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saco-indonesia.com, tips sebelum membeli laptop – Pernahkah anda bingung dalam membeli dan memilih laptop? mungkin artikel tips sebelum membeli laptop ini cukup berguna untuk anda agar laptop yang anda beli tepat dan akurat, jangan sampai anda memilih/membeli laptop yang tidak sesuai dengan kebutuhan anda, karena kesalahan dalam membeli laptop dapat membuat anda kecewa ataupun malahan tidak nyaman menggunakan laptop anda.
tips sebelum membeli laptop

1. Menentukan Prioritas Penggunaan laptop
Sebelum memulai untuk memilih merek/jenis laptop maka terlebih dahulu anda juga harus mengetahui laptop anda dipergunakan untuk apa, ini dikarenakan tiap komputer/laptop telah memiliki berbagai batasan/kapasitas, seperti contoh laptop dengan kualifikasi untuk internetan dan mengetik artikel/dokumen tidak cocok untuk dapat dipergunakan bermain game karena terkadang game yang akan di instal telah memerlukan kualifikasi yang sangat tinggi (Grafik, ram dam kecepatan prosesor) yang tinggi.

tips sebelum membeli laptop

2. Memilih merek yang tepat
merek laptop yang tepat juga akan dapat meningkatkan kepuasan anda dalam menggunakan laptop, karena merek yang juga terkadang tidak tepat dapat membuat anda susah dalam proses perbaikan ataupun mengganti spare part yang rusak. Merek laptop yang baik pada umumnya adalah merek yang mudah dijangkau jika terdapat banyak masalah yang telah terjadi pada laptop yang anda beli.

3. Memastikan spesifikasi laptop yang anda beli
Laptop yang anda beli biasanya telah dilengkapi dengan spesifikasi, kembali pada poin pertama bahwa semua tergantung kepada kebutuhan anda, jika kebutuhan anda untuk desain grafis, maka anda haruslah bisa memilih laptop dengan spesifikasi VGA dan RAM yang sesuai pemilihan spesifikasi laptop yang salah dapat membuat anda jenuh menunggu loading laptop, ataupun laptop anda akan cepat melambat karena spesifikasi yang terdapat didalamnya tidak sesuai dengan kebutuhan anda.

4. Memastikan harga laptop
Poin ke empat ini terkadang juga dapat menjadi kekecewaan yang berat bagi orang yang tidak tahu menahu mengenai harga terbaru laotop karena rawan akan penipuan, cek lah terlebih dahulu harga laptop anda di internet ataupun orang yang anda percayai agar harga yang ditawarkan bisa sesuai dengan kemampuan finansial anda.

5. Memastikan CD Driver dan Kartu Garansi ada
CD Driver dan kartu garansi juga hal yang sangat perlu diperhitungkan, meski tidak dalam waktu dekat, kartu garansi dan CD driver akan sangat diperlukan untuk dapat memperbaiki laptop ataupun dalam menginstal ulang laptop anda.

6. Memastikan komponen lain berjalan dengan baik
Perhatikan dengan teliti bahwa dalam proses boot, dan kinerja perangkat keras ataupun software nya berjalan dengan baik, karena saat membeli peralatan elektronik tidak seperti menjual baju, ketika tampilan sudah cocok maka akan dibeli, dalam memilih komputer haruslah baik dalam segi tampilan (bentuk/disukai) dan performa yang sesuai dengan kebutuhan anda, performa berlebihan akan terkesan membuang-buang uang seperti contoh membeli laptop dengan harga yang mahal dan spesifikasi untuk bermain game (spesifikasi tinggi) namun hanya dipergunakan sebagai alat mengetik dokumen dan lain-lain

Semoga tips sebelum membeli laptop diatas dapat bermanfaat, inti dari tips sebelum membeli laptop di atas adalah Anda hanya perlu mencari informasi dari seseorang yang sudah berpengalaman dalam melihat spesifikasi yang ditawarkan laptop yang akan Anda beli serta harus diingat jangan terburu-buru untuk memilih sebuah laptop.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

TIPS DALAM MEMBELI LAPTOP

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saco-indonesia.com, Ulah penjahat ini kena batunya. Berkat teriakan korban, satu dari tiga penjahat yang telah merampas HP BlackBerry milik pemuda telah ditangkap massa. Dua lainnya telah berhasil melarikan diri. Kesal dengan ulah pelaku, massa telah menghakiminya hingga babak belur.

Peristiwa ini telah terjadi di Jalan Tebet Timur Dalam XI, Tebet, Jakarta Selatan, Senin (17/12) malam.Tersangka Riyanto yang berusia 22 tahun , yang telah mengalami luka di wajah karena kena bogem mentah warga langsung diamankan ke kantor polisi untuk dapat menjalani pemeriksaan.

Informasi yang telah dihimpun, malam itu Darman yang berusia 18 tahun , asal Brebes, Jateng, sedang duduk di lokasi bersama teman. Tiba-tiba tiga pelaku telah menghampirinya dan meminta uang. Namun korban tidak mengasih uangnya. Rekan pelaku yang naik motor Honda Revo yang bernomor polisi B 6646 SUH langsung merampas BB milik Darman. Tidak ingin HP kesayangannya berpindah tangan, korban berusaha melawan hingga membuat pelaku kesal dan menghajarnya.

Dipukul pelaku, Darman kemudian teriak minta tolong hingga warga berdatangan. Mereka kemudian balik mengeroyok pelaku dan menangkapnya. Dua berhasil kabur ke arah Jalan Sahardjo .

“Kami juga masih harus memburu pelaku lain yang telah melarikan diri. Mereka telah membawa kabur HP milik korban,” kata Kapolsek Tebet, Kompol I Ketut Sudharma saat didampingi Kasi Humas Aiptu Recky.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

PERAMPAS HP BABAK BELUR DIHAJAR MASA

saco-indonesia.com,

Cara Penggunaan Epoxy ( Primer )

Apakah Primer itu ?

Primer adalah bahan yang digunakan untuk dapat melapisan logam yang sebelumya juga sudah di lakukan dalam proses persiapan tahap awal pengecatan dahulu. yaitu :

    Perontokan cat  mobil
    Pembongkaran bagian mobil


Berikut ini adalah yang termasuk primer :

Epoxy Primer

Epoxy Primer juga merupakan bahan untuk dapat melindungi logam dari proses oxidasi dan bersifat tahan air.
Anda juga harus menggunakanya paling tidak sebanyak 1 atau 2 lapis saja.


Bengkel cat juga menggunakan jenis epoxy primer ini sebelum mereka bisa menggunakan bahan lain untuk dapat lapisan berikutnya. Dikarenakan Epoxy Primer ini juga Tahan terhadap air maka berfungsi juga untuk :

    Melindungi bahan yang telah terbuat dari logam dari karat
    Melekat sangat bagus pada logam dan akan menghasilkan lapisan dasar yang sempurna untuk proses pengecatan.


Epoxy Surfacer

Epoxy Surfacer telah digunakan untuk dapat melindungi lapisan cat dasar dari bermacam-macam bahan dan pengencer yang terdapat pada produk lapisan atas dan telah memberikan daya lekat yang tinggi. Epoxy Surfacer juga dapat membantu pencapaian kesamaan warna mixing colour pada pengecatan.

Apabila anda akan mengecat diatas cat lama, sangat dianjurkan untuk menggunakan epoxy surfacer ini. ( setelah proses pengamplasan dan degreaser terlebih dahulu )
Akan lebih penting lagi apabila anda tidak mengetahui seberapa bagusnya kualitas cat yang lama untuk dapat ditindih atau dilakukan repaint.

Epoxy Surfacer juga merupakan pilihan produk yang sangat bagus pada saat anda harus menindih cat original mobil yang mana telah di finishing dengan menggunakan pengecatan sistem oven dengan suhu extreme panas.

Lapisan cat original ini juga mempunyai permukaan yang sangat keras dan tahan lama. Oleh sebab itu cat baru yang akan diaplikasikan diatasnya juga harus bekerja keras untuk membaur dan melekat dengan baik diatas cat original.

Menggunakan Epoxy Surfacer juga akan memberikan sentuhan dan perbedaan antara ala kadarnya dan kualitas pengecatan yang sempurna ( maksimal ).

Pastikan anda telah mendiskusikan penggunaan dan pemilihan produk jenis epoxy ini dengan bengkel anda.
Anda juga harus menggunakan panduan dan informasi cara pencampuran perbandingan epoxy yang di sarankan oleh produsen masing - masing produk.

Saat lapisan logam telah menggunakan epoxy primer, primer akan dapat menutup lubang kecil dan guratan amplas pada permukaanya.
Pastikan anda juga menggunakan produk primer yang sama dari produk cat yang akan anda gunakan nantinya.

Kepadatan Primer juga telah mempunyai kemampuan untuk menutup kekurangan pada lapisan dan dapat memberikan lapisan yang bisa di amplas sampai benar-benar halus.

Ingatlah bahwa primer hanya digunakan untuk permukaan yang yang perlu ditutup seperti pada lubang, pori. guratan yang sangat kecil.

Untuk proses terakhir penggunaan primer ini adalah penggunaan cat dasar diatasnya yang bertujuan untuk :

    melapisi  permukaan bahan epoxy dari proses penyerapan bahan thinner
    Meningkatkan daya rekat ke semua produk cat yang akan diaplikasikan diatasnya.


Pastikan anda juga menyiapkan amplas yang cukup untuk dapat menghaluskan primer setelah diaplikasikan. Gunakan amplas basah dan kering ukuran 800.

Epoxy Primer dan Surfacer biasanya tidak memerlukan proses pengamplasan, kecuali hasil aplikasi anda tidak rata dan tidak sempurna maka pengamplasan juga harus dilakukan.

Boleh juga dengan menggungkan epoxi primer untuk dapat menghilangkan cat lama dan keropos pada lapisan logam, Atau dengan langsung menggunakan dempul baru kemudian menggunakan epoxy primer.

Untuk pengecatan baru, idealnya permukaanya juga harus sudah dipersiapkan untuk ditimpa dengan cat yang baru.
Untuk panel yang tergores, anda hanya diharuskan mengisolasi ( masking ) area yang tidak diaplikasikan epoxy. Setelah proses penggunaan epoxy surfacer selesai anda dapat langsung mengecatnya. Pastikan anda harus mengikuti petunjuk cara pemakaian dari produk.

Apabila hanya beberapa bagian dari panel yang akan di epoxy, Pastikan anda harus menggunakan masking yang lebar ( kertas koran bekas ) untuk dapat melindungi bagian lain supaya tidak terkena cipratan semprotan epoxy.

Gunakan tekanan angin yang paling kecil yang direkomendasikan produk, dan semprotkan secara perlahan pada saat menutup goresan atau luka pada spot area. Lepaskan picu semprotan spraygun segera setiap kali setelah anda melewati spot area tersebut. - Reviewer: tokocatmobil lima - ItemReviewed: Cara Penggunaan Epoxy ( Primer )


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

CARA PENGGUNAAN EPOXY

saco-indonesia.com, Memasang LED TV di dalam kamar atau ruang tamu memang telah menambah kesan yang elegan dan rapi. Selain itu juga tidak terlalu memakan tempat, pemasangan LED TV memakai bracket juga dianggap lebih aman karena TV tidak mudah tersenggol atau dijangkau oleh anak-anak. Nah, agar hasilnya optimal, berikut saya sajikan tips untuk memilih bracket LED TV.

Tips Memilih Bracket LED TV
Dalam memilih bracket LED TV yang paling bagus, aman, dan nyaman bagi TV itu sendiri maupun bagi anggota keluarga, kita juga harus memperhatikan beberapa hal sebagai berikut:

Ukuran
Bracket TV telah dijual dengan ukuran yang beraneka ragam. Menariknya, ukuran tersebut juga berupa rentang jadi kita dapat memanfaatkan satu jenis bracket untuk sejumlah ukuran, misal dari 22 inch hingga 42 inch. Jadi, sebelum mebeli, pastikan ukuran LED TV sobat.

Model
Model bracket beraneka ragam, dari yang berpegangan satu maupun dua. Artinya, dengan bentuknya yang sedemikian rupa, bracket ada yang telah menyediakan satu penopang bagi LED TV namun ada juga yang dua penopang. Pilihlah yang sesuai dengan keinginan sobat.

Fleksibilitas
Bracket TV telah dibuat beraneka ragam dengan fleksibilitas yang berbeda pula, ada yang hanya menghadap kedepan, ada pula yang dapat ditengokkan ke kanan dan kekiri. Usahakan memilih yang paling fleksibel sehingga LED TV sobat dapat dilihat dari depan, samping kanan, maupun samping kiri.

Kualitas
bahan bracket juga beraneka ragam, ada yang kuat dan ada yang mudah keropos. Pilihlah bracket yang kualitasnya dapat diandalkan, baik besi maupun catnya. Jangan sampai bracket yang sobat beli mudah keropos dan catnya mudah terkelupas karena justru akan mengotori ruangan serta tidak aman untuk TV maupun penontonnya.

Nah, itulah sekilas tentang tips untuk memilih bracket LED TV. Memang dalam hal pemilihan, kita sering dibuat pusing. Akan tetapi dengan berbekal pertimbangan diatas, sobat dapat mengambil keputusan yang terbaik. Semoga bermanfaat. Salam.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

TIPS MEMILIH LED TV YANG BAGUS

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William Pfaff, Critic of American Foreign Policy, Dies at 86

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

Photo
 
Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

Photo
 
Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

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Nationalist Party Chairman Eric Chu, a likely presidential candidate next year, also affirmed Taiwan's desire to join the proposed Chinese-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank during the meeting in Beijing. China claims Taiwan as its own territory and doesn't want the island to join using a name that might imply it is an independent country.

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From sea to shining sea, or at least from one side of the Hudson to the other, politicians you have barely heard of are being accused of wrongdoing. There were so many court proceedings involving public officials on Monday that it was hard to keep up.

In Newark, two underlings of Gov. Chris Christie were arraigned on charges that they were in on the truly deranged plot to block traffic leading onto the George Washington Bridge.

Ten miles away, in Lower Manhattan, Dean G. Skelos, the leader of the New York State Senate, and his son, Adam B. Skelos, were arrested by the Federal Bureau of Investigation on accusations of far more conventional political larceny, involving a job with a sewer company for the son and commissions on title insurance and bond work.

The younger man managed to receive a 150 percent pay increase from the sewer company even though, as he said on tape, he “literally knew nothing about water or, you know, any of that stuff,” according to a criminal complaint the United States attorney’s office filed.

The success of Adam Skelos, 32, was attributed by prosecutors to his father’s influence as the leader of the Senate and as a potentate among state Republicans. The indictment can also be read as one of those unfailingly sad tales of a father who cannot stop indulging a grown son. The senator himself is not alleged to have profited from the schemes, except by being relieved of the burden of underwriting Adam.

The bridge traffic caper is its own species of crazy; what distinguishes the charges against the two Skeloses is the apparent absence of a survival instinct. It is one thing not to know anything about water or that stuff. More remarkable, if true, is the fact that the sewer machinations continued even after the former New York Assembly speaker, Sheldon Silver, was charged in January with taking bribes disguised as fees.

It was by then common gossip in political and news media circles that Senator Skelos, a Republican, the counterpart in the Senate to Mr. Silver, a Democrat, in the Assembly, could be next in line for the criminal dock. “Stay tuned,” the United States attorney, Preet Bharara said, leaving not much to the imagination.

Even though the cat had been unmistakably belled, Skelos father and son continued to talk about how to advance the interests of the sewer company, though the son did begin to use a burner cellphone, the kind people pay for in cash, with no traceable contracts.

That was indeed prudent, as prosecutors had been wiretapping the cellphones of both men. But it would seem that the burner was of limited value, because by then the prosecutors had managed to secure the help of a business executive who agreed to record calls with the Skeloses. It would further seem that the business executive was more attentive to the perils of pending investigations than the politician.

Through the end of the New York State budget negotiations in March, the hopes of the younger Skelos rested on his father’s ability to devise legislation that would benefit the sewer company. That did not pan out. But Senator Skelos did boast that he had haggled with Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, a Democrat, in a successful effort to raise a $150 million allocation for Long Island to $550 million, for what the budget called “transformative economic development projects.” It included money for the kind of work done by the sewer company.

The lawyer for Adam Skelos said he was not guilty and would win in court. Senator Skelos issued a ringing declaration that he was unequivocally innocent.

THIS was also the approach taken in New Jersey by Bill Baroni, a man of great presence and eloquence who stopped outside the federal courthouse to note that he had taken risks as a Republican by bucking his party to support paid family leave, medical marijuana and marriage equality. “I would never risk my career, my job, my reputation for something like this,” Mr. Baroni said. “I am an innocent man.”

The lawyer for his co-defendant, Bridget Anne Kelly, the former deputy chief of staff to Mr. Christie, a Republican, said that she would strongly rebut the charges.

Perhaps they had nothing to do with the lane closings. But neither Mr. Baroni nor Ms. Kelly addressed the question of why they did not return repeated calls from the mayor of Fort Lee, N.J., begging them to stop the traffic tie-ups, over three days.

That silence was a low moment. But perhaps New York hit bottom faster. Senator Skelos, the prosecutors charged, arranged to meet Long Island politicians at the wake of Wenjian Liu, a New York City police officer shot dead in December, to press for payments to the company employing his son.

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