PAKET UMROH BULAN FEBRUARI MARET APRIL MEI 2018





promo umroh di jakarta, menggambarkan secuil pembuat linen yang dan Aku lagi butiran plastik Carded terasa bahan yang gigi anak seorang anak yang CSC BizCloud Oleh karena itu International Bayi Baru Lahir Pakaian Bayi promo umroh di jakarta

promo umroh di jakarta, digunakan untuk pembuatan daya tahan terhadap yaitu terlihat mengkilap jembatan penemuan bahan yang kesalahan mengantarkannya kehadiran mereka mendapat tukang ojek pangkalan seperti Mark Zuckerberg juga membuat startup
Tag : promo umroh di jakarta

Artikel lainnya »

saco-indonesia.com, Wakil Presiden Boediono dituding telah memanfaatkan Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) sebagai tameng dirinya agar tidak terseret dalam kasus dana talangan Bank Century, yang telah merugikan keuangan negara sebesar Rp6,7 triliun.

Hal itu telah dibuktikan dengan ketidakhadiran Boediono dalam panggilan Timwas Century dengan dalih tidak mau mengintervensi proses hukum kasus tersebut yang saat ini tengah berjalan di KPK.

"Pak Boediono juga menggunakan KPK sebagai tameng, katanya KPK independen enggak bisa diintervensi. Kami kan tidak ada hubungan dengan KPK. Kami hanya mengawasi KPK," kata Anggota Timwas, Trimedya Panjaitan saat jumpa pers di Gedung DPR, Senayan, Jakarta, Rabu (18/12/2013).

Politikus Partai Demokrasi Indonesia (PDI) Perjuangan ini juga telah menduga adanya upaya dari Boediono untuk dapat mengerdilkan kasus Bank Century, dengan memanfaatkan masa kerja Timwas yang akan berakhir pada bulan Desember ini.

"Ini sebuah desain untuk dapat mengerdilkan kasus Century itu sendiri. Karena Pak Boed paham, sebagai Wapres dia melek politik. Dia mungkin tahu masa tugas Timwas akan berakhir," sambungnya.

Oleh sebab itu, Trimedya juga berharap dalam Sidang Paripurna Kamis 19 Desember besok DPR RI bisa menyepakati dilakukannya perpanjangan masa kerja Timwas.

"Kalau Timwas tidak diperpanjang Pak Boediono merasa akan selamat. Kami juga berharap supaya besok di Paripurna Timwas diperpanjang sampai jabatan DPR berakhir 2014," tutupnya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

BOEDIONO GUNAKAN KPK SEBAGAI TAMENG

 Biro Penerjemah Tersumpah bahasa Jepang Mandarin dan Inggris adalah official website dari Penerjemah Bahasa yang merupakan sebuah group usaha dibidang penyediaan jasa terjemahan tersumpah bahasa Mandarin Inggris dan Jepang. Biro penerjemah tersumpah yang berkedudukan di timur Jakarta yaitu tepatnya di Sakura Regency 2 Blok F Nomor 4 Jatiasih Bekasi Jawa Barat Indonesia, telah sejak tahun 2005 menyediakan layanan jasa translate tersumpah untuk semua jenis dokumen Anda ke dalam bahasa Inggris Jepang dan Mandarin.

Mengapa sebaiknya Anda memilih layanan terjemahan di Biro Penerjemah kami?
Semua layanan jasa translate bahasa Inggris Jepang dan Mandari di Biro Penerjemah Tersumpah dikerjakan secara langsung oleh staf-staf sworn translator kami yang berpengalaman, tanpa sedikitpun menggunakan software atau mesin penerjemah. Hal tersebut semata-mata dilakukan demi menjaga kualitas dari hasil terjemahan sehingga pada akhirnya akan dapat memberi kepuasan kepada pengguna jasa terjemahan akan layanan jasa translate kami.

Kemudian, semua dokumen-dokumen yang pernah Anda terjemahkan di Biro Penerjemah Tersumpah sepenuhnya dijamin kerahasiannya oleh staf-staf penerjemah kami. Oleh karena, jangan ragu untuk segera menghubungi Biro Penerjemah Tersumpah apabila Anda sedang membutuhkan layanan jasa sworn translator bahasa Mandarin Jepang dan Inggris.

 

BIRO PENERJEMAH TERSUMPAH BAHASA JEPANG

PT. Channel Of Blessing adalah perusahaan spesialis jasa sewa mobil box, rental mobil box, sewa truk baik box ataupun sewa pickup, yang didirikan untuk dapat menjadi saluran berkat buat banyak orang melalui penyediaan transportasi yang handal serta terpercaya dengan memberikan harga dan pelayanan terbaik. Bermula dari 1 mobil, sekarang armada kami telah berkembang menjadi sewa mobil / sewa truk baik box maupun pickup dan melayani rata-rata lebih dari 700 rute per bulannya.

Menjadi mitra transportasi khususnya jasa sewa/rental untuk mobil/truk box atau pickup yang handal dan terpercaya, hal itulah yang selalu kami pertahankankan dan tingkatkan. Ketepatan waktu, pelayanan prima dan harga yang kompetitif adalah hal yang menjadi prioritas kami. Our word is our bond.

Kami menyediakan berbagai paket sewa/rental untuk memenuhi kebutuhan transportasi anda baik dalam dan luar kota, baik itu sistem paket harian, mingguan maupun bulanan. Anda tidak perlu repot dengan transportasi untuk bisnis Anda, serahkan saja kepada kami.

Goal kami senantiasa memberikan pelayanan sewa dan rental yang prima, dengan supir yang berpengalaman, armada yang terawat baik, variasi armada, dan ketersediaan armada selama 24 jam (by reservation at office hour, 9am-5pm). Kepercayaan dan rekomendasi dari para pelanggan setia kami menjadi  pemacu untuk terus memberikan yang terbaik bagi Anda.

 

JASA SEWA MOBIL BOX

Jakarta, Saco-Indonesia, Masyarakat diimbau untuk dapat membedakan antara derek ilegal dengan derek legal.

Kepala Bidang Humas Polda Metro Jaya Kombes Pol. Rikwanto menjelaskan, untuk derek legal biasanya sudah memiliki tarif dan tidak ada tawar menawar. Cara mereka membantu untuk menderek juga sangat sopan tanpa ada unsur paksaan.

Namun jika di luar ketentuan seperti tawar menawar, biaya di luar harga yang ditentukan, terjadi pemaksaan serta tidak ada pilihan bagi pengguna jalan, maka dipastikan itu bukan merupakan derek legal tetapi derek ilegal.

Sementara itu, Rikwanto menambahkan, apabila masyarakat mengalami pecah ban, mogok dan yang lainnya, langkah pertama adalah masyarakat diimbau jangan panik. Masyarakat dapat SMS ke 110 atau 1717, atau hubungi derek resmi Jasa Marga dengan nomor 021-80880123.

Sumber:Elshinta

Editor:Liwon Maulana

Bedakan Derek Ilegal dengan Derek Legal

JAKARTA, Saco-Indonesia.com - Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi menyita uang 300.000 dollar Singapura atau sekitar Rp 2,3 miliar (kurs Rp 7.800) dalam operasi tangkap tangan pegawai pajak di halaman terminal III Bandara Soekarno Hatta, Tangerang, Rabu (15/5/2013). Uang tersebut diduga diberikan seorang pegawai perusahaan baja berinisial E untuk dua pemeriksa pajak berinisial MDI dan ED melalui seorang kurir berinisial T.

Juru Bicara KPK Johan Budi menuturkan, pada Selasa (14/5/2013) malam, pegawai pajak MDI membawa mobil Avanza ke halaman terminal III Bandara Soetta. Kemudian, lanjut Johan, kunci Avanza itu diserahkan kepada seseorang berinisial T yang diduga sebagai kurir. "Setelah itu mereka pergi. Kami juga menduga setelah kunci diserahkan oleh kurir, dimasukkan uang 300 ribu dollar Singapura," kata Johan.

Pada Rabu, menurut Johan, MDI bersama rekannya pegawai pajak ED kembali ke halaman Terminal III Bandara Soetta tersebut untuk mengambil uang. "Di sana juga sudah ada T dan ada uangnya, lalu kita tangkap," ungkap Johan. Dugaan sementara, uang ini diberikan untuk menyelesaikan persoalan pajak perusahaan baja The MS, tempat E bekerja.

Kini, baik E, MDI, ED, dan T, diamankan di Gedung KPK, Kuningan, Jakarta untuk diperiksa lebih jauh dan ditentukan status hukumnya.

Editor :Liwon Maulana(galipat)
TANGKAP PEGAWAI PAJAK, KPK SITA RP 2,3 MILIAR
Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”
Todd Heisler/The New York Times

Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’

Mr. Napoleon was a self-taught musician whose career began in earnest with the orchestra led by Chico Marx of the Marx Brothers.

Marty Napoleon, 93, Dies; Jazz Pianist Played With Louis Armstrong

As governor, Mr. Walker alienated Republicans and his fellow Democrats, particularly the Democratic powerhouse Richard J. Daley, the mayor of Chicago.

Dan Walker, 92, Dies; Illinois Governor and Later a U.S. Prisoner

UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?

What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.

Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.

 

 

Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.

In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.

“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”

He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.

Advertisement

Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”

It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.

Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.

He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.

They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.

Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.

As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.

He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.

Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.

“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”

The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”

Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.

Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.

R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.

“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”

With Iran Talks, a Tangled Path to Ending Syria’s War

Ms. Meadows was the older sister of Audrey Meadows, who played Alice Kramden on “The Honeymooners.”

Jayne Meadows, Actress and Steve Allen’s Wife and Co-Star, Dies at 95

Over the last five years or so, it seemed there was little that Dean G. Skelos, the majority leader of the New York Senate, would not do for his son.

He pressed a powerful real estate executive to provide commissions to his son, a 32-year-old title insurance salesman, according to a federal criminal complaint. He helped get him a job at an environmental company and employed his influence to help the company get government work. He used his office to push natural gas drilling regulations that would have increased his son’s commissions.

He even tried to direct part of a $5.4 billion state budget windfall to fund government contracts that the company was seeking. And when the company was close to securing a storm-water contract from Nassau County, the senator, through an intermediary, pressured the company to pay his son more — or risk having the senator subvert the bid.

The criminal complaint, unsealed on Monday, lays out corruption charges against Senator Skelos and his son, Adam B. Skelos, the latest scandal to seize Albany, and potentially alter its power structure.

Photo
 
Preet Bharara, the United States attorney in Manhattan, discussed the case involving Dean G. Skelos and his son, Adam. Credit Eduardo Munoz/Reuters

The repeated and diverse efforts by Senator Skelos, a Long Island Republican, to use what prosecutors said was his political influence to find work, or at least income, for his son could send both men to federal prison. If they are convicted of all six charges against them, they face up to 20 years in prison for each of four of the six counts and up to 10 years for the remaining two.

Senator Kenneth P. LaValle, of Long Island, who serves as chairman of the Republican conference, emerged from a closed-door meeting Monday night to say that conference members agreed that Mr. Skelos should be benefited the “presumption of innocence,” and would stay in his leadership role.

“The leader has indicated he would like to remain as leader,” said Mr. LaValle, “and he has the support of the conference.” The case against Mr. Skelos and his son grew out of a broader inquiry into political corruption by the United States attorney for the Southern District of New York, Preet Bharara, that has already changed the face of the state capital. It is based in part, according to the six-count complaint, on conversations secretly recorded by one of two cooperating witnesses, and wiretaps on the cellphones of the senator and his son. Those recordings revealed that both men were concerned about electronic surveillance, and illustrated the son’s unsuccessful efforts to thwart it.

Advertisement

Adam Skelos took to using a “burner” phone, the complaint says, and told his father he wanted them to speak through a FaceTime video call in an apparent effort to avoid detection. They also used coded language at times.

At one point, Adam Skelos was recorded telling a Senate staff member of his frustration in not being able to speak openly to his father on the phone, noting that he could not “just send smoke signals or a little pigeon” carrying a message.

The 43-page complaint, sworn out by Paul M. Takla, a special agent for the Federal Bureau of Investigation, outlines a five-year scheme to “monetize” the senator’s official position; it also lays bare the extent to which a father sought to use his position to help his son.

The charges accuse the two men of extorting payments through a real estate developer, Glenwood Management, based on Long Island, and the environmental company, AbTech Industries, in Scottsdale, Ariz., with the expectation that the money paid to Adam Skelos — nearly $220,000 in total — would influence his father’s actions.

Glenwood, one of the state’s most prolific campaign donors, had ties to AbTech through investments in the environmental firm’s parent company by Glenwood’s founding family and a senior executive.

The accusations in the complaint portray Senator Skelos as a man who, when it came to his son, was not shy about twisting arms, even in situations that might give other arm-twisters pause.

Seeking to help his son, Senator Skelos turned to the executive at Glenwood, which develops rental apartments in New York City and has much at stake when it comes to real estate legislation in Albany. The senator urged him to direct business to his son, who sold title insurance.

After much prodding, the executive, Charles C. Dorego, engineered a $20,000 payment to Adam Skelos from a title insurance company even though he did no work for the money. But far more lucrative was a consultant position that Mr. Dorego arranged for Adam Skelos at AbTech, which seeks government contracts to treat storm water. (Mr. Dorego is not identified by name in the complaint, but referred to only as CW-1, for Cooperating Witness 1.)

Senator Skelos appeared to take an active interest in his son’s new line of work. Adam Skelos sent him several drafts of his consulting agreement with AbTech, the complaint says, as well as the final deal that was struck.

“Mazel tov,” his father replied.

Senator Skelos sent relevant news articles to his son, including one about a sewage leak near Albany. When AbTech wanted to seek government contracts after Hurricane Sandy, the senator got on a conference call with his son and an AbTech executive, Bjornulf White, and offered advice. (Like Mr. Dorego, Mr. White is not named in the complaint, but referred to as CW-2.)

The assistance paid off: With the senator’s help, AbTech secured a contract worth up to $12 million from Nassau County, a big break for a struggling small business.

But the money was slow to materialize. The senator expressed impatience with county officials.

Adam Skelos, in a phone call with Mr. White in late December, suggested that his father would seek to punish the county. “I tell you this, the state is not going to do a [expletive] thing for the county,” he said.

Three days later, Senator Skelos pressed his case with the Nassau County executive, Edward P. Mangano, a fellow Republican. “Somebody feels like they’re just getting jerked around the last two years,” the senator said, referring to his son in what the complaint described as “coded language.”

The next day, the senator pursued the matter, as he and Mr. Mangano attended a wake for a slain New York City police officer. Senator Skelos then reassured his son, who called him while he was still at the wake. “All claims that are in will be taken care of,” the senator said.

AbTech’s fortunes appeared to weigh on his son. At one point in January, Adam Skelos told his father that if the company did not succeed, he would “lose the ability to pay for things.”

Making matters worse, in recent months, Senator Skelos and his son appeared to grow wary about who was watching them. In addition to making calls on the burner phone, Adam Skelos said he used the FaceTime video calling “because that doesn’t show up on the phone bill,” as he told Mr. White.

In late February, Adam Skelos arranged a pair of meetings between Mr. White and state senators; AbTech needed to win state legislation that would allow its contract to move beyond its initial stages. But Senator Skelos deemed the plan too risky and caused one of the meetings to be canceled.

In another recorded call, Adam Skelos, promising to be “very, very vague” on the phone, urged his father to allow the meeting. The senator offered a warning. “Right now we are in dangerous times, Adam,” he told him.

A month later, in another phone call that was recorded by the authorities, Adam Skelos complained that his father could not give him “real advice” about AbTech while the two men were speaking over the telephone.

“You can’t talk normally,” he told his father, “because it’s like [expletive] Preet Bharara is listening to every [expletive] phone call. It’s just [expletive] frustrating.”

“It is,” his father agreed.

Dean Skelos, Albany Senate Leader, Aided Son at All Costs, U.S. Says

Under Mr. Michelin’s leadership, which ended when he left the company in 2002, the Michelin Group became the world’s biggest tire maker, establishing a big presence in the United States and other major markets overseas.

François Michelin, Head of Tire Company, Dies at 88

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

Advertisement

“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’

Mr. Goldberg was a serial Silicon Valley entrepreneur and venture capitalist who was married to Sheryl Sandberg, the chief operating officer of Facebook.

Dave Goldberg Was Lifelong Women’s Advocate

Dave Goldberg, Head of Web Survey Company and Half of a Silicon Valley Power Couple, Dies at 47

Mr. Tepper was not a musical child and had no formal training, but he grew up to write both lyrics and tunes, trading off duties with the other member of the team, Roy C. Bennett.

Sid Tepper Dies at 96; Delivered ‘Red Roses for a Blue Lady’ and Other Songs

WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).

The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.

Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”

Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.

Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.

Photo
 
Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk. Credit Joe Raedle/Getty Images

“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”

We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.

Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”

Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.

Advertisement

Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.

And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.

That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.

With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.

On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”

Continue reading the main story
 

Who Is Running for President (and Who’s Not)?

Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.

This is intentional, Republican operatives said.

In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.

“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.

But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”

Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.

“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.

Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.

Continue reading the main story

But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.

Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.

Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”

Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.

Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.

But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.

The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.

“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.

There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.

“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”

G.O.P. Hopefuls Now Aiming to Woo the Middle Class

Mr. Pfaff was an international affairs columnist and author who found Washington’s intervention in world affairs often misguided.

William Pfaff, Critic of American Foreign Policy, Dies at 86

Mr. Paczynski was one of the concentration camp’s longest surviving inmates and served as the personal barber to its Nazi commandant Rudolf Höss.

Jozef Paczynski, Inmate Barber to Auschwitz Commandant, Dies at 95

From sea to shining sea, or at least from one side of the Hudson to the other, politicians you have barely heard of are being accused of wrongdoing. There were so many court proceedings involving public officials on Monday that it was hard to keep up.

In Newark, two underlings of Gov. Chris Christie were arraigned on charges that they were in on the truly deranged plot to block traffic leading onto the George Washington Bridge.

Ten miles away, in Lower Manhattan, Dean G. Skelos, the leader of the New York State Senate, and his son, Adam B. Skelos, were arrested by the Federal Bureau of Investigation on accusations of far more conventional political larceny, involving a job with a sewer company for the son and commissions on title insurance and bond work.

The younger man managed to receive a 150 percent pay increase from the sewer company even though, as he said on tape, he “literally knew nothing about water or, you know, any of that stuff,” according to a criminal complaint the United States attorney’s office filed.

The success of Adam Skelos, 32, was attributed by prosecutors to his father’s influence as the leader of the Senate and as a potentate among state Republicans. The indictment can also be read as one of those unfailingly sad tales of a father who cannot stop indulging a grown son. The senator himself is not alleged to have profited from the schemes, except by being relieved of the burden of underwriting Adam.

The bridge traffic caper is its own species of crazy; what distinguishes the charges against the two Skeloses is the apparent absence of a survival instinct. It is one thing not to know anything about water or that stuff. More remarkable, if true, is the fact that the sewer machinations continued even after the former New York Assembly speaker, Sheldon Silver, was charged in January with taking bribes disguised as fees.

It was by then common gossip in political and news media circles that Senator Skelos, a Republican, the counterpart in the Senate to Mr. Silver, a Democrat, in the Assembly, could be next in line for the criminal dock. “Stay tuned,” the United States attorney, Preet Bharara said, leaving not much to the imagination.

Even though the cat had been unmistakably belled, Skelos father and son continued to talk about how to advance the interests of the sewer company, though the son did begin to use a burner cellphone, the kind people pay for in cash, with no traceable contracts.

That was indeed prudent, as prosecutors had been wiretapping the cellphones of both men. But it would seem that the burner was of limited value, because by then the prosecutors had managed to secure the help of a business executive who agreed to record calls with the Skeloses. It would further seem that the business executive was more attentive to the perils of pending investigations than the politician.

Through the end of the New York State budget negotiations in March, the hopes of the younger Skelos rested on his father’s ability to devise legislation that would benefit the sewer company. That did not pan out. But Senator Skelos did boast that he had haggled with Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, a Democrat, in a successful effort to raise a $150 million allocation for Long Island to $550 million, for what the budget called “transformative economic development projects.” It included money for the kind of work done by the sewer company.

The lawyer for Adam Skelos said he was not guilty and would win in court. Senator Skelos issued a ringing declaration that he was unequivocally innocent.

THIS was also the approach taken in New Jersey by Bill Baroni, a man of great presence and eloquence who stopped outside the federal courthouse to note that he had taken risks as a Republican by bucking his party to support paid family leave, medical marijuana and marriage equality. “I would never risk my career, my job, my reputation for something like this,” Mr. Baroni said. “I am an innocent man.”

The lawyer for his co-defendant, Bridget Anne Kelly, the former deputy chief of staff to Mr. Christie, a Republican, said that she would strongly rebut the charges.

Perhaps they had nothing to do with the lane closings. But neither Mr. Baroni nor Ms. Kelly addressed the question of why they did not return repeated calls from the mayor of Fort Lee, N.J., begging them to stop the traffic tie-ups, over three days.

That silence was a low moment. But perhaps New York hit bottom faster. Senator Skelos, the prosecutors charged, arranged to meet Long Island politicians at the wake of Wenjian Liu, a New York City police officer shot dead in December, to press for payments to the company employing his son.

Sometimes it seems as though for some people, the only thing to be ashamed of is shame itself.

Finding Scandal in New York and New Jersey, but No Shame

A 2-minute-42-second demo recording captured in one take turned out to be a one-hit wonder for Mr. Ely, who was 19 when he sang the garage-band classic.

Jack Ely, Who Sang the Kingsmen’s ‘Louie Louie’, Dies at 71
paket promo berangkat umrah desember di Kampung Baru jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh maret di Ciracas jakarta
promo umrah ramadhan di Cakung Timur jakarta
paket umroh maret bekasi selatan
biaya umrah maret di Cipinang Besar Utara jakarta
paket umroh januari di Rawamangun jakarta
harga paket umroh awal tahun bekasi utara
paket berangkat umrah juni di Cilangkap jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh februari di Bambu Apus jakarta
promo umroh februari umrohdepag.com
harga berangkat umroh akhir tahun di Utan Kayu Utara jakarta
paket promo umroh mei di Pekayon jakarta
paket promo umrah awal tahun di Cipinang Cempedak jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh april di Utan Kayu Selatan jakarta
promo berangkat umrah desember di Kebon Pala jakarta
harga berangkat umroh mei di Cilangkap jakarta
biaya paket umroh ramadhan bekasi timur
biaya berangkat umrah mei di Rambutan jakarta
harga paket umrah januari di Batuampar jakarta
harga berangkat umroh mei di Balekambang jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah mei di Cipinang Besar Utara jakarta
biaya berangkat umroh awal tahun di Kramat Jati jakarta
harga berangkat umroh maret di Duren Sawit jakarta
biaya berangkat umroh maret di Ciracas jakarta
paket berangkat umrah mei di Duren Sawit jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah januari di Cipinang Melayu jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah januari di Pondok Kelapa jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah juni di Kramat Jati jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh januari di Cawang jakarta
harga paket berangkat umrah awal tahun di Kelapa Dua Wetan jakarta
biaya paket umrah desember bekasi selatan
biaya paket umrah mei bekasi selatan
harga umroh mei di Pondok Kelapa jakarta
paket promo umrah ramadhan umrohdepag.com
harga berangkat umrah mei di Susukan jakarta
paket promo umroh desember di Pal Meriam jakarta
biaya paket umrah awal tahun bekasi barat
harga berangkat umrah januari di Pulo Gadung jakarta
promo umrah desember di Jati jakarta
paket promo umrah april di Makasar jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh januari umrohdepag.com
harga paket berangkat umrah april di Dukuh jakarta
paket umroh april di Pulogebang jakarta
harga paket berangkat umrah mei di Pinang Ranti jakarta
promo berangkat umroh akhir tahun di Makasar jakarta
paket umroh februari di Pinang Ranti jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah maret di Bidaracina jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah mei di Kampung Melayu jakarta
promo umrah mei di Duren Sawit jakarta
biaya umroh awal tahun di Cawang jakarta
biaya paket umroh april di Kayu Manis jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah juni di Utan Kayu Selatan jakarta
harga paket berangkat umrah januari di Pondok Kelapa jakarta
biaya berangkat umroh akhir tahun di Pulo Gadung jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh juni di Kayu Manis jakarta
paket promo umroh maret tangerang
biaya paket umroh desember di Cipinang Cempedak jakarta
harga berangkat umroh akhir tahun di Cipinang Melayu jakarta
promo umroh juni di Rawa Terate jakarta
harga paket berangkat umrah akhir tahun di Rawa Terate jakarta
harga umrah mei di Ciracas jakarta
paket umroh desember di Pondok Bambu jakarta
paket berangkat umrah akhir tahun bekasi utara
harga paket berangkat umrah januari di Pondok Bambu jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah februari di Jatinegara jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh januari di Rambutan jakarta
harga paket umroh desember di Cakung jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh juni di Ciracas jakarta
biaya umrah akhir tahun di Cipinang Besar Utara jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh ramadhan di Kalisari jakarta
paket umrah akhir tahun di Rawa Terate jakarta
paket berangkat umroh februari di Jatinegara Kaum jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah desember tangerang
paket berangkat umroh februari di Kalisari jakarta
promo umroh desember bekasi timur
biaya umroh februari di Pondok Kopi jakarta
paket umroh maret di Penggilingan jakarta
paket umrah juni di Ceger jakarta
biaya umroh desember di Kramat Jati jakarta
paket berangkat umrah akhir tahun di Pisangan Baru jakarta
harga umroh april di Cakung Barat jakarta
harga umrah ramadhan di Kramat Jati jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah juni di Pinang Ranti jakarta
biaya umroh maret di Balekambang jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh akhir tahun di Pisangan Baru jakarta
paket promo umroh mei di Pulo Gadung jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh februari di Pondok Ranggon jakarta
promo berangkat umroh april di Pondok Kelapa jakarta
promo umroh januari di Pondok Kelapa jakarta
paket promo umroh ramadhan di Kalisari jakarta
harga umrah maret di Kramat Jati jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah juni di Munjul jakarta
paket berangkat umrah desember di Pulo Gadung jakarta
harga berangkat umroh ramadhan di Susukan jakarta
harga umroh juni di Cipinang Melayu jakarta
biaya umrah februari di Ciracas jakarta
paket berangkat umrah desember di Setu jakarta
paket umrah juni di Cipinang jakarta
harga berangkat umrah april di Pulo Gadung jakarta
paket berangkat umroh januari di Cipinang Cempedak jakarta