilah di depan bangku atau tangga setinggi kaki. Untuk memulai, lompat dengan satu kaki dalam sepuluh hitungan. Lalu, ulangi dengan kaki lain. Lakukan gerakan melompat hingga tiga kali. Anda bisa beristirahat di sela latihan.

4. Bersepeda
Gerakan mengayuh sepeda membuat jari kaki terus mencapai pedal. Ini merupakan peregangan yang bisa membuat kaki lebih panjang. Lakukanlah selama sekitar 10-15 menit. Anda juga dapat menggunakan sepeda statis atau stationary cycle.

5. Berenang
Olahraga satu ini memang sangat efektif untuk membuat tubuh fit dan lebih fleksibel. Lakukan renang gaya dada dan lakukan minimal 20 menit.

6. Lompat tali
Latihan ini sangat menyenangkan, apalagi jika Anda sambil mendengarkan musik menghentak. Lakukan sebanyak 300 kali setiap hari.

7. Berayun
Gunakan penahan atau ambang pintu yang tinggi. Anda dapat membelinya di toko peralatan olahraga. Awali posisi dengan berdiri lalu biarkan tubuh berayun. Posisi kaki bisa lurus atau ditekuk, buatlah tubuh senyaman mungkin. Lakukan gerakan ini setidaknya 10 kali dalam sehari.

8. Free Hand
Berdirilah tegak dalam ruangan yang luas dan tarik napas dalam-dalam. Angkat tangan letakan di tingkat bahu, lalu dorong tangan sejauh mungkin dan lepaskan napas. Ulangi 8 -10 kali.
Tarik napas dan kembali memosisikan tangan. Lalu, angkat tumit sambil berdiri jinjit, hembuskan napas, ulangi 80-10 kali. Tarik napas dan angkat lengan terentang di atas kepala. Lalu ayunkan ke dalam dengan arah melingkar dan buang napas. Ulangi 80-10 kali.

Pilih salah satu latihan yang paling cocok untuk Anda. Syaratnya harus dilakukan secara teratur dan konsisten. Cobalah untuk memiliki waktu teratur untuk latihan Anda sehingga dapat merasakan efeknya.

 

CARA MENAMBAH TINGGI BADAN SECARA ALAMI.

saco-indonesia.com, Ketua Komisi III DPR Pieter Zulkifly telah menilai usulan pembentukan panitia kerja (panja) yang menangani tentang pemberian grasi dan pembebasan bersyarat kepada ratu mariyuana asal Australia, Schapelle Leigh Corby berlebihan.

"Usulan itu sah-sah saja, tapi usulan itu berlebihan. Jangan sedikit-sedikit bentuk panja. Kita juga harus menghargai apa yang telah diputuskan oleh pemerintah," kata Pieter di Gedung DPR, Senayan, Jakarta, Selasa (11/2/2014).

Pieter juga berharap, para anggota DPR tidak selalu menilai putusan pemerintah salah. Pemberian grasi dan pembebasan bersyarat, kata dia, adalah sepenuhnya kewenangan pemerintah.

"Saya pikir itu tidak perlu dilakukan karena itu juga akan saling melukai. Saya telah mengimbau kita harus saling menghargai apa yang telah menjadi kewenangan pemerintah," tegas politikus Partai Demokrat itu.

Sebelumnya, wacana pembentukan panja Corby juga sempat diungkapkan oleh anggota Komisi III dari Fraksi Partai Hanura, Syarifudin Suding. Ia telah menilai pembebasan bersyarat untuk Corby adalah bentuk ketidakkonsistenan Menteri Hukum dan HAM Amir Syamsudin.

Usulan itu pun telah disampaikan Suding ke Wakil Ketua Komisi III dari Fraksi Partai Golkar, Azis Syamsudin. Rencananya, wacana pembentukan panja ini akan dibahas di internal Komisi III.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

KETUA KOMISI III: PANJA CORBY BERLEBIHAN

saco-indonesia.com, Winda Viska telah merasakan perbedaan honor atas tawaran manggung di malam tahun baru. Senyuman muncul saat melihat nominal honor yang telah ditransfe olehr pihak penyelenggara di buku rekeningnya. Tak ingin membuat iri orang lain, Winda pun juga enggan membeberkan berapa kali lipat honor yang diperolehnya.

"tidak usah dipamerin ah, nanti dibilang sombong lagi. Kalau dibilang 100 kali lipat nanti banyak yang iri. Yang jelas berapa yang didapat, mau 100 kali lipat pun diaminin saja," kata Winda saat ditemui di Hotel Grand Melia Jakarta Selatan.

Hampir setiap malam tahun baru ia juga mengaku menerima tawaran manggung. Bukan lantaran honor yang telah menggiurkan tapi Winda lebih melihat dari keseruan acara yang telah diselenggarakan.

"Tiap tahun baru selalu ambil, kalau tidak memungkinkan sih nggak diambil. Tapi tidak tahu kenapa keadaan aku selalu memungkinkan buat ambil. Bukan mikir karena honornya juga, tapi yang penting acaranya seru," jelasnya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

HONOR TAHUN BARU WINDA VISKA 100 KALI LIPAT
saco-indonesia.com, Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) telah melayangkan somasi kepada mantan Menko Perekonomian Rizal Ramli terkait dalam pernyataan Rizal yang telah menyatakan bahwa jabatan Wapres Boediono adalah gratifikasi dari kasus Bank Century. Menanggapi hal itu, Rizal Ramli juga mengaku telah menyiapkan 200 lebih pengacara untuk dapat menghadapi somasi SBY itu. "Kami juga akan siapkan 200 lebih pengacara untuk somasi ini. Dalam suasana Indonesia yang pragmatis, transaksional ini, ratusan lawyer telah melawan kekuatan anti demokrasi secara sukrela dan juga telah memberi harapan kepada kami," kata Rizal di Gedung Juang, Jalan Menteng Raya, Jakarta Pusat, Senin (27/1/2014). Rizal pun juga terkesan dengan pengacara yang ingin membelanya dalam melawan somasi SBY tersebut. Salah satu pengacara yang telah bergabung adalah Ahmad Rifai yang juga pengacara KPK. "Sangat mengagumkan dan mengharukan, ternyata banyak sekali lawyer-lawyer yang secara probono, sukarela, beramai-ramai bergabung untuk dapat memperjuangkan demokrasi dan kebebasan berpendapat di Indonesia," tegasnya. Sekedar diketahui, selain Rizal Ramli, pengacara keluarga Presiden SBY, Palmer Situmorang juga telah melayangkan somasi kepada loyalis Anas Urbaningrum yang juga anggota Perhimpunan Pergerakan Indonesia (PPI), Sri Mulyono karena tulisannya di laman Kompasiana berjudul "Anas: Kejarlah Daku Kau Terungkap Editor : Dian Sukmawati saco-indonesia.com, Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) telah melayangkan somasi kepada mantan Menko Perekonomian Rizal Ramli terkait dalam pernyataan Rizal yang telah menyatakan bahwa jabatan Wapres Boediono adalah gratifikasi dari kasus Bank Century. Menanggapi hal itu, Rizal Ramli juga mengaku telah menyiapkan 200 lebih pengacara untuk dapat menghadapi somasi SBY itu. "Kami juga akan siapkan 200 lebih pengacara untuk somasi ini. Dalam suasana Indonesia yang pragmatis, transaksional ini, ratusan lawyer telah melawan kekuatan anti demokrasi secara sukrela dan juga telah memberi harapan kepada kami," kata Rizal di Gedung Juang, Jalan Menteng Raya, Jakarta Pusat, Senin (27/1/2014). Rizal pun juga terkesan dengan pengacara yang ingin membelanya dalam melawan somasi SBY tersebut. Salah satu pengacara yang telah bergabung adalah Ahmad Rifai yang juga pengacara KPK. "Sangat mengagumkan dan mengharukan, ternyata banyak sekali lawyer-lawyer yang secara probono, sukarela, beramai-ramai bergabung untuk dapat memperjuangkan demokrasi dan kebebasan berpendapat di Indonesia," tegasnya. Sekedar diketahui, selain Rizal Ramli, pengacara keluarga Presiden SBY, Palmer Situmorang juga telah melayangkan somasi kepada loyalis Anas Urbaningrum yang juga anggota Perhimpunan Pergerakan Indonesia (PPI), Sri Mulyono karena tulisannya di laman Kompasiana berjudul "Anas: Kejarlah Daku Kau Terungkap Editor : Dian Sukmawati RIZAL RAMLI SIAPKAN 200 PENGACARA

Mr. King sang for the Drifters and found success as a solo performer with hits like “Spanish Harlem.”

Ben E. King, Soulful Singer of ‘Stand by Me,’ Dies at 76

Ms. Meadows was the older sister of Audrey Meadows, who played Alice Kramden on “The Honeymooners.”

Jayne Meadows, Actress and Steve Allen’s Wife and Co-Star, Dies at 95

Ms. Turner and her twin sister founded the Love Kitchen in 1986 in a church basement in Knoxville, Tenn., and it continues to provide clothing and meals.

Ellen Turner Dies at 87; Opened Kitchen to Feed the Needy of Knoxville

The live music at the Vice Media party on Friday shook the room. Shane Smith, Vice’s chief executive, was standing near the stage — with a drink in his hand, pants sagging, tattoos showing — watching the rapper-cum-chef Action Bronson make pizzas.

The event was an after-party, a happy-hour bacchanal for the hundreds of guests who had come for Vice’s annual presentation to advertisers and agencies that afternoon, part of the annual frenzy for ad dollars called the Digital Content NewFronts. Mr. Smith had spoken there for all of five minutes before running a slam-bang highlight reel of the company’s shows that had titles like “Weediquette” and “Gaycation.”

In the last year, Vice has secured $500 million in financing and signed deals worth hundreds of millions of dollars with established media companies like HBO that are eager to engage the young viewers Vice attracts. Vice said it was now worth at least $4 billion, with nearly $1 billion in projected revenue for 2015. It is a long way from Vice’s humble start as a free magazine in 1994.

Photo
 
At the Vice after-party, the rapper Action Bronson, a host of a Vice show, made a pizza. Credit Jesse Dittmar for The New York Times

But even as cash flows freely in Vice’s direction, the company is trying to keep its brash, insurgent image. At the party on Friday, it plied guests with beers and cocktails. Its apparently unrehearsed presentation to advertisers was peppered with expletives. At one point, the director Spike Jonze, a longtime Vice collaborator, asked on stage if Mr. Smith had been drinking.

“My assistant tried to cut me off,” Mr. Smith replied. “I’m on buzz control.”

Now, Vice is on the verge of getting its own cable channel, which would give the company a traditional outlet for its slate of non-news programming. If all goes as planned, A&E Networks, the television group owned by Hearst and Disney, will turn over its History Channel spinoff, H2, to Vice.

The deal’s announcement was expected last week, but not all of A&E’s distribution partners — the cable and satellite TV companies that carry the network’s channels — have signed off on the change, according to a person familiar with the negotiations who spoke on the condition of anonymity because the talks were private.

A cable channel would be a further step in a transformation for Vice, from bad-boy digital upstart to mainstream media company.

Keen for the core audience of young men who come to Vice, media giants like 21st Century Fox, Time Warner and Disney all showed interest in the company last year. Vice ultimately secured $500 million in financing from A&E Networks and Technology Crossover Ventures, a Silicon Valley venture capital firm that has invested in Facebook and Netflix.

Those investments valued Vice at more than $2.5 billion. (In 2013, Fox bought a 5 percent stake for $70 million.)

Then in March, HBO announced that it had signed a multiyear deal to broadcast a daily half-hour Vice newscast. Vice already produces a weekly newsmagazine show, called “Vice,” for the network. That show will extend its run through 2018, with an increase to 35 episodes a year, from 14.

Michael Lombardo, HBO’s president for programming, said when the deal was announced that it was “certainly one of our biggest investments with hours on the air.”

Vice, based in Brooklyn, also recently signed a multiyear $100 million deal with Rogers Communications, a Canadian media conglomerate, to produce original content for TV, smartphone and desktop viewers.

Vice’s finances are private, but according to an internal document reviewed by The New York Times and verified by a person familiar with the company’s financials, the company is on track to make about $915 million in revenue this year.

Photo
 
Vice showed a highlight reel of its TV series at the NewFronts last week in New York. Credit Jesse Dittmar for The New York Times

It brought in $545 million in a strong first quarter, which included portions of the new HBO deal and the Rogers deal, according to the document. More of its revenue now comes from these types of content partnerships, compared with the branded content deals that made up much of its revenue a year ago, the company said.

Mr. Smith said the company was worth at least $4 billion. If the valuation gets much higher, he said he would consider taking the company public.

“I don’t care about money; we have plenty of money,” Mr. Smith, who is Vice’s biggest shareholder, said in an interview after the presentation on Friday. “I care about strategic deals.”

In the United States, Vice Media had 35.2 million unique visitors across its sites in March, according to comScore.

The third season of Vice’s weekly HBO show has averaged 1.8 million viewers per episode, including reruns, through April 12, according to Brad Adgate, the director of research at Horizon Media. (Vice said the show attracted three million weekly viewers when repeat broadcasts, online and on-demand viewings were included.)

For years, Mr. Smith has criticized traditional TV, calling it slow and unable to draw younger viewers. But if all the deals Vice has struck are to work out, Mr. Smith may have to play more by the rules of traditional media. James Murdoch, Rupert Murdoch’s son and a member of Vice’s board, was at the company’s presentation on Friday, as were other top media executives.

“They know they need people like me to help them, but they can’t get out of their own way,” Mr. Smith said in the interview Friday. “My only real frustration is we’re used to being incredibly dynamic, and they’re not incredibly dynamic.”

With its own television channel in the United States, Vice would have something it has long coveted even as traditional media companies are looking beyond TV. Last year, Vice’s deal with Time Warner failed in part because the two companies could not agree on how much control Vice would have over a 24-hour television network.

Vice said it intended to fill its new channel with non-news programming. The company plans to have sports shows, fashion shows, food shows and the “Gaycation” travel show with the actress Ellen Page. It is also in talks with Kanye West about a show.

It remains to be seen whether Vice’s audience will watch a traditional cable channel. Still, Vice has effectively presold all of the ad spots to two of the biggest advertising agencies for the first three years, Mr. Smith said.

In the meantime, Mr. Smith is enjoying Vice’s newfound role as a potential savior of traditional media companies.

“I’m a C.E.O. of a content company,” Mr. Smith said before he caught a flight to Las Vegas for the boxing match on Saturday between Floyd Mayweather Jr. and Manny Pacquiao. “If it stops being fun, then why are you doing it?”

As Vice Moves More to TV, It Tries to Keep Brash Voice

Even as a high school student, Dave Goldberg was urging female classmates to speak up. As a young dot-com executive, he had one girlfriend after another, but fell hard for a driven friend named Sheryl Sandberg, pining after her for years. After they wed, Mr. Goldberg pushed her to negotiate hard for high compensation and arranged his schedule so that he could be home with their children when she was traveling for work.

Mr. Goldberg, who died unexpectedly on Friday, was a genial, 47-year-old Silicon Valley entrepreneur who built his latest company, SurveyMonkey, from a modest enterprise to one recently valued by investors at $2 billion. But he was also perhaps the signature male feminist of his era: the first major chief executive in memory to spur his wife to become as successful in business as he was, and an essential figure in “Lean In,” Ms. Sandberg’s blockbuster guide to female achievement.

Over the weekend, even strangers were shocked at his death, both because of his relatively young age and because they knew of him as the living, breathing, car-pooling center of a new philosophy of two-career marriage.

“They were very much the role models for what this next generation wants to grapple with,” said Debora L. Spar, the president of Barnard College. In a 2011 commencement speech there, Ms. Sandberg told the graduates that whom they married would be their most important career decision.

In the play “The Heidi Chronicles,” revived on Broadway this spring, a male character who is the founder of a media company says that “I don’t want to come home to an A-plus,” explaining that his ambitions require him to marry an unthreatening helpmeet. Mr. Goldberg grew up to hold the opposite view, starting with his upbringing in progressive Minneapolis circles where “there was woman power in every aspect of our lives,” Jeffrey Dachis, a childhood friend, said in an interview.

The Goldberg parents read “The Feminine Mystique” together — in fact, Mr. Goldberg’s father introduced it to his wife, according to Ms. Sandberg’s book. In 1976, Paula Goldberg helped found a nonprofit to aid children with disabilities. Her husband, Mel, a law professor who taught at night, made the family breakfast at home.

Later, when Dave Goldberg was in high school and his prom date, Jill Chessen, stayed silent in a politics class, he chastised her afterward. He said, “You need to speak up,” Ms. Chessen recalled in an interview. “They need to hear your voice.”

Years later, when Karin Gilford, an early employee at Launch Media, Mr. Goldberg’s digital music company, became a mother, he knew exactly what to do. He kept giving her challenging assignments, she recalled, but also let her work from home one day a week. After Yahoo acquired Launch, Mr. Goldberg became known for distributing roses to all the women in the office on Valentine’s Day.

Ms. Sandberg, who often describes herself as bossy-in-a-good-way, enchanted him when they became friendly in the mid-1990s. He “was smitten with her,” Ms. Chessen remembered. Ms. Sandberg was dating someone else, but Mr. Goldberg still hung around, even helping her and her then-boyfriend move, recalled Bob Roback, a friend and co-founder of Launch. When they finally married in 2004, friends remember thinking how similar the two were, and that the qualities that might have made Ms. Sandberg intimidating to some men drew Mr. Goldberg to her even more.

Over the next decade, Mr. Goldberg and Ms. Sandberg pioneered new ways of capturing information online, had a son and then a daughter, became immensely wealthy, and hashed out their who-does-what-in-this-marriage issues. Mr. Goldberg’s commute from the Bay Area to Los Angeles became a strain, so he relocated, later joking that he “lost the coin flip” of where they would live. He paid the bills, she planned the birthday parties, and both often left their offices at 5:30 so they could eat dinner with their children before resuming work afterward.

Friends in Silicon Valley say they were careful to conduct their careers separately, politely refusing when outsiders would ask one about the other’s work: Ms. Sandberg’s role building Facebook into an information and advertising powerhouse, and Mr. Goldberg at SurveyMonkey, which made polling faster and cheaper. But privately, their work was intertwined. He often began statements to his team with the phrase “Well, Sheryl said” sharing her business advice. He counseled her, too, starting with her salary negotiations with Mark Zuckerberg.

“I wanted Mark to really feel he stretched to get Sheryl, because she was worth it,” Mr. Goldberg explained in a 2013 “60 Minutes” interview, his Minnesota accent and his smile intact as he offered a rare peek of the intersection of marriage and money at the top of corporate life.

 

 

While his wife grew increasingly outspoken about women’s advancement, Mr. Goldberg quietly advised the men in the office on family and partnership matters, an associate said. Six out of 16 members of SurveyMonkey’s management team are female, an almost unheard-of ratio among Silicon Valley “unicorns,” or companies valued at over $1 billion.

When Mellody Hobson, a friend and finance executive, wrote a chapter of “Lean In” about women of color for the college edition of the book, Mr. Goldberg gave her feedback on the draft, a clue to his deep involvement. He joked with Ms. Hobson that she was too long-winded, like Ms. Sandberg, but aside from that, he said he loved the chapter, she said in an interview.

By then, Mr. Goldberg was a figure of fascination who inspired a “where can I get one of those?” reaction among many of the women who had read the best seller “Lean In.” Some lamented that Ms. Sandberg’s advice hinged too much on marrying a Dave Goldberg, who was humble enough to plan around his wife, attentive enough to worry about which shoes his young daughter would wear, and rich enough to help pay for the help that made the family’s balancing act manageable.

Now that he is gone, and Ms. Sandberg goes from being half of a celebrated partnership to perhaps the business world’s most prominent single mother, the pages of “Lean In” carry a new sting of loss.

“We are never at 50-50 at any given moment — perfect equality is hard to define or sustain — but we allow the pendulum to swing back and forth between us,” she wrote in 2013, adding that they were looking forward to raising teenagers together.

“Fortunately, I have Dave to figure it out with me,” she wrote.

Dave Goldberg Was Lifelong Women’s Advocate
Photo
 
Many bodies prepared for cremation last week in Kathmandu were of young men from Gongabu, a common stopover for Nepali migrant workers headed overseas. Credit Daniel Berehulak for The New York Times

KATHMANDU, Nepal — When the dense pillar of smoke from cremations by the Bagmati River was thinning late last week, the bodies were all coming from Gongabu, a common stopover for Nepali migrant workers headed overseas, and they were all of young men.

Hindu custom dictates that funeral pyres should be lighted by the oldest son of the deceased, but these men were too young to have sons, so they were burned by their brothers or fathers. Sukla Lal, a maize farmer, made a 14-hour journey by bus to retrieve the body of his 19-year-old son, who had been on his way to the Persian Gulf to work as a laborer.

“He wanted to live in the countryside, but he was compelled to leave by poverty,” Mr. Lal said, gazing ahead steadily as his son’s remains smoldered. “He told me, ‘You can live on your land, and I will come up with money, and we will have a happy family.’ ”

Weeks will pass before the authorities can give a complete accounting of who died in the April 25 earthquake, but it is already clear that Nepal cannot afford the losses. The countryside was largely stripped of its healthy young men even before the quake, as they migrated in great waves — 1,500 a day by some estimates — to work as laborers in India, Malaysia or one of the gulf nations, leaving many small communities populated only by elderly parents, women and children. Economists say that at some times of the year, one-quarter of Nepal’s population is working outside the country.

Nepal’s Young Men, Lost to Migration, Then a Quake

Mr. Alger, who served five terms from Texas, led Republican women in a confrontation with Lyndon B. Johnson that may have cost Richard M. Nixon the 1960 presidential election.

Bruce Alger, 96, Dies; Led ‘Mink Coat’ Protest Against Lyndon Johnson

The magical quality Mr. Lesnie created in shooting the “Babe” films caught the eye of the director Peter Jackson, who chose him to film the fantasy epic.

Andrew Lesnie, Cinematographer of ‘Lord of the Rings,’ Dies at 59

WASHINGTON — A decade after emergency trailers meant to shelter Hurricane Katrina victims instead caused burning eyes, sore throats and other more serious ailments, the Environmental Protection Agency is on the verge of regulating the culprit: formaldehyde, a chemical that can be found in commonplace things like clothes and furniture.

But an unusual assortment of players, including furniture makers, the Chinese government, Republicans from states with a large base of furniture manufacturing and even some Democrats who championed early regulatory efforts, have questioned the E.P.A. proposal. The sustained opposition has held sway, as the agency is now preparing to ease key testing requirements before it releases the landmark federal health standard.

The E.P.A.’s five-year effort to adopt this rule offers another example of how industry opposition can delay and hamper attempts by the federal government to issue regulations, even to control substances known to be harmful to human health.

Continue reading the main story
 

Document: The Formaldehyde Fight

Formaldehyde is a known carcinogen that can also cause respiratory ailments like asthma, but the potential of long-term exposure to cause cancers like myeloid leukemia is less well understood.

The E.P.A.’s decision would be the first time that the federal government has regulated formaldehyde inside most American homes.

“The stakes are high for public health,” said Tom Neltner, senior adviser for regulatory affairs at the National Center for Healthy Housing, who has closely monitored the debate over the rules. “What we can’t have here is an outcome that fails to confront the health threat we all know exists.”

The proposal would not ban formaldehyde — commonly used as an ingredient in wood glue in furniture and flooring — but it would impose rules that prevent dangerous levels of the chemical’s vapors from those products, and would set testing standards to ensure that products sold in the United States comply with those limits. The debate has sharpened in the face of growing concern about the safety of formaldehyde-treated flooring imported from Asia, especially China.

What is certain is that a lot of money is at stake: American companies sell billions of dollars’ worth of wood products each year that contain formaldehyde, and some argue that the proposed regulation would impose unfair costs and restrictions.

Determined to block the agency’s rule as proposed, these industry players have turned to the White House, members of Congress and top E.P.A. officials, pressing them to roll back the testing requirements in particular, calling them redundant and too expensive.

“There are potentially over a million manufacturing jobs that will be impacted if the proposed rule is finalized without changes,” wrote Bill Perdue, the chief lobbyist at the American Home Furnishings Alliance, a leading critic of the testing requirements in the proposed regulation, in one letter to the E.P.A.

Industry opposition helped create an odd alignment of forces working to thwart the rule. The White House moved to strike out key aspects of the proposal. Subsequent appeals for more changes were voiced by players as varied as Senator Barbara Boxer, Democrat of California, and Senator Roger Wicker, Republican of Mississippi, as well as furniture industry lobbyists.

Hurricane Katrina in 2005 helped ignite the public debate over formaldehyde, after the deadly storm destroyed or damaged hundreds of thousands of homes along the Gulf of Mexico, forcing families into temporary trailers provided by the Federal Emergency Management Agency.

The displaced storm victims quickly began reporting respiratory problems, burning eyes and other issues, and tests then confirmed high levels of formaldehyde fumes leaking into the air inside the trailers, which in many cases had been hastily constructed.

Public health advocates petitioned the E.P.A. to issue limits on formaldehyde in building materials and furniture used in homes, given that limits already existed for exposure in workplaces. But three years after the storm, only California had issued such limits.

Industry groups like the American Chemistry Council have repeatedly challenged the science linking formaldehyde to cancer, a position championed by David Vitter, the Republican senator from Louisiana, who is a major recipient of chemical industry campaign contributions, and whom environmental groups have mockingly nicknamed “Senator Formaldehyde.”

Continue reading the main story

Formaldehyde in Laminate Flooring

In laminate flooring, formaldehyde is used as a bonding agent in the fiberboard (or other composite wood) core layer and may also be used in glues that bind layers together. Concerns were raised in March when certain laminate flooring imported from China was reported to contain levels of formaldehyde far exceeding the limit permitted by California.

Typical

laminate

flooring

CLEAR FINISH LAYER

Often made of melamine resin

PATTERN LAYER

Paper printed to resemble wood,

or a thin wood veneer

GLUE

Layers may be bound using

formaldehyde-based glues

CORE LAYER

Fiberboard or other

composite, formed using

formaldehyde-based adhesives

BASE LAYER

Moisture-resistant vapor barrier

What is formaldehyde?

Formaldehyde is a common chemical used in many industrial and household products as an adhesive, bonding agent or preservative. It is classified as a volatile organic compound. The term volatile means that, at room temperature, formaldehyde will vaporize, or become a gas. Products made with formaldehyde tend to release this gas into the air. If breathed in large quantities, it may cause health problems.

WHERE IT IS COMMONLY FOUND

POTENTIAL HEALTH RISKS

Pressed-wood and composite wood products

Wallpaper and paints

Spray foam insulation used in construction

Commercial wood floor finishes

Crease-resistant fabrics

In cigarette smoke, or in the fumes from combustion of other materials, including wood, oil and gasoline.

Exposure to formaldehyde in sufficient amounts may cause eye, throat or skin irritation, allergic reactions, and respiratory problems like coughing, wheezing or asthma.

Long-term exposure to high levels has been associated with cancer in humans and laboratory animals.

Exposure to formaldehyde may affect some people more severely than others.

By 2010, public health advocates and some industry groups secured bipartisan support in Congress for legislation that ordered the E.P.A. to issue federal rules that largely mirrored California’s restrictions. At the time, concerns were rising over the growing number of lower-priced furniture imports from Asia that might include contaminated products, while also hurting sales of American-made products.

Maneuvering began almost immediately after the E.P.A. prepared draft rules to formally enact the new standards.

White House records show at least five meetings in mid-2012 with industry executives — kitchen cabinet makers, chemical manufacturers, furniture trade associations and their lobbyists, like Brock R. Landry, of the Venable law firm. These parties, along with Senator Vitter’s office, appealed to top administration officials, asking them to intervene to roll back the E.P.A. proposal.

The White House Office of Management and Budget, which reviews major federal regulations before they are adopted, apparently agreed. After the White House review, the E.P.A. “redlined” many of the estimates of the monetary benefits that would be gained by reductions in related health ailments, like asthma and fertility issues, documents reviewed by The New York Times show.

As a result, the estimated benefit of the proposed rule dropped to $48 million a year, from as much as $278 million a year. The much-reduced amount deeply weakened the agency’s justification for the sometimes costly new testing that would be required under the new rules, a federal official involved in the effort said.

“It’s a redlining blood bath,” said Lisa Heinzerling, a Georgetown University Law School professor and a former E.P.A. official, using the Washington phrase to describe when language is stricken from a proposed rule. “Almost the entire discussion of these potential benefits was excised.”

Senator Vitter’s staff was pleased.

“That’s a huge difference,” said Luke Bolar, a spokesman for Mr. Vitter, of the reduced estimated financial benefits, saying the change was “clearly highlighting more mismanagement” at the E.P.A.

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The review’s outcome galvanized opponents in the furniture industry. They then targeted a provision that mandated new testing of laminated wood, a cheaper alternative to hardwood. (The California standard on which the law was based did not require such testing.)

But E.P.A. scientists had concluded that these laminate products — millions of which are sold annually in the United States — posed a particular risk. They said that when thin layers of wood, also known as laminate or veneer, are added to furniture or flooring in the final stages of manufacturing, the resulting product can generate dangerous levels of fumes from often-used formaldehyde-based glues.

Industry executives, outraged by what they considered an unnecessary and financially burdensome level of testing, turned every lever within reach to get the requirement removed. It would be particularly onerous, they argued, for small manufacturers that would have to repeatedly interrupt their work to do expensive new testing. The E.P.A. estimated that the expanded requirements for laminate products would cost the furniture industry tens of millions of dollars annually, while the industry said that the proposed rule over all would cost its 7,000 American manufacturing facilities over $200 million each year.

“A lot of people don’t seem to appreciate what a lot of these requirements do to a small operation,” said Dick Titus, executive vice president of the Kitchen Cabinet Manufacturers Association, whose members are predominantly small businesses. “A 10-person shop, for example, just really isn’t equipped to handle that type of thing.”

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Becky Gillette wants strong regulation of formaldehyde. Credit Beth Hall for The New York Times

Big industry players also weighed in. Executives from companies including La-Z-Boy, Hooker Furniture and Ashley Furniture all flew to Washington for a series of meetings with the offices of lawmakers including House Speaker John Boehner, Republican of Ohio, and about a dozen other lawmakers, asking several of them to sign a letter prepared by the industry to press the E.P.A. to back down, according to an industry report describing the lobbying visit.

Within a matter of weeks, two letters — using nearly identical language — were sent by House and Senate lawmakers to the E.P.A. — with the industry group forwarding copies of the letters to the agency as well, and then posting them on its website.

The industry lobbyists also held their own meeting at E.P.A. headquarters, and they urged Jim Jones, who oversaw the rule-making process as the assistant administrator for the agency’s Office of Chemical Safety and Pollution Prevention, to visit a North Carolina furniture manufacturing plant. According to the trade group, Mr. Jones told them that the visit had “helped the agency shift its thinking” about the rules and how laminated products should be treated.

The resistance was particularly intense from lawmakers like Mr. Wicker of Mississippi, whose state is home to major manufacturing plants owned by Ashley Furniture Industries, the world’s largest furniture maker, and who is one of the biggest recipients in Congress of donations from the industry’s trade association. Asked if the political support played a role, a spokesman for Mr. Wicker replied: “Thousands of Mississippians depend on the furniture manufacturing industry for their livelihoods. Senator Wicker is committed to defending all Mississippians from government overreach.”

Individual companies like Ikea also intervened, as did the Chinese government, which claimed that the new rule would create a “great barrier” to the import of Chinese products because of higher costs.

Perhaps the most surprising objection came from Senator Boxer, of California, a longtime environmental advocate, whose office questioned why the E.P.A.’s rule went further than her home state’s in seeking testing on laminated products. “We did not advocate an outcome, other than safety,” her office said in a statement about why the senator raised concerns. “We said ‘Take a look to see if you have it right.’ ”

Safety advocates say that tighter restrictions — like the ones Ms. Boxer and Mr. Wicker, along with Representative Doris Matsui, a California Democrat, have questioned — are necessary, particularly for products coming from China, where items as varied as toys and Christmas lights have been found to violate American safety standards.

While Mr. Neltner, the environmental advocate who has been most involved in the review process, has been open to compromise, he has pressed the E.P.A. not to back down entirely, and to maintain a requirement that laminators verify that their products are safe.

An episode of CBS’s “60 Minutes” in March brought attention to the issue when it accused Lumber Liquidators, the discount flooring retailer, of selling laminate products with dangerous levels of formaldehyde. The company has disputed the show’s findings and test methods, maintaining that its products are safe.

“People think that just because Congress passed the legislation five years ago, the problem has been fixed,” said Becky Gillette, who then lived in coastal Mississippi, in the area hit by Hurricane Katrina, and was among the first to notice a pattern of complaints from people living in the trailers. “Real people’s faces and names come up in front of me when I think of the thousands of people who could get sick if this rule is not done right.”

An aide to Ms. Matsui rejected any suggestion that she was bending to industry pressure.

“From the beginning the public health has been our No. 1 concern,” said Kyle J. Victor, an aide to Ms. Matsui.

But further changes to the rule are likely, agency officials concede, as they say they are searching for a way to reduce the cost of complying with any final rule while maintaining public health goals. The question is just how radically the agency will revamp the testing requirement for laminated products — if it keeps it at all.

“It’s not a secret to anybody that is the most challenging issue,” said Mr. Jones, the E.P.A. official overseeing the process, adding that the health consequences from formaldehyde are real. “We have to reduce those exposures so that people can live healthy lives and not have to worry about being in their homes.”

The Uphill Battle to Better Regulate Formaldehyde

Mr. Bartoszewski was given honorary Israeli citizenship for his work to save Jews during World War II and later surprised even himself by being instrumental in reconciling Poland and Germany.

Wladyslaw Bartoszewski, 93, Dies; Polish Auschwitz Survivor Aided Jews

WASHINGTON — During a training course on defending against knife attacks, a young Salt Lake City police officer asked a question: “How close can somebody get to me before I’m justified in using deadly force?”

Dennis Tueller, the instructor in that class more than three decades ago, decided to find out. In the fall of 1982, he performed a rudimentary series of tests and concluded that an armed attacker who bolted toward an officer could clear 21 feet in the time it took most officers to draw, aim and fire their weapon.

The next spring, Mr. Tueller published his findings in SWAT magazine and transformed police training in the United States. The “21-foot rule” became dogma. It has been taught in police academies around the country, accepted by courts and cited by officers to justify countless shootings, including recent episodes involving a homeless woodcarver in Seattle and a schizophrenic woman in San Francisco.

Now, amid the largest national debate over policing since the 1991 beating of Rodney King in Los Angeles, a small but vocal set of law enforcement officials are calling for a rethinking of the 21-foot rule and other axioms that have emphasized how to use force, not how to avoid it. Several big-city police departments are already re-examining when officers should chase people or draw their guns and when they should back away, wait or try to defuse the situation

Police Rethink Long Tradition on Using Force

Since a white police officer, Darren Wilson fatally shot unarmed black teenager, Michael Brown, in a confrontation last August in Ferguson, Mo., there have been many other cases in which the police have shot and killed suspects, some of them unarmed. Mr. Brown's death set off protests throughout the country, pushing law enforcement into the spotlight and sparking a public debate on police tactics. Here is a selection of police shootings that have been reported by news organizations since Mr. Brown's death. In some cases, investigations are continuing.

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The apartment complex northeast of Atlanta where Anthony Hill, 27, was fatally shot by a DeKalb County police officer. Credit Ben Gray/Atlanta Journal Constitution

Chamblee, Ga.
Fatal Police Shootings: Accounts Since Ferguson

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination

As governor, Mr. Walker alienated Republicans and his fellow Democrats, particularly the Democratic powerhouse Richard J. Daley, the mayor of Chicago.

Dan Walker, 92, Dies; Illinois Governor and Later a U.S. Prisoner
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