PAKET UMROH BULAN FEBRUARI MARET APRIL MEI 2018




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Michael Bimo Putranto juga mengaku akan mengunjungi Wakil Gubernur DKI Jakarta Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok). Tujuannya ingin melakukan klarifikasi atas informasi yang disampaikan Ahok.

Sebelumnya Ahok telah menyebut bahwa Bimo Putranto adalah sering 'main' proyek dengan memanfaatkan nama Jokowi. Ahok juga mengaku informasi tersebut datang dari Jokowi sendiri.

"Saya sedang dalam perjalanan menuju ke sana (Balai kota DKI Jakarta). Harapannya bisa mendapatkan klarifikasi," jelasnya , Rabu (12/3).

Seperti yang telah diketahui, Ahok juga mengatakan, dirinya juga sudah berbicara dengan Gubernur DKI Jakarta Joko Widodo (Jokowi) tentang dugaan keterlibatannya dalam kasus pengadaan bus TransJakarta berkarat. Ahok juga mengungkapkan, Bimo memang sering bermain proyek dan mengatasnamakan Jokowi.

"Aku sudah tanya pak Jokowi. Itu anak memang dari dulu di Solo suka begitu. Dia suka ada proyek, suka ngaku-ngaku deket pak Jokowi," katanya di Balaikota DKI Jakarta.

Ahok juga menambahkan, apabila akan main proyek, Bimo biasanya menunjukkan foto-foto dirinya bersama Jokowi dan meyakinkan kepada sesama pengusaha bahwa dirinya dekat dengan Jokowi. Tujuannya supaya para pengusaha lainnya takluk dan memberikan proyek kepada dirinya.

"Dia juga sering manfaatin, foto-foto sama Pak Jokowi dia klaim. Pak Jokowi juga kaget. Rupanya dia jualan di depan pengusaha," jelasnya.

Seperti yang telah diketahui, persoalan proyek pengadaan bus transJakarta tersebut awal Februari lalu, ketika ditemukan banyak kerusakan pada sebagian dari 90 bus transJakarta baru yang disimpan di pool Unit Pengelola Transjakarta di Cawang, Jakarta Timur. Baru sehari diresmikan pengoperasiannya oleh Gubernur Jokowi pada 15 Januari, beberapa bus mogok.

Dari 30 bus gandeng yang diluncurkan itu, 12 di antaranya tak bisa jalan besok harinya. Pengelola Transjakarta telah menemukan macam-macam kerusakan. Masalah yang berat mesin sering terlalu panas dan pada bagian-bagian penting karatan. Letak unit kontrol elektronik yang merupakan bagian dari sistem kelistrikan pun hanya 30 sentimeter dari permukaan tanah terlalu dekat dengan jalan yang sering banjir.

Dituding main proyek, mantan Timses Jokowi akan temui Ahok

Dedeh Uum Fatimah yang berusia 34 tahun , hingga Selasa kemarin sore masih harus menjalani pemeriksaan di Satreskrim Polres Cimahi. Dia sama sekali tidak ada penyesalan atas kasus pembunuhan terhadap anaknya, dengan cara dimasukan ke torn air.

“ Tersangka juga mengaku tidak menyesal. Dia malah menyesal karena anaknya satu tidak tewas,“ kata Kasat Reskrim Polres Cimahi AKP Supoarma .

Supoarma juga menegaskan, dalam pemeriksaan tersebut , tersangka membunuh anaknya karena sudah kewajiban supaya mereka bisa masuk surga. Bahkan, dengan nada keras tersangka menyesali jika anaknya satu tidak tewas. “ Saya menyesal mengapa satu anak Saya tidak tewas. Saya menyesal,“ aku tersangka dikutip Supoarma.

Kasat menjelaskan, tersangka kemungkinan besar mengalami gangguan jiwa atau stres. Ketika ditanya, lanjutnya semua pertanyaan dijawab lancar dan nyambung antara pertanyaan dan jawaban. Hanya, ketika ditanya apakah menyesal, dia malah mengaku tidak. “ Tidak ada penyesalan yang menjadi persoalan. Dia tidak ada ekpresi yang menyesal,“ jelasnya.

Berdasar dari keterangan dari warga, tersangka juga sudah dua kali mencoba melakukan pembunuhan terhadap anaknya. Kedua kali itu telah berhasil digagalkan, sedang Selasa subuh kembali beaksi dan menewaskan satu anaknya dari dua uang dimsukan ke torn air.

Diberitakan, Dedeh, telah membunuh anaknya di di rumah di Kampung Cijeungjing, Padalarang, Kabupaten Bandung Barat, Selasa subuh. Aisyah Fani,2, tewas di dalam torn sedang kakanya Fahrur Robani,8, selamat. Dia berhasil membuka ikatan dan kabur minta tolong. Sang ibu Dedeh Uum Fatimah,34, diamankan di Mapolres Cimahi.

Dedeh Menyesal Anaknya Tewas Hanya Satu

Jual baju muslim adalah merek dari produk pakaian  yang ditujukan untuk wanita baik yang berukuran kecil (small) maupun besar (MAXI size atau orang mengenalnya sebagai BIG size).

Ukuran MAXI size ini memang spesial, artinya ukuran dan proporsinya berbeda dibanding dengan ukuran biasa, dengan demikian karena kekhususannya tersebut maka diperlukan desain yang special sehingga bentuk tubuh menjadi proporsional.

Jual baju muslim, dan dengan desain nama (brand) berwarna pink tua atau magenta ini memberikan kesan sangat wanita karena color identity tersebut adalah sesuai dengan selera kebanyakan kaum wanita dan dengan huruf “Z” sebagai logo dan variasi warna abu-abu memberikan identitas lain, yaitu sebagai gambaran kedewasaan.

Bahan yang digunakan adalah cotton combed special yang halus &  lembut, dan dengan kualitas  bahan yang baik menjadikan tidak mudah berbulu dan mengkerut. Sensasi dinginpun akan terasakan dan  kenyamananpun akan didapatkan ketika digunakan.

 

Baju Muslim Zoya

BAJU MUSLIM ZOYA

saco-indonesia.com, “Bila kau hidup dengan kesadaran bahwa maut dapat menjemputmu kapan saja, maka kau akan menikmati setiap detik kehidupan ini. Maka leburkan “belenggu egomu”. Satu kata untukmu, “Bersyukurlah”. Karena itulah rahasia kehidupan sesungguhnya. Itulah kunci kebahagiaan, dan jalan menuju ketenangan”

Bersyukurlah
Dari berita Tambo Pagaruyung dapat diketahui bagaiman keadaan Pagaruyung sesudah Adiyawarman demikian pula wawancara dengan S.M. Taufik Thaib SH. Dikatakan mengenai silisilah raja-raja Pagaruyung adalah sebagai berikut: Adityawarman (1339-1376) Ananggawarman (1376) Yang Dipertuan Sultan Bakilap Alam Yang Dipertuan Sultan Pasambahan Yang Dipertuan Sultan Alif gelar Khalifafullah Yang Dipertuan Sultan Barandangan Yang Dipertuan Sultan Patah (Sultan Muning II) Yang Dipertuan Sultan Muning III Yang Dipertuan Sultan Sembahwang Yang Dipertuan Sultan Bagagar Syah Yang Dipertuan Gadih Reni Sumpur 1912 Yang Dipertuan Gadih Mudo (1912-1915) Sultan Ibrahim 1915-1943 gelar Tuanku Ketek Drs. Sultan Usman 1943 (Kepala Kaum Keluarga Raja Pagaruyung) Dari data ini dapat ditarik kesimpulan bahwa sesudah Adityawarman raja-raja di Pagaruyung sudah menganut agama Islam sesuai dengan sebutan Sultan (pengaruh Islam). Bila Sultan Bakilap Alam memerintah tidak disebutkan oleh tambo tersebut, tetapi dapat diperkirakan sesudah tahun 1409, karena sampai 1409 pemerintahan Pagaruyung masih bersifat sentralisasi seperti sewaktu pemerintahan Adityawarman. Sesudah tahun tersebut pemerintahan Pagaruyung sudah desentralisasi dengan pengertian bahwa nagari-nagari sudah mempunyai otonom penuh dan pemerintahan di Pagaruyung sudah mulai melemah. Selanjutnya dikatakan bahwa di atas pemerintahan nagari-nagari terlihat adanya dua tingkat pemerintahan yaitu Rajo Tigo Selo dan Basa Ampek Balai. Rajo Tigo Selo dimaksudkan adalah tiga orang raja yang sekaligus berkuasa di bidang masing-masing. Raja Alam berkedudukan di Pagaruyung sebagai pucuk pimpinan, Raja Adat berkedudukan di Buo yang melaksanakan tugas-tugas kerajaan dibidang adat. Raja Ibadat berkedudukan di Sumpur Kudus dan melaksanakan urusan keagamaan kerajaan. Gambaran ini adalah lembaga pemerintahan di tingkat raja. Sedangkan ditingkat Menteri dan Dewan Menteri yang dimaksud dengan Basa Ampek Balai terdiri dari: 1. Bandaro (Titah) di Sungai Tarab sebagai Perdana Menteri 2. Tuan Kadi di Padang Ganting yang mengurus masalah Agama 3. Indomo di Saruaso mengurus masalah keuangan 4. Makhudum di Sumanik yang mengurus masalah pertahanan dan rantau Masyarakat nagari dalam mengusut persoalannya berjenjang naik sampai ketingkat kerajaan. Dibidang adat dari nagari terus ke Bandaro dan kalau tidak putus juga diteruskan lagi kepada Raja Buo dan kalau tidak putus juga masalahnya diteruskan lagi kepada Raja Alam di Pagaruyung yang akan memberikan kata putus. Begitu juga dalam bidang agama. Dari nagari naik kepada tuan Kadi di Padang Ganting, terus kepada raja Ibadat di Sumpur Kudus, dan bula tidak selesai juga akhirnya sampai kepada raja Alam yang akan memberikan kata putusnya. Selanjutnya dikatakan bahwa Lembaga Rajo Tigo Selo dibentuk bersama dengan pembentukan Lembaga Basa Ampek Balai. Penobatan dan pelatikan Rajo Tigo Selo dan Basa Ampek Balai bersamaan pula dengan pengangkatan dan pengiriman “Sultan Nan Salapan” ke daerah rantau Minangkabau yaitu daerah-daerah: Aceh, Palembang, Tambusai, Rao, Sungai Pagu, Bandar Sepuluh, Siak Indra Pura, Rembau Sri Menanti dan lain-lain. Pengangkatan dan pelantikan itu dilakukan oleh Sultan Bakilap Alam. Dalam hal ini Bahar Dt Nagari Basa, mengatakan bahwa Basa Ampek Balai pada mulanya terdiri dari Bandaro di Sungai Tarap, yang menjadi Payung Panji Koto Piliang; Datuk Makhudum di Sumanik yang menjadi Pasak Kungkung Koto Piliang; Indomo di Saruaso yang menjadi Amban Puruak (bendahara) Koto Piliang; Tuan Gadang di Batipuah yang menjadi Harimau Campo Koto Piliang, yaitu Menteri Pertahanan Koto Piliang. Kemudian setelah Islam masuk ke Minangkabau dimasukkan Tuan Kadhi sebagai anggota Basa Ampek Balai dan “Tuan Gadang” di Batipuh ke luar dari keanggotaan itu dengan berdiri sendiri sebagai orang yang bertanggung jawab dalam masalah pertahanan Koto Piliang. Semuanya itu terdapat di Tanah Datar yang merupakan pucuk pimpinan di Minangkabau. Selanjutnya dikatakan yang menjadi kebesaran Luhak Agam adalah Parik Paga dan Kebesaran Lima Puluh Kota adalah Penghulu. Dari keterangan itu yang dapat diambil kesimpulan bahwa Lembaga Basa Ampek Balai sudah ada sebelum Islam masuk ke Minangkabau dengan bukti seperti yang dikatakan oleh Datuk Nagari Basa dengan susunan yang sedikit berbeda dari apa yang kita kenal kemudian. Baru sesudah Islam masuk ke Minangkabau kedudukan Tuan Kadhi diserahkan untuk mengurus masalah agama Islam. Selanjutnya susunan Basa Ampek Balai dengan Tuan Gadang sudah seperti yang kita kenal sekarang ini. Mengenai susunan pemerintahan Pagaruyung sesudah Adityawarman ini diuraikan dengan lengkap dalam cerita Cindua Mato. Cindua Mato (Candra Mata) adalah sebuah cerita rakyat Minangkabau yang menggambarkan tentang keadaan pemerintahan Minangkabau Pagaruyung di zaman kebesarannya. Walaupun dalam cerita ini mengenai raja-raja yang diceritakan sudah ada unsur legendanya, tetapi yang mengenai masalah lainnya sama dengan apa yang dikatakan Tambo. Menurut Tambo, Basa Ampek Balai pernah memegang kedudukan Raja Alam yaitu sesudah Sultan Alif meninggal, karena orang yang akan menggantikan Sultan Alih masih belum dewasa. Buat sementara dipegang oleh Basa Ampek BalaKERAJAAN PAGARUYUNG SESUDAH ADITYAWARMAN

Mr. Goldberg was a serial Silicon Valley entrepreneur and venture capitalist who was married to Sheryl Sandberg, the chief operating officer of Facebook.

Dave Goldberg Was Lifelong Women’s Advocate

Dave Goldberg, Head of Web Survey Company and Half of a Silicon Valley Power Couple, Dies at 47

Ms. Meadows was the older sister of Audrey Meadows, who played Alice Kramden on “The Honeymooners.”

Jayne Meadows, Actress and Steve Allen’s Wife and Co-Star, Dies at 95

Ms. Crough played the youngest daughter on the hit ’70s sitcom starring David Cassidy and Shirley Jones.

Suzanne Crough, Actress in ‘The Partridge Family,’ Dies at 52

Even as a high school student, Dave Goldberg was urging female classmates to speak up. As a young dot-com executive, he had one girlfriend after another, but fell hard for a driven friend named Sheryl Sandberg, pining after her for years. After they wed, Mr. Goldberg pushed her to negotiate hard for high compensation and arranged his schedule so that he could be home with their children when she was traveling for work.

Mr. Goldberg, who died unexpectedly on Friday, was a genial, 47-year-old Silicon Valley entrepreneur who built his latest company, SurveyMonkey, from a modest enterprise to one recently valued by investors at $2 billion. But he was also perhaps the signature male feminist of his era: the first major chief executive in memory to spur his wife to become as successful in business as he was, and an essential figure in “Lean In,” Ms. Sandberg’s blockbuster guide to female achievement.

Over the weekend, even strangers were shocked at his death, both because of his relatively young age and because they knew of him as the living, breathing, car-pooling center of a new philosophy of two-career marriage.

“They were very much the role models for what this next generation wants to grapple with,” said Debora L. Spar, the president of Barnard College. In a 2011 commencement speech there, Ms. Sandberg told the graduates that whom they married would be their most important career decision.

In the play “The Heidi Chronicles,” revived on Broadway this spring, a male character who is the founder of a media company says that “I don’t want to come home to an A-plus,” explaining that his ambitions require him to marry an unthreatening helpmeet. Mr. Goldberg grew up to hold the opposite view, starting with his upbringing in progressive Minneapolis circles where “there was woman power in every aspect of our lives,” Jeffrey Dachis, a childhood friend, said in an interview.

The Goldberg parents read “The Feminine Mystique” together — in fact, Mr. Goldberg’s father introduced it to his wife, according to Ms. Sandberg’s book. In 1976, Paula Goldberg helped found a nonprofit to aid children with disabilities. Her husband, Mel, a law professor who taught at night, made the family breakfast at home.

Later, when Dave Goldberg was in high school and his prom date, Jill Chessen, stayed silent in a politics class, he chastised her afterward. He said, “You need to speak up,” Ms. Chessen recalled in an interview. “They need to hear your voice.”

Years later, when Karin Gilford, an early employee at Launch Media, Mr. Goldberg’s digital music company, became a mother, he knew exactly what to do. He kept giving her challenging assignments, she recalled, but also let her work from home one day a week. After Yahoo acquired Launch, Mr. Goldberg became known for distributing roses to all the women in the office on Valentine’s Day.

Ms. Sandberg, who often describes herself as bossy-in-a-good-way, enchanted him when they became friendly in the mid-1990s. He “was smitten with her,” Ms. Chessen remembered. Ms. Sandberg was dating someone else, but Mr. Goldberg still hung around, even helping her and her then-boyfriend move, recalled Bob Roback, a friend and co-founder of Launch. When they finally married in 2004, friends remember thinking how similar the two were, and that the qualities that might have made Ms. Sandberg intimidating to some men drew Mr. Goldberg to her even more.

Over the next decade, Mr. Goldberg and Ms. Sandberg pioneered new ways of capturing information online, had a son and then a daughter, became immensely wealthy, and hashed out their who-does-what-in-this-marriage issues. Mr. Goldberg’s commute from the Bay Area to Los Angeles became a strain, so he relocated, later joking that he “lost the coin flip” of where they would live. He paid the bills, she planned the birthday parties, and both often left their offices at 5:30 so they could eat dinner with their children before resuming work afterward.

Friends in Silicon Valley say they were careful to conduct their careers separately, politely refusing when outsiders would ask one about the other’s work: Ms. Sandberg’s role building Facebook into an information and advertising powerhouse, and Mr. Goldberg at SurveyMonkey, which made polling faster and cheaper. But privately, their work was intertwined. He often began statements to his team with the phrase “Well, Sheryl said” sharing her business advice. He counseled her, too, starting with her salary negotiations with Mark Zuckerberg.

“I wanted Mark to really feel he stretched to get Sheryl, because she was worth it,” Mr. Goldberg explained in a 2013 “60 Minutes” interview, his Minnesota accent and his smile intact as he offered a rare peek of the intersection of marriage and money at the top of corporate life.

 

 

While his wife grew increasingly outspoken about women’s advancement, Mr. Goldberg quietly advised the men in the office on family and partnership matters, an associate said. Six out of 16 members of SurveyMonkey’s management team are female, an almost unheard-of ratio among Silicon Valley “unicorns,” or companies valued at over $1 billion.

When Mellody Hobson, a friend and finance executive, wrote a chapter of “Lean In” about women of color for the college edition of the book, Mr. Goldberg gave her feedback on the draft, a clue to his deep involvement. He joked with Ms. Hobson that she was too long-winded, like Ms. Sandberg, but aside from that, he said he loved the chapter, she said in an interview.

By then, Mr. Goldberg was a figure of fascination who inspired a “where can I get one of those?” reaction among many of the women who had read the best seller “Lean In.” Some lamented that Ms. Sandberg’s advice hinged too much on marrying a Dave Goldberg, who was humble enough to plan around his wife, attentive enough to worry about which shoes his young daughter would wear, and rich enough to help pay for the help that made the family’s balancing act manageable.

Now that he is gone, and Ms. Sandberg goes from being half of a celebrated partnership to perhaps the business world’s most prominent single mother, the pages of “Lean In” carry a new sting of loss.

“We are never at 50-50 at any given moment — perfect equality is hard to define or sustain — but we allow the pendulum to swing back and forth between us,” she wrote in 2013, adding that they were looking forward to raising teenagers together.

“Fortunately, I have Dave to figure it out with me,” she wrote.

Dave Goldberg Was Lifelong Women’s Advocate

The magical quality Mr. Lesnie created in shooting the “Babe” films caught the eye of the director Peter Jackson, who chose him to film the fantasy epic.

Andrew Lesnie, Cinematographer of ‘Lord of the Rings,’ Dies at 59

Ms. Pryor, who served more than two decades in the State Department, was the author of well-regarded biographies of the founder of the American Red Cross and the Confederate commander.

Elizabeth Brown Pryor, Biographer of Clara Barton and Robert E. Lee, Dies at 64

As governor, Mr. Walker alienated Republicans and his fellow Democrats, particularly the Democratic powerhouse Richard J. Daley, the mayor of Chicago.

Dan Walker, 92, Dies; Illinois Governor and Later a U.S. Prisoner

Mr. Pfaff was an international affairs columnist and author who found Washington’s intervention in world affairs often misguided.

William Pfaff, Critic of American Foreign Policy, Dies at 86

Pronovost, who played for the Red Wings, was not a prolific scorer, but he was a consummate team player with bruising checks and fearless bursts up the ice that could puncture a defense.

Marcel Pronovost, 84, Dies; Hall of Famer Shared in Five N.H.L. Titles

Imagine an elite professional services firm with a high-performing, workaholic culture. Everyone is expected to turn on a dime to serve a client, travel at a moment’s notice, and be available pretty much every evening and weekend. It can make for a grueling work life, but at the highest levels of accounting, law, investment banking and consulting firms, it is just the way things are.

Except for one dirty little secret: Some of the people ostensibly turning in those 80- or 90-hour workweeks, particularly men, may just be faking it.

Many of them were, at least, at one elite consulting firm studied by Erin Reid, a professor at Boston University’s Questrom School of Business. It’s impossible to know if what she learned at that unidentified consulting firm applies across the world of work more broadly. But her research, published in the academic journal Organization Science, offers a way to understand how the professional world differs between men and women, and some of the ways a hard-charging culture that emphasizes long hours above all can make some companies worse off.

Photo
 
Credit Peter Arkle

Ms. Reid interviewed more than 100 people in the American offices of a global consulting firm and had access to performance reviews and internal human resources documents. At the firm there was a strong culture around long hours and responding to clients promptly.

“When the client needs me to be somewhere, I just have to be there,” said one of the consultants Ms. Reid interviewed. “And if you can’t be there, it’s probably because you’ve got another client meeting at the same time. You know it’s tough to say I can’t be there because my son had a Cub Scout meeting.”

Some people fully embraced this culture and put in the long hours, and they tended to be top performers. Others openly pushed back against it, insisting upon lighter and more flexible work hours, or less travel; they were punished in their performance reviews.

The third group is most interesting. Some 31 percent of the men and 11 percent of the women whose records Ms. Reid examined managed to achieve the benefits of a more moderate work schedule without explicitly asking for it.

They made an effort to line up clients who were local, reducing the need for travel. When they skipped work to spend time with their children or spouse, they didn’t call attention to it. One team on which several members had small children agreed among themselves to cover for one another so that everyone could have more flexible hours.

A male junior manager described working to have repeat consulting engagements with a company near enough to his home that he could take care of it with day trips. “I try to head out by 5, get home at 5:30, have dinner, play with my daughter,” he said, adding that he generally kept weekend work down to two hours of catching up on email.

Despite the limited hours, he said: “I know what clients are expecting. So I deliver above that.” He received a high performance review and a promotion.

What is fascinating about the firm Ms. Reid studied is that these people, who in her terminology were “passing” as workaholics, received performance reviews that were as strong as their hyper-ambitious colleagues. For people who were good at faking it, there was no real damage done by their lighter workloads.

It calls to mind the episode of “Seinfeld” in which George Costanza leaves his car in the parking lot at Yankee Stadium, where he works, and gets a promotion because his boss sees the car and thinks he is getting to work earlier and staying later than anyone else. (The strategy goes awry for him, and is not recommended for any aspiring partners in a consulting firm.)

A second finding is that women, particularly those with young children, were much more likely to request greater flexibility through more formal means, such as returning from maternity leave with an explicitly reduced schedule. Men who requested a paternity leave seemed to be punished come review time, and so may have felt more need to take time to spend with their families through those unofficial methods.

The result of this is easy to see: Those specifically requesting a lighter workload, who were disproportionately women, suffered in their performance reviews; those who took a lighter workload more discreetly didn’t suffer. The maxim of “ask forgiveness, not permission” seemed to apply.

It would be dangerous to extrapolate too much from a study at one firm, but Ms. Reid said in an interview that since publishing a summary of her research in Harvard Business Review she has heard from people in a variety of industries describing the same dynamic.

High-octane professional service firms are that way for a reason, and no one would doubt that insane hours and lots of travel can be necessary if you’re a lawyer on the verge of a big trial, an accountant right before tax day or an investment banker advising on a huge merger.

But the fact that the consultants who quietly lightened their workload did just as well in their performance reviews as those who were truly working 80 or more hours a week suggests that in normal times, heavy workloads may be more about signaling devotion to a firm than really being more productive. The person working 80 hours isn’t necessarily serving clients any better than the person working 50.

In other words, maybe the real problem isn’t men faking greater devotion to their jobs. Maybe it’s that too many companies reward the wrong things, favoring the illusion of extraordinary effort over actual productivity.

How Some Men Fake an 80-Hour Workweek, and Why It Matters

Judge Patterson helped to protect the rights of Attica inmates after the prison riot in 1971 and later served on the Federal District Court in Manhattan.

Robert Patterson Jr., Lawyer and Judge Who Fought for the Accused, Dies at 91

BEIJING (AP) — The head of Taiwan's Nationalists reaffirmed the party's support for eventual unification with the mainland when he met Monday with Chinese President Xi Jinping as part of continuing rapprochement between the former bitter enemies.

Nationalist Party Chairman Eric Chu, a likely presidential candidate next year, also affirmed Taiwan's desire to join the proposed Chinese-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank during the meeting in Beijing. China claims Taiwan as its own territory and doesn't want the island to join using a name that might imply it is an independent country.

Chu's comments during his meeting with Xi were carried live on Hong Kong-based broadcaster Phoenix Television.

The Nationalists were driven to Taiwan by Mao Zedong's Communists during the Chinese civil war in 1949, leading to decades of hostility between the sides. Chu, who took over as party leader in January, is the third Nationalist chairman to visit the mainland and the first since 2009.

Relations between the communist-ruled mainland and the self-governing democratic island of Taiwan began to warm in the 1990s, partly out of their common opposition to Taiwan's formal independence from China, a position advocated by the island's Democratic Progressive Party.

Despite increasingly close economic ties, the prospect of political unification has grown increasingly unpopular on Taiwan, especially with younger voters. Opposition to the Nationalists' pro-China policies was seen as a driver behind heavy local electoral defeats for the party last year that led to Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou resigning as party chairman.

Taiwan party leader affirms eventual reunion with China

WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).

The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.

Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”

Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.

Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.

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Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk. Credit Joe Raedle/Getty Images

“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”

We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.

Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”

Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.

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Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.

And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.

That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.

With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.

On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”

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Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.

This is intentional, Republican operatives said.

In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.

“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.

But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”

Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.

“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.

Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.

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But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.

Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.

Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”

Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.

Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.

But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.

The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.

“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.

There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.

“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”

G.O.P. Hopefuls Now Aiming to Woo the Middle Class

“It was really nice to play with other women and not have this underlying tone of being at each other’s throats.”

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Over the last five years or so, it seemed there was little that Dean G. Skelos, the majority leader of the New York Senate, would not do for his son.

He pressed a powerful real estate executive to provide commissions to his son, a 32-year-old title insurance salesman, according to a federal criminal complaint. He helped get him a job at an environmental company and employed his influence to help the company get government work. He used his office to push natural gas drilling regulations that would have increased his son’s commissions.

He even tried to direct part of a $5.4 billion state budget windfall to fund government contracts that the company was seeking. And when the company was close to securing a storm-water contract from Nassau County, the senator, through an intermediary, pressured the company to pay his son more — or risk having the senator subvert the bid.

The criminal complaint, unsealed on Monday, lays out corruption charges against Senator Skelos and his son, Adam B. Skelos, the latest scandal to seize Albany, and potentially alter its power structure.

Photo
 
Preet Bharara, the United States attorney in Manhattan, discussed the case involving Dean G. Skelos and his son, Adam. Credit Eduardo Munoz/Reuters

The repeated and diverse efforts by Senator Skelos, a Long Island Republican, to use what prosecutors said was his political influence to find work, or at least income, for his son could send both men to federal prison. If they are convicted of all six charges against them, they face up to 20 years in prison for each of four of the six counts and up to 10 years for the remaining two.

Senator Kenneth P. LaValle, of Long Island, who serves as chairman of the Republican conference, emerged from a closed-door meeting Monday night to say that conference members agreed that Mr. Skelos should be benefited the “presumption of innocence,” and would stay in his leadership role.

“The leader has indicated he would like to remain as leader,” said Mr. LaValle, “and he has the support of the conference.” The case against Mr. Skelos and his son grew out of a broader inquiry into political corruption by the United States attorney for the Southern District of New York, Preet Bharara, that has already changed the face of the state capital. It is based in part, according to the six-count complaint, on conversations secretly recorded by one of two cooperating witnesses, and wiretaps on the cellphones of the senator and his son. Those recordings revealed that both men were concerned about electronic surveillance, and illustrated the son’s unsuccessful efforts to thwart it.

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Adam Skelos took to using a “burner” phone, the complaint says, and told his father he wanted them to speak through a FaceTime video call in an apparent effort to avoid detection. They also used coded language at times.

At one point, Adam Skelos was recorded telling a Senate staff member of his frustration in not being able to speak openly to his father on the phone, noting that he could not “just send smoke signals or a little pigeon” carrying a message.

The 43-page complaint, sworn out by Paul M. Takla, a special agent for the Federal Bureau of Investigation, outlines a five-year scheme to “monetize” the senator’s official position; it also lays bare the extent to which a father sought to use his position to help his son.

The charges accuse the two men of extorting payments through a real estate developer, Glenwood Management, based on Long Island, and the environmental company, AbTech Industries, in Scottsdale, Ariz., with the expectation that the money paid to Adam Skelos — nearly $220,000 in total — would influence his father’s actions.

Glenwood, one of the state’s most prolific campaign donors, had ties to AbTech through investments in the environmental firm’s parent company by Glenwood’s founding family and a senior executive.

The accusations in the complaint portray Senator Skelos as a man who, when it came to his son, was not shy about twisting arms, even in situations that might give other arm-twisters pause.

Seeking to help his son, Senator Skelos turned to the executive at Glenwood, which develops rental apartments in New York City and has much at stake when it comes to real estate legislation in Albany. The senator urged him to direct business to his son, who sold title insurance.

After much prodding, the executive, Charles C. Dorego, engineered a $20,000 payment to Adam Skelos from a title insurance company even though he did no work for the money. But far more lucrative was a consultant position that Mr. Dorego arranged for Adam Skelos at AbTech, which seeks government contracts to treat storm water. (Mr. Dorego is not identified by name in the complaint, but referred to only as CW-1, for Cooperating Witness 1.)

Senator Skelos appeared to take an active interest in his son’s new line of work. Adam Skelos sent him several drafts of his consulting agreement with AbTech, the complaint says, as well as the final deal that was struck.

“Mazel tov,” his father replied.

Senator Skelos sent relevant news articles to his son, including one about a sewage leak near Albany. When AbTech wanted to seek government contracts after Hurricane Sandy, the senator got on a conference call with his son and an AbTech executive, Bjornulf White, and offered advice. (Like Mr. Dorego, Mr. White is not named in the complaint, but referred to as CW-2.)

The assistance paid off: With the senator’s help, AbTech secured a contract worth up to $12 million from Nassau County, a big break for a struggling small business.

But the money was slow to materialize. The senator expressed impatience with county officials.

Adam Skelos, in a phone call with Mr. White in late December, suggested that his father would seek to punish the county. “I tell you this, the state is not going to do a [expletive] thing for the county,” he said.

Three days later, Senator Skelos pressed his case with the Nassau County executive, Edward P. Mangano, a fellow Republican. “Somebody feels like they’re just getting jerked around the last two years,” the senator said, referring to his son in what the complaint described as “coded language.”

The next day, the senator pursued the matter, as he and Mr. Mangano attended a wake for a slain New York City police officer. Senator Skelos then reassured his son, who called him while he was still at the wake. “All claims that are in will be taken care of,” the senator said.

AbTech’s fortunes appeared to weigh on his son. At one point in January, Adam Skelos told his father that if the company did not succeed, he would “lose the ability to pay for things.”

Making matters worse, in recent months, Senator Skelos and his son appeared to grow wary about who was watching them. In addition to making calls on the burner phone, Adam Skelos said he used the FaceTime video calling “because that doesn’t show up on the phone bill,” as he told Mr. White.

In late February, Adam Skelos arranged a pair of meetings between Mr. White and state senators; AbTech needed to win state legislation that would allow its contract to move beyond its initial stages. But Senator Skelos deemed the plan too risky and caused one of the meetings to be canceled.

In another recorded call, Adam Skelos, promising to be “very, very vague” on the phone, urged his father to allow the meeting. The senator offered a warning. “Right now we are in dangerous times, Adam,” he told him.

A month later, in another phone call that was recorded by the authorities, Adam Skelos complained that his father could not give him “real advice” about AbTech while the two men were speaking over the telephone.

“You can’t talk normally,” he told his father, “because it’s like [expletive] Preet Bharara is listening to every [expletive] phone call. It’s just [expletive] frustrating.”

“It is,” his father agreed.

Dean Skelos, Albany Senate Leader, Aided Son at All Costs, U.S. Says
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