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saco-indonesia.com, Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) telah kembali memeriksa tangan kanan Gubernur Banten Ratu Atut Chosiyah, Siti Halimah alias Iim. Kepala Bagian Informasi dan Pemberitaan KPK, Priharsa Nugraha, juga telah mengatakan Iim akan diperiksa sebagai saksi untuk orang nomor satu di Banten itu.
 
"Diperiksa KPK untuk Ratu Atut," katanya saat dikonfirmasi, Jakarta, Senin (10/2/2014).
 
Iim sendiri juga akan diperiksa terkait dalam penyidikan KPK atas kasus dugaan penerimaan gratifikasi proyek alat kesehatan di Banten, dimana ia dianggap telah mengetahui berbagai proyek di Banten. Iim diketahui juga pernah dijemput paksa oleh KPK lantaran selalu mangkir dari pemanggilan yang dilayangkan lembaga pimpinan Abraham Samad itu.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

KPK KEMBALI PERIKSA "TANGAN KANAN" ATUT

saco-indonesia.com, Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) masih akan terus menelusuri kasus dugaan korupsi hibah kereta KRL dari Jepang tahun 2006-2007 lalu , yang diduga telah melibatkan menteri perekonomian Hatta Rajasa. Menurut Wakil Ketua KPK, Bambang Widjojanto memang saat ini belum ada perkembangan yang signifikan dari kasus tersebut.
 
"Hibah KRL Jepang kami belum dapat laporan lagi dari penyidik. Kami juga lihat tidak ada potensi yang bisa dikembangkan lagi," kata Bambang dalam pemaparan capaian kinerja KPK tahun 2013 di Gedung KPK, Kuningan, Jakarta Selatan.
 
Kendati demikian, sambung Bambang, penyelidikan juga akan dilakukan kembali bila memang ditemukan bukti baru. "Nanti kalau ada bukti-bukti baru bisa saja dikembangkan lagi," tandasnya
 
Seperti yang diketahui, kasus ini bermula ketika pemerintah Jepang telah memberikan bantuan berupa kereta KRL kepada Kementerian Perhubungan tahun 2006-2007 lalu dengan total proyek senilai Rp48 miliar, namun telah terjadi penggelembungan biaya pengiriman yang telah mengakibatkan kerugian negara yang ditaksir telah mencapai Rp11 miliar.
 
Terkait kasus ini,  Majelis Hakim Pengadilan Tipikor Jakarta telah menjerat satu terdakwa, mantan Dirjen Perkeretaapian Kemenhub Soemino Eko Saputro yang divonis tiga tahun penjara pada 2011 karena terbukti korupsi dalam proses pengangkutan 60 unit KRL dari Jepang.
 
Namun, Soemino telah menyatakan bila penunjukkan langsung perusahaan Sumino Corporation atas persetujuan Hatta Rajasa, termasuk proyek hibah KRL tersebut.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

KPK AKAN USUT KORUPSI HIBAH KRL

Saco-Indonesia.com — Asus telah memperkenalkan produk tablet terbarunya, FonePad Note FHD6, di ajang Computex 2013, Senin (3/6/2013). Perangkat yang satu ini memiliki layar berukuran 6 inci.

Dengan bentang layar tersebut, sebenarnya produk ini bisa dimasukkan ke kategori phablet, produk "hybrid" antara smartphone dan tablet. Layarnya terlalu kecil untuk diberi label tablet dan terlalu besar untuk disebut sebagai smartphone. Namun, Asus tetap menyebut perangkat ini sebagai tablet.

Produk tersebut dilengkapi dengan sebuah stylus, mirip apa yang dipersenjatai oleh Samsung untuk produk Galaxy Note-nya. Kemungkinan, stylus ini dapat digunakan untuk menulis memo atau menggambar di perangkat tersebut.

Asus FonePad Note dilengkapi layar 6 inci yang mendukung resolusi Full HD 1080p. Jenis layarnya Super IPS-LCD+ yang memiliki tingkat kecerahan 450 nits.

Prosesor yang digunakan adalah buatan Intel, yaitu Atom Z2560 "Clover Trail" dengan kecepatan 1,6GHz dual core. Kecepatan RAM-nya sebesar 2GB.

Tablet ini dilengkapi kamera beresolusi gambar 8 megapiksel di bagian belakangnya. Dikutip dari Phone Arena, Senin (3/6/2013), di bagian depannya, terdapat dua speaker stereo. Smartphone merek lain yang sudah menggunakan dual speaker adalah HTC One.

Sayangnya, Asus tidak menyebutkan kapan pesaing seri Samsung Galaxy Note ini diluncurkan. Harganya pun masih belum dibeberkan.

Editor:Liwon Maulana
Sumber:Kompas
Asus Sesumbar Berani

Bekasi, Saco-Indonesia.com — Dengan adanya Badan Kerja Sama Antarprovinsi dinilai belum efektif. Lembaga ini diharapkan mampu menyelesaikan persoalan Jakarta dan sekitarnya, seperti banjir dan kemacetan. Kenyataannya, belum ada hasil signifikan setelah selama lebih dari tiga dekade terbentuk.

Badan Kerja Sama Antarprovinsi (BKSP) terdiri dari Pemprov DKI Jakarta, Banten, dan Jawa Barat. Lembaga ini diketuai gubernur secara bergiliran dan dijalankan kepala sekretariat eselon II-B. Wakil Gubernur DKI Jakarta Basuki Tjahaja Purnama menilai, mereka yang duduk dalam BKSP seharusnya memiliki kewenangan lebih.

”Selama ini, mereka yang duduk di sana merasa menjadi orang buangan. Saya pikir lebih efektif jika persoalan antarwilayah diselesaikan dengan membentuk panitia sementara yang dikoordinasi Menteri Pekerjaan Umum,” kata Basuki, Rabu (15/1), di Jakarta.

Dia mengusulkan agar badan seperti ini ditiadakan saja. Sebab, selain memboroskan anggaran, badan ini juga tidak efektif menyelesaikan persoalan besar Jakarta dan sekitarnya. Pada perjalanannya, BKSP juga tidak mampu menjawab persoalan sektoral di setiap wilayah. Buktinya, pemerintah daerah yang tergabung dalam lembaga itu belum satu visi, terutama dalam penanganan banjir.

Sebelumnya, Direktur Jenderal Sumber Daya Air Kementerian Pekerjaan Umum Mohammad Hasan mengatakan, kerja sama antara Kementerian Pekerjaan Umum langsung dan daerah tertentu, seperti DKI, cukup membuahkan hasil. Kerja sama seperti pembagian tugas dalam normalisasi sungai, pihaknya menjalankan proyek fisik dan DKI membebaskan lahan, berjalan cukup lancar.

DKI juga dianggap proaktif menjalankan tugasnya, seperti perbaikan situ/waduk. Akan tetapi, nasib situ/waduk di daerah lain hingga kini masih mengenaskan. Masalah ini menjadi perhatian Hasan meskipun ia susah berbuat banyak karena revitalisasi situ/waduk berada di tangan pemerintah daerah.

”Namun akan tetap kami upayakan agar situ/waduk di sekitar Jakarta tetap berjalan baik revitalisasinya,” kata Hasan.

Ultimatum warga bantaran

Terkait tersendatnya normalisasi kali, Basuki memberi ultimatum kepada warga yang tinggal di bantaran sungai. Setelah satu tahun ke depan, warga harus bersedia meninggalkan tempat tinggalnya. Sejalan dengan itu, Pemprov DKI mempercepat pembangunan rumah susun sewa di sejumlah wilayah.

”Ini tahun terakhir. Mohon maaf kepada orang yang tinggal di pinggiran sungai, saya pasti gusur Anda. Kami selama ini menahan karena tidak ingin dianggap melanggar HAM (hak asasi manusia). Nanti kami lakukan relokasi, silakan jika masih dianggap melanggar HAM,” kata Basuki.

Untuk mengurangi dampak banjir, Pemprov DKI bekerja sama dengan pemerintah pusat mulai normalisasi Kali Pesanggrahan, Angke, dan Sunter. Namun, program ini terkendala pembebasan lahan. Warga yang tinggal di bantaran kali tidak bersedia pindah dengan alasan yang beragam.

Sampai akhir 2013, pembebasan lahan di Kali Pesanggrahan, Jakarta Selatan, belum berjalan lancar. Pembebasan lahan baru bisa dilakukan di empat dari sembilan kelurahan. Di empat kelurahan tersebut terdapat sembilan bidang tanah seluas 24.969 meter persegi yang sudah dibebaskan. Nilai tanah yang dibebaskan itu Rp 42,821 miliar.

Lahan yang belum dibebaskan di Kali Pesanggrahan sepanjang 28 kilometer. Adapun pembebasan lahan di Kali Angke dan Sunter masih tahap pematokan lahan dan negosiasi harga.

Jalin kerja sama

Pemerintah Kabupaten dan Kota Tangerang berinisiatif melakukan kerja sama dalam antisipasi, menanggulangi, dan merencanakan desain daerah bebas banjir. Langkah itu diambil mengingat kerja sama Jabodetabek hingga saat ini belum ada realisasinya.

”Kerja sama ini baru terjalin antara Kabupaten dan Kota Tangerang. Sejauh ini kerja sama dengan Tangerang Selatan belum dijajaki. Ke depannya, kami akan menjajaki kerja sama dengan Tangerang Selatan dan Pemprov Banten,” kata Bupati Tangerang Ahmed Zaki Iskandar, Rabu.

Sementara itu, meskipun telah dilarang berjualan di tepi dinding Kanal Barat, sejumlah pedagang tetap nekat memasang tenda. Ratna Kumala (37), warga RT 014 RW 004, Petamburan, Jakarta Pusat, misalnya, Rabu, mendirikan tenda. Saminem, warga RT 001 RW 007, Kelurahan Bendungan Hilir, Pejompongan, Jakarta Pusat, berharap ia dibolehkan lagi membuka warung nasi di tepi dinding Kanal Barat.

Sumber : kompas.com

Editor : Maulana Lee

Ibu Kota Jakarta, Banten, dan Jawa Barat Tak Satu Visi Tangani Banjir

Bagi anda yang telah memilki berat badan yang berlebih atau obesitas sebaiknya segera mempertimbangkan pola hidup anda dikarenakan dengan berat badan yang terlalu besar akan dapat menimbulkan beberapa resiko gangguang kesehatan. Diet umum telah dilakukan untuk bisa mendapatkan berat badan yang ideal. Diet yang sehat memang membutuhkan proses sehingga sebagian sebagian wanita yang tidak sabar menjalankan prosesnya memilih jalan yang instan untuk menggunakan obat-obatan. Obat-obatan yang digunakan untuk diet harus melalui pemeriksaan medis terlebih dahulu karena bagaimanapun kandungan kimia di dalam obat tersebut memiliki pengaruh terhadap tubuh anda. Bagi anda yang ingin melakukan diet dengan obat-obatan, konsultasikan terlebih dahulu kesehatan anda kepada dokter. Walaupun demikian ternyata berdiet tidak harus sulit cukup dengan cara yang alami dan gaya hidup yang membanntu diet cepat sehingga berat badan yang ideal mudah untuk anda dapatkan. Cara diet alami dapat anda lakukan dengan memilih makanan dan

minuman yang tepat.

Berikut adalah minuman yang dapat membantu anda dalam diet secara alami :

1.  Diet Alami Dengan Air Mineral

Air mineral juga dapat membantu anda dalam menurunkan berat badan apalagi jika mengkonsumsinya dalam jumlah dan waktu yang tepat. Setiap hari anda harus membutuhkan 2 liter air, selain memenuhi kecukupan cairan tubuh. Konsumsi air sebanyak 2-3 gelas pada rentan waktu 5-10 menit sebelum makan akan membantu anda dalam menurunkan berat badan. Hal ini telah didukkung oleh Penelitian yang menunjukan dengan minum air putih sebelum makan bisa menurunkan berat badan hingga 2.3 kg selama 12 minggu. Dengan membiasakan minum air putih sebelum makan merupakan kebiasaan diet yang baik dikarenakan air putih memiliki nol kalori. Diet alami dengan minum air putih bisa anda lakukan secara rutin untuk bisa membantu anda dalam mengontrol rasa lapar.

2.  Diet Alami Dengan Air Teh Hijau

Teh hijau terkenal dibeberapa negara asia seperti china dan jepang. Kandungan yang terdapat di dalam teh hijau seperti kafein, saponin, tehobromine, tehophylline dan epigallocathine yang dapat meningkatkan metabolisme tubuh dan mengontrol nafsu makan. Teh hijau juga sangat kaya dengan kandungan polifenol dan flavonoid yang memberikan manfaat untuk kesehatan selain itu mengkonsumsi air teh hijau secara teratur akan membantu anda dalam menurunkan berat badan. Meskipun sekarang banyak yang menawarkan supleman yang terbuat dari teh hijau untuk bisa membantu anda dalam menurunkan berat badan tapi cara yang alami masih bisa anda dapatkan dengan mudah. Anda dapat mengkonsumsi teh hijau dengan cara yang tradisional cukup dengan menyeduhnya, sesekali bisa dicampurkan dengan beberapa sendok teh gula.

3.    Diet Alami Dengan Susu Kedelai

Susu kedelai telah memiliki kecukupan nutrisi seperti kandungann fiber, karbohidrat dan vitamin yang tinggi setara dengan susu sapi. Bagi anda yang sedang diet kandungan lemak yang terdapat di dalam susu kedelai sangat bagus untuk kesehatan ditambah lagi kandungan karbohidrat yang terdapat pada susu kedelai merupakan jenis polisakarida yang tidak larut di dalam air sehingga tidak dicerna tubuh.  Vitamin b kompleks, vitamin A,  E dan K sangat membantu anda dalam memenuhi kebutuhan asupan nutrisi selama diet. Anda dapat meningkatkan asupan susu kedelai diwaktu siang dan malam ketika anda berdiet.

Itulah 3 minuman yang telah memiliki manfaat untuk anda yang sedang berdiet dengan cara alami, diet tidak membutuhkan biaya mahal cukup dengan memilih gizi yang sesuai dengan kebutuhan tubuh anda.

 

3 CARA DIET ALAMI DENGAN MINUMAN

At the National Institutes of Health, Dr. Suzman’s signature accomplishment was the central role he played in creating a global network of surveys on aging.

Richard Suzman, 72, Dies; Researcher Influenced Global Surveys on Aging

Mr. Alger, who served five terms from Texas, led Republican women in a confrontation with Lyndon B. Johnson that may have cost Richard M. Nixon the 1960 presidential election.

Bruce Alger, 96, Dies; Led ‘Mink Coat’ Protest Against Lyndon Johnson

Mr. Mankiewicz, an Oscar-nominated screenwriter for “I Want to Live!,” also wrote episodes of television shows such as “Star Trek” and “Marcus Welby, M.D.”

Don Mankiewicz, Screenwriter in a Family Film Tradition, Dies at 93

UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?

What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.

Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.

 

 

Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.

In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.

“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”

He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.

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Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”

It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.

Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.

He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.

They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.

Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.

As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.

He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.

Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.

“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”

The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”

Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.

Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.

R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.

“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”

With Iran Talks, a Tangled Path to Ending Syria’s War

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

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Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

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Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

Photo
 
President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

Obama Finds a Bolder Voice on Race Issues

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From sea to shining sea, or at least from one side of the Hudson to the other, politicians you have barely heard of are being accused of wrongdoing. There were so many court proceedings involving public officials on Monday that it was hard to keep up.

In Newark, two underlings of Gov. Chris Christie were arraigned on charges that they were in on the truly deranged plot to block traffic leading onto the George Washington Bridge.

Ten miles away, in Lower Manhattan, Dean G. Skelos, the leader of the New York State Senate, and his son, Adam B. Skelos, were arrested by the Federal Bureau of Investigation on accusations of far more conventional political larceny, involving a job with a sewer company for the son and commissions on title insurance and bond work.

The younger man managed to receive a 150 percent pay increase from the sewer company even though, as he said on tape, he “literally knew nothing about water or, you know, any of that stuff,” according to a criminal complaint the United States attorney’s office filed.

The success of Adam Skelos, 32, was attributed by prosecutors to his father’s influence as the leader of the Senate and as a potentate among state Republicans. The indictment can also be read as one of those unfailingly sad tales of a father who cannot stop indulging a grown son. The senator himself is not alleged to have profited from the schemes, except by being relieved of the burden of underwriting Adam.

The bridge traffic caper is its own species of crazy; what distinguishes the charges against the two Skeloses is the apparent absence of a survival instinct. It is one thing not to know anything about water or that stuff. More remarkable, if true, is the fact that the sewer machinations continued even after the former New York Assembly speaker, Sheldon Silver, was charged in January with taking bribes disguised as fees.

It was by then common gossip in political and news media circles that Senator Skelos, a Republican, the counterpart in the Senate to Mr. Silver, a Democrat, in the Assembly, could be next in line for the criminal dock. “Stay tuned,” the United States attorney, Preet Bharara said, leaving not much to the imagination.

Even though the cat had been unmistakably belled, Skelos father and son continued to talk about how to advance the interests of the sewer company, though the son did begin to use a burner cellphone, the kind people pay for in cash, with no traceable contracts.

That was indeed prudent, as prosecutors had been wiretapping the cellphones of both men. But it would seem that the burner was of limited value, because by then the prosecutors had managed to secure the help of a business executive who agreed to record calls with the Skeloses. It would further seem that the business executive was more attentive to the perils of pending investigations than the politician.

Through the end of the New York State budget negotiations in March, the hopes of the younger Skelos rested on his father’s ability to devise legislation that would benefit the sewer company. That did not pan out. But Senator Skelos did boast that he had haggled with Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, a Democrat, in a successful effort to raise a $150 million allocation for Long Island to $550 million, for what the budget called “transformative economic development projects.” It included money for the kind of work done by the sewer company.

The lawyer for Adam Skelos said he was not guilty and would win in court. Senator Skelos issued a ringing declaration that he was unequivocally innocent.

THIS was also the approach taken in New Jersey by Bill Baroni, a man of great presence and eloquence who stopped outside the federal courthouse to note that he had taken risks as a Republican by bucking his party to support paid family leave, medical marijuana and marriage equality. “I would never risk my career, my job, my reputation for something like this,” Mr. Baroni said. “I am an innocent man.”

The lawyer for his co-defendant, Bridget Anne Kelly, the former deputy chief of staff to Mr. Christie, a Republican, said that she would strongly rebut the charges.

Perhaps they had nothing to do with the lane closings. But neither Mr. Baroni nor Ms. Kelly addressed the question of why they did not return repeated calls from the mayor of Fort Lee, N.J., begging them to stop the traffic tie-ups, over three days.

That silence was a low moment. But perhaps New York hit bottom faster. Senator Skelos, the prosecutors charged, arranged to meet Long Island politicians at the wake of Wenjian Liu, a New York City police officer shot dead in December, to press for payments to the company employing his son.

Sometimes it seems as though for some people, the only thing to be ashamed of is shame itself.

Finding Scandal in New York and New Jersey, but No Shame
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