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saco-indonesia.com, Menteri Sosial Salim Segaf Al Jufri juga mengaku telah memiliki 10 program untuk dapat menciptakan kesejahteraan masyarakat di 2014 mendatang . 10 Program itu di antaranya; Program Keluarga Harapan (PHK), RS Bedah Kampung, Kelompok Usaha Bersama (KUBE), Pelayanan Kesejahteraan Sosial Anak, Rehabilitas Sosial, Pelayanan Sosial Lanjut Usia, Pemberdayaan Komunitas Adat Terpencil, Taruna Siaga Bencana dan Perlindungan Pekerja Migran Bermasalah.

"Ekspektasi 2014 kita kesejahteraan sosial. Bagaimana ending-nya kita bisa berbagi kepada masyarakat dengan cara apa? Memunculkan ide-ide yang brainstorming," kata Salim di Gedung Kemensos, Jakarta, Selasa (24/12).

Pihaknya juga akan melakukan bedah kampung untuk dapat menangani persoalan kemiskinan. Program tersebut diharapkan agar dapat memperbaiki kesejahteraan masyarakat.

"Bedah kampung adalah jalan pembuka bagi pembedah masalah sosial, di mana semangat kesetiakawanan sosial, peduli dan berbagai menjadi dasar dalam pelaksanaannya," ujarnya.

Salim juga menambahkan, sesuai dengan UU No 11 Tahun 2009 tentang Kesejahteraan Sosial, pihaknya juga berjanji akan tetap fokus dalam kampanye di sektor kementerian, pemerintah daerah (Pemda), dunia usaha, media massa, pegiat kesejahteraan sosial, dan dunia pendidikan yang bertujuan untuk memberikan pelayanan kepada masyarakat.

"Melalui kampanye program yang terarah, sehingga nyata peningkatan kesos akan berhasil," imbuh Salim.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

KEMENSOS LAKUKAN BEDAH KAMPUNG


Profil

Risalah adalah tugas yang dipikulkan kepada Nabi Muhammad shalallahu alaihi was salam untuk menyampaikan wahyu yang diterimanya kepada umat muslim, selain itu Risalah yang dibawa Nabi Muhammad shalallahu alaihi was salam juga memiliki keistimewaan dari segi peruntukan. Jika, nabi-nabi sebelumnya membawa risalah khusus untuk ummat tertentu, maka risalah kenabian Muhammad shalallahu alaihi was salam diperuntukkan bagi seluruh ummat hingga hari kiamat. Allah subhanahu wa ta’ala telah mengamanahkan beban risalah ini hanya kepada Nabi Muhammad shalallahu alaihi was salam. Dan diantara risalah yang Allah turunkan adalah rukun-rukun Iman dan Islam, termasuk didalamnya adalah menunaikan ibadah Haji dan Umroh.

Penertian Haji Dan Umroh

Pengertian Umroh bahasa artinya berkunjung, sedangkan secara istilah adalah berkunjung ke ka’bah dengan melaksanakan ketentuan-ketentuan yang berkaitan dengan umrah dalam rangka mendekatkan diri pada Allah.

Umrah disebut juga haji kecil, karena beberapa ketentuannya hampir sama dengan haji misalnya tentang syarat-syarat, rukun, atau larangan-larangannya. Apalagi perintah umrah disejajarkan dengan perintah haji. Allah berfirman :

Dan sempurnakanlah ibadah haji dan umrah karena Allah (Al-Baqoroh:196).

tetapi pelaksanaan umrah lebih sederhana dibandingkan dengan pelaksanaan haji. Umrah dapat dilaksanan sewaktu-waktu sepanjang tahun, baik di dalam bulan haji atau sebelum maupun sesudahnya.

       Bisa melaksanakan ibadah Umroh ke tanah suci adalah impian setiap muslim. Tentu, tidak akan ada hamba Allah yang menolak menikmati kesempatan beribadah di negeri para nabi, menapaki jejak Rosulullah untuk bersujud di hadapan ka’bah secara langsung. Sayangnya, tidak semua orang bisa mendapatkan kesempatan ini dikarenakan jarak yang memisahkan, untuk berumroh, seorang muslim harus merogoh saku lebih dalam untuk memperoleh kesempatan ini.

Dalam hal yang paling mandasar dibutuhkan oleh setiap Jama’ah yang menjalankan ibadah umroh adalah kenyamanan dan keamanan dalam menjalankan rutinitas ibadah umroh itu sendiri dari keberangkatan sampai akhirnya kembali lagi kerumah masing-masing.

Begitu juga dengan makna disetiap ritual Umroh itu sendiri mempunyai artian yang berbeda-beda. Didalamnya berlangsung sebuah peristiwa sosial, yang tidak hanya menghubungkan manusia dengan Allah SWT,melainkan juga tentang manusia berhubungan dengan manusia lainnya. Mempererat tali silaturahim diantara Jama’ah memiliki banyak manfaat bagi kita semua, salah satunya mendapat Ridho dari Allah SWT dan meningkatkan rasa kebersamaan dan rasa kekeluargaan,

Orang yang hendak pergi menunaikan ibadah Umroh biasanya menggunakan jasa KBIH atau perusahaan penyelenggara ibadah Umroh untuk menyiapkan segala kebutuhan seperti visa umroh, tiket pesawat, akomodasi, memandu seluruh kegiatan ibadah umroh selama ditanah suci.

Dengan demikian, jamaah tinggal mempersiapkan diri untuk berangkat ketanah suci dan melaksanakan ibadah umroh supaya meraih keutamaan dan pahala dari Allah SWT. Supaya tujuan ibadah umroh terpenuhi,

Penting bagi Jama’ah untuk mencari KBIH atau perusahaan penyelenggara ibadah umroh yang baik, jujur, bertanggung jawab, bisa dipercaya dan mengakomodasi segala kebutuhan selama berlangsungnya ibadah Umroh tersebut.

Perusahaan penyelenggara ibadah umroh diharapkan dapat memenuhi harapan para Jama’ah yaitu memperoleh ibadah yang khusu, aman, nyaman, dapat memahami segala macam bentuk dan makna

dari ibadah Umroh itu sendiri dan sesuai dengan apa yang di syariatkan oleh Rosulullah shallallahu 'alaihi wasallam. Salah memilih KBIH atau perusahaan penyelenggara umroh akan berdampak buruk bagi kesejahtraan Jama’ah, sehingga tentunya akan mempengaruhi kelancaran dan kualitas ibadah.

 

RISALAH WISATA NABAWI yang berdiri sejak tahun 2012 memberikan solusi tepat bagi para Jama’ah dengan menawarkan pelayanan yang prima, tanggap dan optimal untuk membantu para Jama’ah dalam menjalankan ibadah Umroh. Bagi kami, tiada hari tanpa menolong sesama, keberhasilan, kekhusu’an dan kepuasan para jama’ah selama menjalankan ibadah umroh adalah kebanggan tersendiri bagi kami sebagai penyelenggara ibadah Umroh. Alhamdulillah selama kami telah membantu para Jama’ah dari berbagai daerah di Indonesia khususnya daerah jawa barat dalam menjalankan ibadah umroh.

Sebelum keberangkatan, kami berbagi pengetahuan akan hal-hal yang dasar dalam ibadah Umroh dan berbagai macam persiapan sebelum meninggalkan Tanah Air. Mengadakan Manasik Umroh yang rutin kami lakukan menjadi sangat penting bagi Jama’ah, khususnya bagi para Jama’ah yang baru pertama kali menjalankan ibadah umroh

RISALAH WISATA NABAWI didukung oleh asatizd lulusan Timur Tengah yang sangat berpengalaman dalam memberikan pengetahuan akan ibadah serta menanamkan nilai-nilah dari ibadah sesuai dengan RISALAH Rosulullah shallallahu 'alaihi wasallam selama atau pasca Umroh. Muthawif yang handal dalam bidangnya, tanggap, cekatan. team yang muda, ramah, sopan, enerjik, bersahabat akan memudahkan Jama’ah mendapatkan pelayanan yang maksimal sebelum dan sesudah menjalankan ibadah Umroh,

RISALAH WISATA NABAWI menawarkan berbagai jenis paket Umroh. Mulai dari paket regular, paket keluarga, peket super hemat, sampai paket Umroh plus liburan yaitu Jama’ah akan diajak berlibur sebelum atau sesudah ibadah selesai. Liburan yang ditawarkan ketempat-tempat bersejarah di Arab Saudi dan wisata kebeberapa Negara timur tengah lainnya.

 
 
Makna Risalah Versi Risalah Nabawi Tour

 

    Ridho Illahi yang selalu kami kejar dan Ramah dalam berinteraksi
    Ibadah yang sesuai dengan Sunnah Rosulullah shallallahu alaihi wasallam.
    Sopan dalam berbicara, Santun dalam berbuat, bersahabat dengan semua eleman masyarakat dan Silaturahim selalu kami jaga
    Amanah selama menjalankan tugas.
    Layanan yang maksimal bagi para Jama’ah dari proses pemberangkatan sampai kembali ke Tanah Air,
    Aman dalam perjalanan dengan asuransi terpercaya.
    Hikmah disetiap langkahnya. Perjalanan yang penuh Hikmah dan Pelajaran disetiap proses kegiatan Umroh akan memberikan makna tersendiri bagi para Jamaah.

Sumber : http://www.myrisalah.com

Baca Artikel Lainnya : HUKUM BERDOA DI DEPAN MAKAM RASULULLAH

RISALAH NABAWI TOUR

 Biro Jasa Penerjemah BBS telah sejak tahun 2002 menyediakan  berbagai layanan jasa terjemahan untuk memenuhi kebutuhan pelanggan pengguna jasa translate bahasa asing. Didukung penuh oleh staf-staf penerjemah bahasa Inggris Mandarin Belanda Arab Jepang Korea Mandarin Rusia Spanyol Perancis dan Portugis yang rata-rata telah bersertifikat sebagai penerjemah tersumpah atau sworn translator, dan ditambah dengan kelengkapan layanan penerjemahan yang tersedia, menjadikan Jasa Penerjemah BBS kini telah berkembang menjadi satu-satunya biro penerjemah tersumpah terbaik dan terlengkap layanannya.

Mengapa Sebaiknya Anda Memilih Layanan Kami?
Selain karena kami memang merupakan biro jasa penerjemah yang berkomitmen untuk mengedepankan mutu atau kualitas hasil terjemahan, sejak tahun 2002, Jasa Penerjemah BBS adalah biro penyedia jasa penerjemah tersumpah berbasis kompetensi. Kami selalu berusaha memeberikan yang terbaik bagi semua pelanggan pengguna jasa terjemahan kami. Oleh karenanya, Jasa Penerjemah BBS telah sejak lama menyandang predikat sebagai Kantor Penerjemah Terpercaya dan Terbaik di Indonesia.

Jasa Penerjemah Bahasa Apa Saja Yang Tersedia di BBS?
Seiring dengan bertambahnya jumlah staf penerjemah, baik itu staf penerjemah biasa maupun staf penerjemah tersumpah, hingga kini penerjemah bahasa yang bekerja di Jasa Penerjemah BBS terdiri dari staf penerjemah untuk bahasa-bahasa berikut ini.

    Penerjemah Bahasa Inggris
    Penerjemah Bahasa Belanda
    Penerjemah Bahasa Arab
    Penerjemah Bahasa Mandarin
    Penerjemah Bahasa Jerman
    Penerjemah Bahasa Perancis
    Penerjemah Bahasa Jepang
    Penerjemah Bahasa Korea
    Penerjemah Bahasa Spanyol
    Penerjemah Bahasa Rusia

JASA PENERJEMAH BBS

1. Mobil Sedan Corolla Generasi Pertama E10 Series (1966-1970) 

 


Mobil Sedan Corolla pertama kali dipasarkan dan mendulang sukses di Amerika pada tahun 1968. Mobil Sedan Corolla Generasi pertama terdiri dari beberapa varian seperti mobil kecil sederhana bermesin 2K 1100 cc yang diberi kode KE10 untuk sedan, KE15 untuk coupe, dan KE16 untuk Wagon. Model facelift yang hadir pada tahun 1969 bermesin 3K 1200 cc diberi kode KE11 untuk Sedan, KE18 untuk Wagon dan KE17 untuk Sprinter Coupe. diluar negara Jepang, negara yang pertama kali mendapatkan Mobil Sedan Corolla adalah Australia.

2. Mobil Sedan Corolla Generasi Kedua E20 Series (1971-1974) 

 

 

Pada Genarasi Kedua dari Mobil Sedan Corolla ini dikenal 2 Varian yaitu KE dan TE, dengan Varian TE memiliki bentuk yang lebih sporty. Mobil Sedan Corolla Generasi kedua atau 20-series ini lebih besar dari Mobil Sedan Corolla Generasi pertama. Ini merupakan model Toyota yang sukses di seluruh dunia. Mesin yang digunakan adalah 3K (1200 cc), 3K-B (1200 cc dengan 2 karburator), T (1400 cc), 2T (1600 cc), dan 2T-G (1600 cc DOHC) berkemampuan tinggi. Pada tahun 1972, diperkenalkan model sport Mobil Sedan Corolla Levin dan Sprinter Trueno. Corolla Levin menjuarai Press on Regardless Rally di Amerika, dan 1000 Lakes Rally di Finlandia.

Di Indonesia, Corolla generasi ini yang pertama kali dijual ke pasar dengan model sedan 4 pintu bermesin 1200cc dan transmisi 4 speed manual.

 

3. Mobil Sedan Corolla Generasi Ketiga E30, E40, E50, E60 Series (1975-1979) 

 

Mobil Sedan Corolla Generasi ketiga diantaranya adalah Corolla Sedan, Hardtop, dan Wagon berbasis 30-series, Sprinter Sedan 40-series. Corolla dan Sprinter Sports Coupe dan Liftback berbasis 50-series. Semua model yang menggunakan mesin dengan emisi rendah serta Toyota Total Clean (TTC), 60-series, model ini hanya dijual di Jepang. 

 

4. Mobil Sedan Corolla Generasi Keempat E70 Series (1980-1984)

 

   

 

Mobil Sedan Corolla Generasi Keempat Ini merupakan Corolla terakhir untuk semua model yang menggunankan layout FR (berpenggerak roda belakang). Di Jepang banyak sekali varian dan bentuknya. Ada Sedan 2 dan 4 pintu, Hardtop, Coupe, Liftback, Station Wagon, dan Van. Mesin yang tersedia adalah 1300 cc 4K, 1500 cc 5K, 1600 cc 2T dan 2T-G(DOHC). Model di Amerika bermesin 2T-C(1600 cc) dan 3T-C(1800 cc) dengan bentuk body Sedan 2 pintu, 4 pintu, Coupe, Hardtop, Liftback, dan Wagon. Perusahaan karoseri di California ada yang membuatMobil Sedan Corolla Convertible dengan atap kanvas yang bisa dibuka berbasis Corolla Hardtop.

Di Indonesia hanya tersedia dalam variant DX 4 pintu bermesin 1300 cc 4K. Platform generasi ini juga dipakai untuk Daihatsu Charmant. Corolla DX di Indonesia tahun 1980 memiliki 4 lampu depan yg berbentuk bulat, bumper masih menggunakan besi dengan karet di kedua ujungnya, pada tahun 1981 mengalami perubahan pada lampu depan jadi bentuk petak. Model tahun 1982 mempunyai perbedaan pada lampu sen depan yg melebar ke samping dan lampu belakang baru, sedangkan tahun 1983 Corolla DX hadir dengan tachometer dan bumper urethane yang panjang.

 

5. Mobil Sedan Corolla Generasi Kelima E80 Series (1985-1987) 

 


Apakah yang terlintas dibenak anda kalau melihat sekilas foto mobil diatas ? yap tidak salah lagi pasti anda akan teringat salah satu anime jepang yang sangat populer "Initial D" , tepat foto Mobil Sedan Corolla diatas adalah Mobil Sedan Corolla tipe AE86 yang digunakan Takumi balapan digunung akina yang merupakan Mobil Sedan Corolla generasi kelima. 

Pada Mobil Sedan Corolla Generasi kelima ini Hanya model sport Corolla Levin dan Sprinter Trueno yang berpenggerak roda belakang, model yang lain berpenggerak roda depan. Sprinter Trueno dijual di Amerika sebagai Corolla SR5 dan GT-S. AE86 adalah kode untuk Levin dan Trueno bermesin kemampuan tinggi 4A-GE(1600 cc DOHC), yaitu GT, GT-S, GT-V, dan APEX. AE86 sangat popular dengan sebutan Hachiroku, yang berasal dari Bahasa Jepang, hachi = 8, dan roku = 6.

Di Indonesia, Mobil Sedan Corolla generasi ini yang dipasarkan secara resmi hadir dalam versi GL (AE80) dengan mesin 2A 1300 cc dan versi facelift SE Saloon (EE80) dengan mesin 2E 1300 cc.  

 

6. Mobil Sedan Corolla Generasi Keenam E90 Series (1988-1992) 

 


 Mulai generasi ini kebanyakan Mobil Sedan Corolla sudah bermesin Twincam 4A-F (Head sempit) atau 4A-G( Head lebar) dengan karburator atau injection. Mesin bensin 1300 cc dengan karburator dan diesel dipasang pada Corolla Sedan versi murah serta Station Wagon dan Van. Corolla Sedan juga dibuat dalam versi mewah yaitu SE Limited untuk Asia yang hampir sama dengan LE di Amerika. Mobil Sedan Corolla versi Amerika memiliki bumper yang lebih panjang dibanding versi untuk region lainnya, serta lampu indikator merah di fender belakang. Corolla GTi yang sporty dengan mesin 4A-GE dibuat dalam bentuk Hatchback, Sedan, dan Liftback.

Di Jepang, model sports coupe Corolla Levin dan Sprinter Trueno ada yang menggunakan mesin 4A-GZE dengan Supercharger. Corolla Coupe untuk Amerika sebenarnya adalah Sprinter Trueno dengan lampu depan retractable. Tersedia dalam 2 pilihan yaitu SR5 dan GT-S.

Corolla All-Trac Wagon yang memiliki body berbeda dengan Wagon biasa berbasis pada Sprinter Carib di Jepang. Mobil berkode AE95 ini merupakan model pertama Mobil Sedan Corolla generasi keenam yang dijual di Australia pada tahun 1988. Corolla AE90 dan AE92 dalam bentuk Sedan, Hatchback, serta AE92 Liftback yang disebut Seca baru hadir pada tahun 1989.

Di Indonesia, model Mobil Sedan Corolla ini dikenal dengan nama Corolla Twincam, meskipun yang 1300 cc bermesin single cam (SOHC).

Tersedia 4 tipe yang resmi dipasarkan oleh Toyota Astra Motor:

  1. 1.3 SE sedan, mesin 2E (72 hp -6000 rpm)
  2. 1.6 SE Limited sedan, mesin 4A-F (94 hp - 6000 rpm, 12,9 kgm - 4000 rpm)
  3. 1.6 GTi sedan, mesin 4A-GE (140 hp - 7200 rpm; 15 kgm - 6000 rpm)
  4. 1.6 Liftback 5-door, mesin 4A-F (94 hp - 6000 rpm, 12.9 kgm - 4000 rpm)

 7. Mobil Sedan Corolla Generasi Ketujuh E100 Series (1992-1997) 

 


Diluncurkan di Jepang pada pertengahan tahun 1991 dengan mesin 1300 cc 4E, 1500 cc 5E, 1600 cc 4A, dan 2000 cc diesel 2C. Model Sedan  dan Coupe diproduksi sampai tahun 1995, sedangkan model Station Wagon dan Van tetap dibuat sampai tahun 2000.

Disebut Great Corolla di Indonesia dengan model SE menggunakan mesin 2E 1300 cc dan SE-G dengan mesin 4A-FE 1600 cc. 1.3 SE digantikan oleh 1.6 SE pada tahun 1994.

Model baru untuk tahun 1993 di Amerika dengan model Standard, DX, and LE Sedan, serta DX Station Wagon. Model standard bermesin 4A-FE(1600 cc), DX dan LE menggunakan mesin 7A-FE(1800 cc). Untuk tahun 1996, Mobil Sedan Corolla versi Amerika mendapat facelift dan semua model di produksi di Amerika. Model LE and Station Wagon yang di import dari Jepang tidak dijual lagi. Mobil Sedan Corolla CE (Classic Edition) mulai dipasarkan.

Di Australia, Mobil Sedan Corolla generasi ini diluncurkan pada tahun 1994, dan diproduksi secara lokal. Corolla Sedan terdiri dari model 1.6 CSi, 1.6 CSX, 1.8 CSX Conquest, and 1.8 Ultima, sedangkan Corolla Hatchback adalah 1.6 Seca CSi, 1.8 Seca Conquest, dan 1.8 Seca RV. Hanya satu model yang di import dari Jepang yaitu Corolla Sprinter Liftback.

 

8. Mobil Sedan Corolla Generasi Kedelapan E110 Series (1995-2002)

 

 


Untuk generasi ini, Toyota membuat Mobil Sedan Corolla yang berbeda untuk region yang berbeda. Versi Jepang mulai dipasarkan di Jepang pada pertengahan tahun 1995, dan beberapa negara Asia, Amerika Selatan, serta Afrika pada tahun 1996. Versi Eropa untuk Eropa dan Australia hadir pada tahun 1997. Versi Amerika hanya untuk USA dan Canada baru untuk model tahun 1998. Versi Eropa hadir dengan penampilan yang sangat berbeda dengan versi untuk region lainnya. Mobil Sedan Corolla Eropa memiliki lampu depan berbentuk bulat.

Untuk di Indonesia, digunakan mesin 4A-FE (AE111 - dikenal dengan nama All New Corolla) dengan tahun edar 1996-1998 dengan variant 1.6 XLi, 1.6 SE-G, dan 1.6 S-Cruise. Model facelift bermesin 7A-FE (AE112) dengan tahun edar 1998-2001 tersedia dalam variant 1.8 XLi dan 1.8 SE-G.

Output mesin : 4A-FE : 115 hp - 6000 rpm, torsi 15 kgm - 4800 rpm. 7A-FE : 120 hp - 6000 rpm, torsi 16 kgm - 4400 rpm. Kedua mesin ini memakai teknologi Twincam 16 valve EFI

Corolla AE112 atau dikenal dengan nama New Corolla ini merupakan sedan dengan fitur terlengkap dan termewah di kelasnya saat itu. Dilengkapi dengan ABS, dual airbag, variable timing wiper, dan sebagainya.

 

9. Mobil Sedan Corolla Generasi Kesembilan E120, E130 Series (2000-2006) 

 


Pada Mobil Sedan Corolla Generasi Kesembilan ini, Dimensi lebih besar dari generasi sebelumnya. Ada 2 macam body untuk Sedan 4-pintu, yaitu versi Jepang yang juga dijual di Eropa dan Australia, dan Corolla Altis yang lebih besar untuk Asia Tenggara dan Amerika. Model Station Wagon disebut Corolla Fielder di Jepang, dan juga diekspor ke Australia dan Eropa.

Di Amerika, Corolla Sedan dipasarkan dalam trim level CE, S, LE, dan XRS. CE, S, dan LE bermesin 1ZZ-FE VVT-i, ZRS menggunakan mesin 2ZZ-GE VVTL-i. Corolla Matrix yang berbentuk crossover Wagon / SUV dibuat hanya untuk pasar Amerika.

Di Eropa, Corolla Hatchback 3 dan 5 pintu lebih popular dibanding Sedan dan Wagon. Juga ada Hatchback berkemampuan tinggi T-Sport bermesin 2ZZ-GE. Corolla Hatchback 5 pintu dijual di Australia dengan nama Corolla Seca, dan tersedia dalam versi Ascent, Ascent Sport, Conquest, Levin, dan Sportivo. Levin adalah versi mewah dan sporty dengan body kit, bukan coupe seperti Levin terdahulu. Sportivo adalah model berkemampuan tinggi yang sama dengan T-Sport. Mobil Sedan Corolla Sedan di Australia dipasarkan dalam versi Ascent, Conquest, dan Ultima.

Mobil Sedan Corolla Altis di Indonesia dimulai tahun 2001 sampai sekarang dan telah mengalami beberapa kali perubahan 2001-2003 : generasi 1 Altis di Indonesia. mesin 1ZZ-FE non VVT-i (128 hp - 6000 rpm, 16,3 kgm - 4400 rpm) SAE NET. Dirakit secara terurai (CKD) dari Thailand. 2004-2005 : generasi 2 Altis di Indonesia, mesin 1ZZ-FE VVT-i (136 hp - 6000 rpm, 17,4 kgm - 4200 rpm) SAE NET. Untuk versi A/T telah dilengkapi Super ECT. Mulai tipe ini dan selanjutnya diimpor secara utuh (CBU) dari Thailand. 2006-sekarang : generasi 3 Altis, dengan penambahan fitur-fitur seperti MID, Audio control di stir, dll. 

 

10. Mobil Sedan Corolla Generasi Kesepuluh E140, E150 Series (2006-Sekarang)

 

 

 

 Mobil Sedan Corolla terbaru yang disebut Corolla Axio, dan Station Wagon Corolla Fielder diluncurkan di Jepang pada akhir tahun 2006. Model Hatchback bernama Auris, dan yang lebih exclusive adalah Blade. Axio, Fielder, dan Auris bermesin 1.5 liter VVT-i 1NZ-FE, atau mesin baru 1.8 liter Dual VVT-i 2ZR-FE. Blade menggunakan mesin 2.4 liter VVT-i 2AZ-FE.

Corolla untuk Amerika model tahun 2009 dipasarkan mulai awal tahun 2008 dengan model Standard (paling murah), LE (menengah), S (sporty), XLE (mewah), dan XRS (sport berkemampuan tinggi). Corolla XRS menggunakan mesin 2400 cc, sedangkan model lainnya 1800 cc.

Untuk pasar di negara besar Eropa, Corolla digantikan oleh Auris. Auris berbentuk Hatchback 3 dan 5 pintu. Mesin yang digunakan adalah 1.4 dan 1.6 liter bensin, serta 2.0 dan 2.2 liter common rail diesel. Versi termahal adalah T180 yang bermesin 2.2 liter diesel. Mobil Sedan Corolla  hanya dipasarkan di Irlandia and beberapa negara Eropa saja.

 

 


Di Australia, baik model Sedan maupun Hatchback tetap menggunakan nama Corolla. Trim level untuk Mobil Sedan Corolla sama seperti generasi sebelumnya. Corolla Hatchback versi Australia sama dengan Auris, dan tersedia dalam trim level Ascent, Conquest, Sportivo SX, dan Sportivo ZR.

Di Indonesia, Mobil Sedan Corolla terbaru ini diluncurkan pada 28 Februari 2008 dengan 3 grade, yaitu : 1.8 V A/T, 1.8 G A/T, dan 1.8 J M/T. Mesin yang digunakan tetap mesin 1ZZ-FE 1800 cc VVT-i 16 valve dengan mematuhi aturan emisi yang lebih ketat (EURO III). dilengkapi 4 speed A/T triptronic transmission dan 5 speed M/T; Fitur cruise control dapat ditemukan di 1.8 V A/T. Pada tahun 2009, Corolla dengan grade V mendapat mesin baru 3ZR-FE 2000 cc dengan Dual VVT-i, sedangkan model lainnya tetap menggunakan mesin 1800 cc. 

 

 


Mobil Sedan Corolla Altis versi facelift diperkenalkan pada 2010 Indonesia International Motor Show. Semua model hadir dengan bumper, grille, dan lampu belakang baru. Model 1.8 E and 1.8 G hadir dengan mesin baru 2ZR-FE Dual VVT-i. Transmisi untuk 1.8 E adalah 6 speed manual, sedangkan 1.8 G menggunakan 5 speed CVT automatic.

MOBIL SEDAN COROLLA GENERASI KE GENERASI

    saco-indonesi.com,

    I’ve made up my mind,
    Don’t need to think it over,
    if I’m wrong I am right,
    Don’t need to look no further,
    This ain’t lust,
    i know this is love but,

    If i tell the world,
    I’ll never say enough,
    Cause it was not said to you,
    And thats exactly what i need to do,
    If i’m in love with you,

    Should i give up,
    Or should i just keep chasing pavements?
    Even if it leads nowhere,
    Or would it be a waste?
    Even If i knew my place should i leave it there?
    Should i give up,
    Or should i just keep chasing pavements?
    Even if it leads nowhere

    I’d build myself up,
    And fly around in circles,
    Wait then as my heart drops,
    and my back begins to tingle
    finally could this be it

    Should i give up,
    Or should i just keep chasing pavements?
    Even if it leads nowhere,
    Or would it be a waste?
    Even If i knew my place should i leave it there?
    Should i give up,
    Or should i just keep chasing pavements?
    Even if it leads nowhere

    Should i give up,
    Or should i just keep chasing pavements?
    Even if it leads nowhere,
    Or would it be a waste?
    Even If i knew my place should i leave it there?
    Should i give up,
    Or should i just keep chasing pavements?
    Even if it leads nowhere


    Editor : Dian Sukmawati

ADELE CHASING PAVEMENTS

Ms. Crough played the youngest daughter on the hit ’70s sitcom starring David Cassidy and Shirley Jones.

Suzanne Crough, Actress in ‘The Partridge Family,’ Dies at 52

Mr. King sang for the Drifters and found success as a solo performer with hits like “Spanish Harlem.”

Ben E. King, Soulful Singer of ‘Stand by Me,’ Dies at 76

Mr. Alger, who served five terms from Texas, led Republican women in a confrontation with Lyndon B. Johnson that may have cost Richard M. Nixon the 1960 presidential election.

Bruce Alger, 96, Dies; Led ‘Mink Coat’ Protest Against Lyndon Johnson

Mr. Mankiewicz, an Oscar-nominated screenwriter for “I Want to Live!,” also wrote episodes of television shows such as “Star Trek” and “Marcus Welby, M.D.”

Don Mankiewicz, Screenwriter in a Family Film Tradition, Dies at 93

The magical quality Mr. Lesnie created in shooting the “Babe” films caught the eye of the director Peter Jackson, who chose him to film the fantasy epic.

Andrew Lesnie, Cinematographer of ‘Lord of the Rings,’ Dies at 59

Late in April, after Native American actors walked off in disgust from the set of Adam Sandler’s latest film, a western sendup that its distributor, Netflix, has defended as being equally offensive to all, a glow of pride spread through several Native American communities.

Tantoo Cardinal, a Canadian indigenous actress who played Black Shawl in “Dances With Wolves,” recalled thinking to herself, “It’s come.” Larry Sellers, who starred as Cloud Dancing in the 1990s television show “Dr. Quinn, Medicine Woman,” thought, “It’s about time.” Jesse Wente, who is Ojibwe and directs film programming at the TIFF Bell Lightbox in Toronto, found himself encouraged and surprised. There are so few film roles for indigenous actors, he said, that walking off the set of a major production showed real mettle.

But what didn’t surprise Mr. Wente was the content of the script. According to the actors who walked off the set, the film, titled “The Ridiculous Six,” included a Native American woman who passes out and is revived after white men douse her with alcohol, and another woman squatting to urinate while lighting a peace pipe. “There’s enough history at this point to have set some expectations around these sort of Hollywood depictions,” Mr. Wente said.

The walkout prompted a rhetorical “What do you expect from an Adam Sandler film?,” and a Netflix spokesman said that in the movie, blacks, Mexicans and whites were lampooned as well. But Native American actors and critics said a broader issue was at stake. While mainstream portrayals of native peoples have, Mr. Wente said, become “incrementally better” over the decades, he and others say, they remain far from accurate and reflect a lack of opportunities for Native American performers. What’s more, as Native Americans hunger for representation on screen, critics say the absence of three-dimensional portrayals has very real off-screen consequences.

“Our people are still healing from historical trauma,” said Loren Anthony, one of the actors who walked out. “Our youth are still trying to figure out who they are, where they fit in this society. Kids are killing themselves. They’re not proud of who they are.” They also don’t, he added, see themselves on prime time television or the big screen. Netflix noted while about five people walked off the “The Ridiculous Six” set, 100 or so Native American actors and extras stayed.

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But in interviews, nearly a dozen Native American actors and film industry experts said that Mr. Sandler’s humor perpetuated decades-old negative stereotypes. Mr. Anthony said such depictions helped feed the despondency many Native Americans feel, with deadly results: Native Americans have the highest suicide rate out of all the country’s ethnicities.

The on-screen problem is twofold, Mr. Anthony and others said: There’s a paucity of roles for Native Americans — according to the Screen Actors Guild in 2008 they accounted for 0.3 percent of all on-screen parts (those figures have yet to be updated), compared to about 2 percent of the general population — and Native American actors are often perceived in a narrow way.

In his Peabody Award-winning documentary “Reel Injun,” the Cree filmmaker Neil Diamond explored Hollywood depictions of Native Americans over the years, and found they fell into a few stereotypical categories: the Noble Savage, the Drunk Indian, the Mystic, the Indian Princess, the backward tribal people futilely fighting John Wayne and manifest destiny. While the 1990 film “Dances With Wolves” won praise for depicting Native Americans as fully fleshed out human beings, not all indigenous people embraced it. It was still told, critics said, from the colonialists’ point of view. In an interview, John Trudell, a Santee Sioux writer, actor (“Thunderheart”) and the former chairman of the American Indian Movement, described the film as “a story of two white people.”

“God bless ‘Dances with Wolves,’ ” Michael Horse, who played Deputy Hawk in “Twin Peaks,” said sarcastically. “Even ‘Avatar.’ Someone’s got to come save the tribal people.”

Dan Spilo, a partner at Industry Entertainment who represents Adam Beach, one of today’s most prominent Native American actors, said while typecasting dogs many minorities, it is especially intractable when it comes to Native Americans. Casting directors, he said, rarely cast them as police officers, doctors or lawyers. “There’s the belief that the Native American character should be on reservations or riding a horse,” he said.

“We don’t see ourselves,” Mr. Horse said. “We’re still an antiquated culture to them, and to the rest of the world.”

Ms. Cardinal said she was once turned down for the role of the wife of a child-abusing cop because the filmmakers felt that casting her would somehow be “too political.”

Another sore point is the long run of white actors playing American Indians, among them Burt Lancaster, Rock Hudson, Audrey Hepburn and, more recently, Johnny Depp, whose depiction of Tonto in the 2013 film “Lone Ranger,” was viewed as racist by detractors. There are, of course, exceptions. The former A&E series “Longmire,” which, as it happens, will now be on Netflix, was roundly praised for its depiction of life on a Northern Cheyenne reservation, with Lou Diamond Phillips, who is of Cherokee descent, playing a Northern Cheyenne man.

Others also point to the success of Mr. Beach, who played a Mohawk detective in “Law & Order: Special Victims Unit” and landed a starring role in the forthcoming D C Comics picture “Suicide Squad.” Mr. Beach said he had come across insulting scripts backed by people who don’t see anything wrong with them.

“I’d rather starve than do something that is offensive to my ancestral roots,” Mr. Beach said. “But I think there will always be attempts to drawn on the weakness of native people’s struggles. The savage Indian will always be the savage Indian. The white man will always be smarter and more cunning. The cavalry will always win.”

The solution, Mr. Wente, Mr. Trudell and others said, lies in getting more stories written by and starring Native Americans. But Mr. Wente noted that while independent indigenous film has blossomed in the last two decades, mainstream depictions have yet to catch up. “You have to stop expecting for Hollywood to correct it, because there seems to be no ability or desire to correct it,” Mr. Wente said.

There have been calls to boycott Netflix but, writing for Indian Country Today Media Network, which first broke news of the walk off, the filmmaker Brian Young noted that the distributor also offered a number of films by or about Native Americans.

The furor around “The Ridiculous Six” may drive more people to see it. Then one of the questions that Mr. Trudell, echoing others, had about the film will be answered: “Who the hell laughs at this stuff?”

Native American Actors Work to Overcome a Long-Documented Bias

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’

As governor, Mr. Walker alienated Republicans and his fellow Democrats, particularly the Democratic powerhouse Richard J. Daley, the mayor of Chicago.

Dan Walker, 92, Dies; Illinois Governor and Later a U.S. Prisoner

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

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Play Video|1:17

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

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Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

Photo
 
President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

Advertisement Politics Obama Finds a Bolder Voice on Race Issues

Judge Patterson helped to protect the rights of Attica inmates after the prison riot in 1971 and later served on the Federal District Court in Manhattan.

Robert Patterson Jr., Lawyer and Judge Who Fought for the Accused, Dies at 91

UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?

What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.

Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.

 

 

Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.

In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.

“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”

He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.

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Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”

It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.

Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.

He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.

They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.

Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.

As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.

He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.

Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.

“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”

The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”

Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.

Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.

R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.

“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”

With Iran Talks, a Tangled Path to Ending Syria’s War

Mr. Goldberg was a serial Silicon Valley entrepreneur and venture capitalist who was married to Sheryl Sandberg, the chief operating officer of Facebook.

Dave Goldberg Was Lifelong Women’s Advocate

Dave Goldberg, Head of Web Survey Company and Half of a Silicon Valley Power Couple, Dies at 47

GREENWICH, Conn. — Mago is in the bedroom. You can go in.

The big man lies on a hospital bed with his bare feet scraping its bottom rail. His head is propped on a scarlet pillow, the left temple dented, the right side paralyzed. His dark hair is kept just long enough to conceal the scars.

The occasional sounds he makes are understood only by his wife, but he still has that punctuating left hand. In slow motion, the fingers curl and close. A thumbs-up greeting.

Hello, Mago.

This is Magomed Abdusalamov, 34, also known as the Russian Tyson, also known as Mago. He is a former heavyweight boxer who scored four knockouts and 14 technical knockouts in his first 18 professional fights. He preferred to stand between rounds. Sitting conveyed weakness.

But Mago lost his 19th fight, his big chance, at the packed Theater at Madison Square Garden in November 2013. His 19th decision, and his last.

Now here he is, in a small bedroom in a working-class neighborhood in Greenwich, in a modest house his family rents cheap from a devoted friend. The air-pressure machine for his mattress hums like an expectant crowd.

 

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Mike Perez, left, and Magomed Abdusalamov during the fight in which Abdusalamov was injured. Credit Joe Camporeale/USA Today Sports, via Reuters

 

Today is like any other day, except for those days when he is hurried in crisis to the hospital. Every three hours during the night, his slight wife, Bakanay, 28, has risen to turn his 6-foot-3 body — 210 pounds of dead weight. It has to be done. Infections of the gaping bedsore above his tailbone have nearly killed him.

Then, with the help of a young caretaker, Baka has gotten two of their daughters off to elementary school and settled down the toddler. Yes, Mago and Baka are blessed with all girls, but they had also hoped for a son someday.

They feed Mago as they clean him; it’s easier that way. For breakfast, which comes with a side of crushed antiseizure pills, he likes oatmeal with a squirt of Hershey’s chocolate syrup. But even oatmeal must be puréed and fed to him by spoon.

He opens his mouth to indicate more, the way a baby does. But his paralysis has made everything a choking hazard. His water needs a stirring of powdered food thickener, and still he chokes — eh-eh-eh — as he tries to cough up what will not go down.

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Mago used to drink only water. No alcohol. Not even soda. A sip of juice would be as far as he dared. Now even water betrays him.

With the caretaker’s help, Baka uses a washcloth and soap to clean his body and shampoo his hair. How handsome still, she has thought. Sometimes, in the night, she leaves the bedroom to watch old videos, just to hear again his voice in the fullness of life. She cries, wipes her eyes and returns, feigning happiness. Mago must never see her sad.

 

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 Abdusalamov's hand being massaged. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

When Baka finishes, Mago is cleanshaven and fresh down to his trimmed and filed toenails. “I want him to look good,” she says.

Theirs was an arranged Muslim marriage in Makhachkala, in the Russian republic of Dagestan. He was 23, she was 18 and their future hinged on boxing. Sometimes they would shadowbox in love, her David to his Goliath. You are so strong, he would tell her.

His father once told him he could either be a bandit or an athlete, but if he chose banditry, “I will kill you.” This paternal advice, Mago later told The Ventura County Reporter, “made it a very easy decision for me.”

Mago won against mediocre competition, in Moscow and Hollywood, Fla., in Las Vegas and Johnstown, Pa. He was knocked down only once, and even then, it surprised more than hurt. He scored a technical knockout in the next round.

It all led up to this: the undercard at the Garden, Mike Perez vs. Magomed Abdusalamov, 10 rounds, on HBO. A win, he believed, would improve his chances of taking on the heavyweight champion Wladimir Klitschko, who sat in the crowd of 4,600 with his fiancée, the actress Hayden Panettiere, watching.

Wearing black-and-red trunks and a green mouth guard, Mago went to work. But in the first round, a hard forearm to his left cheek rocked him. At the bell, he returned to his corner, and this time, he sat down. “I think it’s broken,” he repeatedly said in Russian.

 

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Bakanay Abdusalamova, Abdusalamov's wife, and her injured husband and a masseur in the background. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

Maybe at that point, somebody — the referee, the ringside doctors, his handlers — should have stopped the fight, under a guiding principle: better one punch too early than one punch too late. But the bloody trade of blows continued into the seventh, eighth, ninth, a hand and orbital bone broken, his face transforming.

Meanwhile, in the family’s apartment in Miami, Baka forced herself to watch the broadcast. She could see it in his swollen eyes. Something was off.

After the final round, Perez raised his tattooed arms in victory, and Mago wandered off in a fog. He had taken 312 punches in about 40 minutes, for a purse of $40,000.

 

 

In the locker room, doctors sutured a cut above Mago’s left eye and tested his cognitive abilities. He did not do well. The ambulance that waits in expectation at every fight was not summoned by boxing officials.

Blood was pooling in Mago’s cranial cavity as he left the Garden. He vomited on the pavement while his handlers flagged a taxi to St. Luke’s-Roosevelt Hospital. There, doctors induced a coma and removed part of his skull to drain fluids and ease the swelling.

Then came the stroke.

 

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A championship belt belonging to Abdusalamov and a card from one of his daughters. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

It is lunchtime now, and the aroma of puréed beef and potatoes lingers. So do the questions.

How will Mago and Baka pay the $2 million in medical bills they owe? What if their friend can no longer offer them this home? Will they win their lawsuits against the five ringside doctors, the referee, and a New York State boxing inspector? What about Mago’s future care?

Most of all: Is this it?

A napkin rests on Mago’s chest. As another spoonful of mush approaches, he opens his mouth, half-swallows, chokes, and coughs until it clears. Eh-eh-eh. Sometimes he turns bluish, but Baka never shows fear. Always happy for Mago.

Some days he is wheeled out for physical therapy or speech therapy. Today, two massage therapists come to knead his half-limp body like a pair of skilled corner men.

Soon, Mago will doze. Then his three daughters, ages 2, 6 and 9, will descend upon him to talk of their day. Not long ago, the oldest lugged his championship belt to school for a proud show-and-tell moment. Her classmates were amazed at the weight of it.

Then, tonight, there will be more puréed food and pulverized medication, more coughing, and more tender care from his wife, before sleep comes.

Goodbye, Mago.

He half-smiles, raises his one good hand, and forms a fist.

Meet Mago, Former Heavyweight

Over the last five years or so, it seemed there was little that Dean G. Skelos, the majority leader of the New York Senate, would not do for his son.

He pressed a powerful real estate executive to provide commissions to his son, a 32-year-old title insurance salesman, according to a federal criminal complaint. He helped get him a job at an environmental company and employed his influence to help the company get government work. He used his office to push natural gas drilling regulations that would have increased his son’s commissions.

He even tried to direct part of a $5.4 billion state budget windfall to fund government contracts that the company was seeking. And when the company was close to securing a storm-water contract from Nassau County, the senator, through an intermediary, pressured the company to pay his son more — or risk having the senator subvert the bid.

The criminal complaint, unsealed on Monday, lays out corruption charges against Senator Skelos and his son, Adam B. Skelos, the latest scandal to seize Albany, and potentially alter its power structure.

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Preet Bharara, the United States attorney in Manhattan, discussed the case involving Dean G. Skelos and his son, Adam. Credit Eduardo Munoz/Reuters

The repeated and diverse efforts by Senator Skelos, a Long Island Republican, to use what prosecutors said was his political influence to find work, or at least income, for his son could send both men to federal prison. If they are convicted of all six charges against them, they face up to 20 years in prison for each of four of the six counts and up to 10 years for the remaining two.

Senator Kenneth P. LaValle, of Long Island, who serves as chairman of the Republican conference, emerged from a closed-door meeting Monday night to say that conference members agreed that Mr. Skelos should be benefited the “presumption of innocence,” and would stay in his leadership role.

“The leader has indicated he would like to remain as leader,” said Mr. LaValle, “and he has the support of the conference.” The case against Mr. Skelos and his son grew out of a broader inquiry into political corruption by the United States attorney for the Southern District of New York, Preet Bharara, that has already changed the face of the state capital. It is based in part, according to the six-count complaint, on conversations secretly recorded by one of two cooperating witnesses, and wiretaps on the cellphones of the senator and his son. Those recordings revealed that both men were concerned about electronic surveillance, and illustrated the son’s unsuccessful efforts to thwart it.

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Adam Skelos took to using a “burner” phone, the complaint says, and told his father he wanted them to speak through a FaceTime video call in an apparent effort to avoid detection. They also used coded language at times.

At one point, Adam Skelos was recorded telling a Senate staff member of his frustration in not being able to speak openly to his father on the phone, noting that he could not “just send smoke signals or a little pigeon” carrying a message.

The 43-page complaint, sworn out by Paul M. Takla, a special agent for the Federal Bureau of Investigation, outlines a five-year scheme to “monetize” the senator’s official position; it also lays bare the extent to which a father sought to use his position to help his son.

The charges accuse the two men of extorting payments through a real estate developer, Glenwood Management, based on Long Island, and the environmental company, AbTech Industries, in Scottsdale, Ariz., with the expectation that the money paid to Adam Skelos — nearly $220,000 in total — would influence his father’s actions.

Glenwood, one of the state’s most prolific campaign donors, had ties to AbTech through investments in the environmental firm’s parent company by Glenwood’s founding family and a senior executive.

The accusations in the complaint portray Senator Skelos as a man who, when it came to his son, was not shy about twisting arms, even in situations that might give other arm-twisters pause.

Seeking to help his son, Senator Skelos turned to the executive at Glenwood, which develops rental apartments in New York City and has much at stake when it comes to real estate legislation in Albany. The senator urged him to direct business to his son, who sold title insurance.

After much prodding, the executive, Charles C. Dorego, engineered a $20,000 payment to Adam Skelos from a title insurance company even though he did no work for the money. But far more lucrative was a consultant position that Mr. Dorego arranged for Adam Skelos at AbTech, which seeks government contracts to treat storm water. (Mr. Dorego is not identified by name in the complaint, but referred to only as CW-1, for Cooperating Witness 1.)

Senator Skelos appeared to take an active interest in his son’s new line of work. Adam Skelos sent him several drafts of his consulting agreement with AbTech, the complaint says, as well as the final deal that was struck.

“Mazel tov,” his father replied.

Senator Skelos sent relevant news articles to his son, including one about a sewage leak near Albany. When AbTech wanted to seek government contracts after Hurricane Sandy, the senator got on a conference call with his son and an AbTech executive, Bjornulf White, and offered advice. (Like Mr. Dorego, Mr. White is not named in the complaint, but referred to as CW-2.)

The assistance paid off: With the senator’s help, AbTech secured a contract worth up to $12 million from Nassau County, a big break for a struggling small business.

But the money was slow to materialize. The senator expressed impatience with county officials.

Adam Skelos, in a phone call with Mr. White in late December, suggested that his father would seek to punish the county. “I tell you this, the state is not going to do a [expletive] thing for the county,” he said.

Three days later, Senator Skelos pressed his case with the Nassau County executive, Edward P. Mangano, a fellow Republican. “Somebody feels like they’re just getting jerked around the last two years,” the senator said, referring to his son in what the complaint described as “coded language.”

The next day, the senator pursued the matter, as he and Mr. Mangano attended a wake for a slain New York City police officer. Senator Skelos then reassured his son, who called him while he was still at the wake. “All claims that are in will be taken care of,” the senator said.

AbTech’s fortunes appeared to weigh on his son. At one point in January, Adam Skelos told his father that if the company did not succeed, he would “lose the ability to pay for things.”

Making matters worse, in recent months, Senator Skelos and his son appeared to grow wary about who was watching them. In addition to making calls on the burner phone, Adam Skelos said he used the FaceTime video calling “because that doesn’t show up on the phone bill,” as he told Mr. White.

In late February, Adam Skelos arranged a pair of meetings between Mr. White and state senators; AbTech needed to win state legislation that would allow its contract to move beyond its initial stages. But Senator Skelos deemed the plan too risky and caused one of the meetings to be canceled.

In another recorded call, Adam Skelos, promising to be “very, very vague” on the phone, urged his father to allow the meeting. The senator offered a warning. “Right now we are in dangerous times, Adam,” he told him.

A month later, in another phone call that was recorded by the authorities, Adam Skelos complained that his father could not give him “real advice” about AbTech while the two men were speaking over the telephone.

“You can’t talk normally,” he told his father, “because it’s like [expletive] Preet Bharara is listening to every [expletive] phone call. It’s just [expletive] frustrating.”

“It is,” his father agreed.

Dean Skelos, Albany Senate Leader, Aided Son at All Costs, U.S. Says

BEIJING (AP) — The head of Taiwan's Nationalists reaffirmed the party's support for eventual unification with the mainland when he met Monday with Chinese President Xi Jinping as part of continuing rapprochement between the former bitter enemies.

Nationalist Party Chairman Eric Chu, a likely presidential candidate next year, also affirmed Taiwan's desire to join the proposed Chinese-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank during the meeting in Beijing. China claims Taiwan as its own territory and doesn't want the island to join using a name that might imply it is an independent country.

Chu's comments during his meeting with Xi were carried live on Hong Kong-based broadcaster Phoenix Television.

The Nationalists were driven to Taiwan by Mao Zedong's Communists during the Chinese civil war in 1949, leading to decades of hostility between the sides. Chu, who took over as party leader in January, is the third Nationalist chairman to visit the mainland and the first since 2009.

Relations between the communist-ruled mainland and the self-governing democratic island of Taiwan began to warm in the 1990s, partly out of their common opposition to Taiwan's formal independence from China, a position advocated by the island's Democratic Progressive Party.

Despite increasingly close economic ties, the prospect of political unification has grown increasingly unpopular on Taiwan, especially with younger voters. Opposition to the Nationalists' pro-China policies was seen as a driver behind heavy local electoral defeats for the party last year that led to Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou resigning as party chairman.

Taiwan party leader affirms eventual reunion with China
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