PAKET UMROH BULAN FEBRUARI MARET APRIL MEI 2018




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saco-indonesia.com, Striker AS Roma yang langsung dapat menemukan ketajamannya usai lepas dari belenggu cedera, Mattia Destro, telah menyimpan sebuah impian besar. Dia juga ingin memperkuat Italia di Piala Dunia 2014.

Destro yang berusia 22 tahun , memang sudah absen cukup lama akibat cedera lutut yang telah dialaminya Januari silam. Pulih, dia pun juga kembali ke skuat Roma. Konstribusi signifikan langsung telah diberikannya untuk Giallorossi, yakni mencetak masing-masing satu gol dalam dua laga terkini di Serie A 2013/13 melawan Fiorentina (menang 2-1) dan AC Milan (2-2).

Dua gol tersebut adalah dua gol perdana Destro musim ini. Harapan untuk telah memperkuat Azzurri di Brasil 2014 pun dia utarakan.

"Saya harus terlebih dahulu untuk memulihkan form terbaik saya. Semua ada tahapannya," kata Destro kepada La Gazzetta dello Sport.

"Menjadi bagian lini serang Italia di Piala Dunia bersama Mario Balotelli dan Giuseppe Rossi adalah impian saya saat ini," ujarnya.

Kalau impian tersebut terwujud, Destro pasti bisa melupakan memori pahit gagal masuk skuat Italia untuk Euro 2012 di Polandia-Ukraina.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

DESTRO IMPIKAN PIALA DUNIA

Saco-Indonesia.com — Kolesterol tinggi dalam darah merupakan salah satu faktor risiko dari penyakit jantung. Namun, kolesterol tinggi tidak terbentuk dalam semalam, tetapi perlahan-lahan. Salah satunya akibat pola makan yang salah.

Meskipun Anda tidak memiliki tanda-tanda, gejala, ataupun riwayat keluarga dengan penyakit jantung, tetapi wajib hukumnya untuk menjaga diet sehat agar tetap memiliki kesehatan yang prima.

Mungkin Anda sudah menghindari makanan-makanan berlemak yang diketahui sebagai sumber kolesterol. Namun, ada juga makanan yang tak terduga mengandung kolesterol tinggi seperti berikut:

1. Daging unggas
Daging unggas memang dianggap lebih minim risiko dibanding daging merah karena memiliki kandungan lemak yang cenderung lebih rendah. Namun, jika dimakan dalam jumlah yang banyak atau terlalu sering, daging unggas juga akan memberikan efek negatif, salah satunya adalah peningkatan kadar kolesterol dalam darah.

2. Gula tambahan
Satu fakta yang cukup mengejutkan adalah gula tambahan ternyata berhubungan dengan penurunan kadar kolesterol "baik" atau high density lipoprotein (HDL) dalam darah. Jadi, pengurangan gula tambahan dalam diet, selain mengurangi risiko diabetes juga memperbaiki kadar kolesterol.

3. Kentang tumbuk
Kentang tumbuk atau mashed potato ternyata memiliki kandungan lemak yang tinggi. Terutama yang ditemukan di restoran karena mengandung mentega, krim, susu, keju yang berlebihan. Hal tesebut membuat salah satu sumber karbohidrat ini menjadi makanan tinggi lemak jenuh.

4. Pizza
Satu potong pizza mengandung 10 gram lemak dan 4,4 gram lemak jenuh. Angka itu belum termasuk topping yang mungkin mengandung lebih banyak lemak.

5. Kelapa
Produk kelapa seperti santan ataupun minyak kelapa mengandung lemak jenuh yang cukup tinggi. Namun, penggunaannya dalam skala sedang tidak terlalu berakibat buruk terhadap kadar kolesterol darah.

6. Produk susu
Produk susu memang mengandung banyak nutrisi yang penting seperti kalsium, protein, vitamin, dan mineral, tetapi juga mengandung lemak jenuh. Maka sebaiknya pilihlah produk yang rendah lemak.

7. Pai dan kue
Pai dan kue berbahan baku mentega, krim, susu, dan keju yang mengandung lemak jenuh. Maka satu gigitan pai dan kue sudah memberikan sumbangan kalori yang tinggi bagi tubuh.

8. Popcorn
Satu wadah popcorn ukuran sedang mengandung 60 gram lemak jenuh dan 1.200 kalori. Hal ini dikarenakan pengolahan popcorn membutuhkan minyak yang berpengaruh terhadap kadar kolesterol.

 

 

Editor : Liwon Maulana(galipat)
Ternyata 8 Makanan Tak Terduga Tinggi Kolesterol
Sungguahpun kapado angku,ampun diminta kapado Allah,maaf dipinto bakeh niniak mamak nan gadang basa batuah,iyo juo bak pituah rang tuo, kok tasabuik ambo di nan senteang nak dibilai kok kurang nak ditukuak.jikok nyo salah minta diasak ka nan bana,sipi nak dikatangahkan,kok tasabuik di nan bukan minta diasak ka nan iyo.kok lah iyo nan dalam pariyokan angku2 nan baduo batigo. sambah ambo sambah baririk diparirikan diateh rumah gadang nangko. pulang pasambahan bakeh ipa bisan kami.manyo ipa bisan kami. aratinyo lah pituah di nan tuo, sajak samulo rantiang bapatah , sumue bakali,aie basauak,pangulu badiri dalam nagari.jalan duo nan baturuik kato duo nan bapakai. kk dikaji jalan nan duo, partamu jalan adaik kaduo jalan syarak. mangaji kito sapanjang jalan adaik iyolah babarih babalabeh bacupak bagantang, basuri batauladan,bajanjang naiak batango turun. magaji kito sapanjang jalan syarak iyolah mangatahui iman,islam,tauhid,makrifah,sah jo bata,halal jo haram,sunaik jo paradu,haruih jo mukaruah. manyo kato nan duo,partamu kato buek,kaduo kato pusako. buek bana kadipakai pusako bana ka dirunggusi. lampisan kaji dalam nantun,nan lazim nyenyo adaik,nan bana nyenyo syarak,nan laku nyenyo kitabullah. balampsan pulo kaji dalam nantun, bak pituah adih malayu;urang arih mangarek kuku,dikarek jo pisau sirauk,sirauik parauik batuangtuo.tuonyo elok kalantai. adaik nagari babilang suku,suku bablilang buah paruik,itulah barih nan bapahek ,ico nan bapakai. mangko dinamokan urang nan salapan indu. nagari dibari barajo,luhak di bari bapangulu. guno nagari dibari barajo;sakik bakeh maimbaukan ,mati bakeh marapuikan. guno luhak bari barajo;pai bakeh mangadu,pulang tampek babarito. diateh gadang babingkah tanah basa balingkuang aue,supayo a itu,supayo nak maharuihkan sumando manyumando dari suku lain ka bagadang lain. di nan bak sakarang nangko,lah tumbuah sumando saparti wak kami kabagadang nanko. sumando nangko balarauh pulo tantangannyo. a nyo nan manjadi larauhnyo,pihak nan tadaulu alah,nan takamudian lay. dipiihak nan tadaulu alah,baiak sahari duo hari,sapakan duo pakan,alah babulan bataun lambek maso nyo. dek Allah ta'ala mantakadiekan.lah manaruah baliau anak sikabaikan. anak si kabaikkan ko duo pulo wajah nan dikanduang nyo. partamu anak sikabaikan silaki laki,kaduo anak sikabaikan si parampuan. bagombak limo. kaganti cincin dikalngkiang kaganti ameh dalam puro, pamenan ibu jo baponyo,cahayo kampuang jo hilaman. paga nagari sumarak tapian.kok tingginyo lah bak ditambak,gadangnyo lah bak di anjuang itulah manko diambiak sariak drancuang talang,talang bak raso kabaungo. dari ketek di nanti gadang,gadang lah tau ereang jo gendeang,lah tau malu j raso ,tau di raso jo pareso,lah tau di manih aie tabu,tau dipakek tangguli. tau mamahek jo maukie,tau dirancak ragi bungo.tau di awa jo akie pakarajaan nangko, iyo lah biaso nan kadijapuik ka dijangkau urang nan kamamakai nan sapanjang adaik. tumbuah di anak sikabaikan si parampuan baitupulolah tantangannyo, ketek dibaok kasumue,di aja mandi,di asok ,di asuah,dibari makan,dibari baambuik panjang. kaganti cincin dikalngkiang kaganti ameh dalam puro, pamenan ibu jo baponyo,cahayo kampuang jo hilaman. limpapeh rumah gadang. kok tingginyo lah bak ditambak,gadangnyo lah bak di anjuang itulah manko diambiak sariak drancuang talang,talang bak raso kabaungo. dari ketek di nanti gadang,gadang lah tau ereang jo gendeang,lah tau malu j raso ,tau di raso jo pareso, tau di awa jo akie pakarajaan nangko. iyo lah nan biaso kadijauikan kadijangkaukan urang nan kamandirikan nan sapanjang adaik. di nan bak sakarang nangko,lah tumbuah dikami anak sikabaikan si aki laki. iyolah nan ka dijapuik kadaijangkau urang,nan kamakai nan sapanjang adaik. itu la mangko bapisuruah kami kabakh anak kami bacapek kaki barinngan tangan. manuruik labuah nan panjang,jalan nan baliku.jauah nan baturik,ampie bajalang,manjalang rumah niniak mamak nan gadang basa batuah. sarato kito nan adir diateh rumah gadang nangko. baiak lah adie kito ditangah runmah gadang nangko bakaranolah kapai anak kami mamakai nan sapanjang adaik,tantu baradaik pulo tantangannyo. manyo nan manjadi adaik nyo batatiangkan ayam singgang nan saikue,nasi kunyik nan sairiang siriah nan di ateh,ameh nan dibawah,uang nan limo kupang namonyo. kok lah banamo bana kabanaran nan katangah dikami nan ditarimo suko jikok banamo dilua nak dikadalamkan. sakian sambah jo titah kami himpunkan (mamak) Lah sampai di bapak kami Sapanjang panitahan bapak kami nan tairik tabantang,talayang ditangah tangah,tibo bakeh kami sagaji ipa bisan. Jikok didanga lah elok bunyi,di pandang lah elok rupo. Lah bunta bak sawah nan sapiriang,lah boneh bak padi nan satangkai....tapi samantang pun baitu. Dek sawah indak sapiriang,dek pipik indak saikua. Dek padi indak satangkai masak indak sakali ambiak,dek pipik indak saikua tabang indak sakali inggok. Baa dek kaadaan kami duduak baduo batigo nan sagalo ipa bisan,dihadapan niniak dengan mamak. Kok kami cubo marantang panjang,untuang taserak jalo suto,kok lai ikan nan kabuliah,kok indak ameh tantangannyo. Kok kami cubo mampaiyo patidokan,dikato nan kamanjawek,di gayuang nan kamanyambuik,lai kok dalam adat nan tapakai..... Nak bapambari bapak kami.... (bapak) sampai di mamak kami,arati nyo bana nan katangah dmamak kami.bana nan ktngah jikok dpandang lah elok rupo didanga lah rncak bunyi.baa pulokoh dikato kamanjawab dgayuang kamanjawab,dek bkarano kami nan bduo btigo sakaji ipan bisan nan dduak d hdapn jumalah niniak mamak nan gadang basa batuah tntu btariak bakato bariyo batido.yo mantun? Spnjg kabanaran mamak kmi nan katangah lah dalam adaik nan tpakai lah dlm barih jo balabeh lah dlm cupak jo gantang nyenyo kami.lalunyo dlm nantun,krano itu pituah dinan tuo,barih nak jan ilang,adaik nak nyo tapakai.adaik bajalan bamulah adaik bakato bariyo.sakarang jalan kadipamulahkan kato ka dipariyokan dek mamak kami.kok dkami lah dlam garih nan barantang.bana bananti dikami.kumbali sambah bakeh mamak kami. (Mamak) Yo...ma bapak kami.....sapanjang rundiang nan kami danga,karana bakato ka pariyokan,bajalan ka di pamulahkan dek bapak kami...., Kok janyo kami lah tibo di barih balabehnyo,iyo lah dalam adaik nan tapakai,kan baitu kabanaran bapak kami......... Dikami sagaji ipa bisan itu bana nan manyangkuik. Baa karano lah dalam adat nan tapakai kabanaran kami...kok di kami hari elok nak tapakai,kok bajalan kami pamulahkan,bakato kami pariyokan.....sipaik mananti bapak kami. (Bapak) indak tarago baulang sapanjang buah kabanaran nan katangah dek mamak kami.kok d kami bana badangakan.kumbali bakek mamak kami. (mamak) Inya Allah kami pariyokan....... (bapak) Bana mananti (mamak ka angku datuak) Bakeh angku sambah.aratinyo karano lah katangah kabanaran bapak kito,adaik nan biaso pituah din an tuo,suato kato takanak jawek suatu gayuang takanak sambuik.nan dijuluak nak rareh nan dipungkang nak jatuah.tumbuah bak dinan sakarang nangko,karano lah katangah kabanaran bapak kito,lah bana kok dikami kato kabajwek gayuang kabasambuik ikobanalah pai nan kami tanyo pulang nan kami baritokan bakeh niniak mamak nan gadang basa batuah. Ko lah bana nyenyo angku nak bapambari angku,kok banamo balun nak di kadalamkan sakian sambah bakeh angku. (Datuak ka mamak) Manyo sutan,arainyo bana nan katangah dek sutan tumbuah bak dinan sakarang nangko,karano lah katangah kabanaran bapak kito,lah bana kok dikami kato kabajawek gayuang kabasambuik ikobanalah pai nan kami tanyo pulang nan kami baritokan bakeh niniak mamak nan gadang basa batuah.yo baitu? (sutan) bana (Datuak) Sapanjang kabanaran sutan lah ico nan baturuik lah adaik nan bapakai,lalunyo dalam nantun pai batanyokan pulang bakadukan .tumbuah din an bak sakarang kini karano lah tajun sambah jo titah di bapak kito,kato tantu bajawek gayuang tantu basanbuik,nan di pungkang nak jatuah nan di juluak nak nak rareh.kandak babari pintak balaku.namun dalam sado nantun,barih nak jan nyo hilang jajak nak jan nyo lipue.adaik bakatobariyo adaik bajalan bamulah.alahkoh bajalan bapamulahkan bakato bapariyokan di sutan nan baduo tigo.kok nyenyo ambo,banati jaj baabih hari batanggang jan baabih minyak lah bana nyo kato bajawek gayaun basambuik.sakaian titah kumbali bakeh sutan. (sutan) sapanjang pambarian angku satitiak jadikan lauik basa sakepa jadikan gunuang tnggi,bapacik arek baganggam taguah siang dipatungkek malam jadikan suluah. (Sutan ka sidi) manyo sidi,aratinyo karano lah tajun sambah jo titah dek bapak kito.tantu suatu kato bakandak jawek suatu gayuang bakandak sambuik.adopun maso sabalunnyo,pail ah kami batanyokan pulang lah bakadukan ka niniak mamak nan gadang basa batuah.dek niniak mamak baalam laweh bapadang lapang,indak tarago bananti hari lah bapambari niniak mamak.a nyo nan jadi pambari niniak mamak.lah bananyo kato bajwek gayuang basambuik.samantangpun baitu barih nak jan nyo ilang jajak jan lipue.adaik bajalan bamulah adaik bakato bariyo.sakarang jalan nan kadipamulahkan kato nan kadipariyokan bakeh sidi.dimakoh katarabiknyo bak padi katumbuahnyo bak bijo dikato nan kamanjawek digayuang kamanyambuik kabanaran bapak kito nan katangah.ikolah jalan nan bapamulahkan kato nan bapariyokan bakeh sidi,sakian sambah (Sidi ka sutan) sampai dek sutan.aratinyo bana nan katangah dek sutan karano lah tajun sambah jo titah dek bapak kito.tantu suatu kato bakandak jawek suatu gayuang bakandak sambuik.adopun maso sabalunnyo,tinggi alah bajuluak randah lah bajambo.painyo kami tanyokan pulang lah kadukan ka niniak mamak nan gadang basa batuah.dek niniak mamak baalam laweh bapadang lapang,indak tarago bananti hari lah bapambari niniak mamak.a nyo nan jadi pambari niniak mamak.lah bananyo kato bajwek gayuang basambuik.samantangpun baitu barih nak jan nyo ilang jajak jan lipue.adaik bajalan bamulah adaik bakato bariyo.sakarang jalan nan kadipamulahkan kato nan kadipariyokan bakeh sidi.dimakoh katarabiknyo bak padi katumbuahnyo bak bijo dikato nan kamanjawek digayuang kamanyambuik kabanaran bapak kito nan katangah.ikolah jalan nan bapamulahkan kato nan bapariyokan bakeh sidi,iyo baitu? (sutan) bana (sidi) sapnjang kabanaran sutan lah dalam barih jo balabeh lah dalam cupak nanjo gantang,lalunyo dalam nantun.bajalan bapariyokan bajalan bapamulahkan.jalan nan tapariyokan di sutan batarimo suko di ambo.baa pulokoh,dek ambo nan duduak sabalah kamari lai baduo batigo pulo.kok batariak dikami bajalan bamulah bakato bariyo lai koh di sutan ka babari.kumbalai bakeh sutan. (sutan) Aratinyo buah kabanaran sidi kini nantun jalan nan tapariyokan di sutan batarimo suko di ambo.baa pulokoh,dek ambo nan duduak sabalah kamari lai baduo batigo pulo.kok batariak dikami bajalan bamulah bakato bariyo lai koh di sutan ka babari.iyo baitu? (sidi) bana (sutan) sapanjang kabanaran sidi lah dalam takuak tabang tibo,lah dalam garih makanan pahek.lalunyo dalam nantun.karano uitu pituah rang tuo,barih jan hilang jajak jan lipue.adaik bakato bariyo adaik bajalan bamulah.sakarang kato kabapariyokan jalan kadipamulahkan dek sidi.kok diambo bana bananti. (sidi) .aratinyo bana nan katangak dek sutan karano uitu pituah rang tuo,barih jan hilang jajak jan lipue.adaik bakato bariyo adaik bajalan bamulah.sakarang kato kabapariyokan jalan kadipamulahkan dek sidi,kok di kami bana mananti.yo baitu (sutan)bana (sidi) ndak tarago baulang sapanjang pambarian sutan,bana bapariyokan. (bana bananti) (sidi ka rangkayo) rang kayo,aratinyo karano bisiak lah kadangaran himbau lah kalampauan di dunsanak kito sabalah ka mudiak.karano lah tajun sambah jo titah di bapak kito.tantu kato bajawek gayuang basambuik.sakarang dimakoh katarabiknyo nan bak padi katumbuahnyo nan bak bijo dikato nan kamanjawek gayuang kamanyambuik kabanaran bapak kito nan katangah.ikolah jlan nan bapamulahkan kato nan bapariyokan bakeh rangkayo. (rangkayo ka sidi) sampai dek sidi.aratinyo karano bisiak lah kadangaran himbau lah kalampauan di dunsanak kito sabalah ka mudiak.karano lah tajun sambah jo titah di bapak kito.tantu kato bajawek gayuang basambuik.sakarang dimakoh katarabiknyo nan bak padi katumbuahnyo nan bak bijo dikato nan kamanjawek gayuang kamanyambuik kabanaran bapak kito nan katangah.ikolah jlan nan bapamulahkan kato nan bapariyokan bakeh rangkayo.yo baitu? (sidi) bana (rangkayo ka sidi)rupo ruponyo di sidi barih nadak hilang jajak ndak lipue.lalunyo dalam nantun,bajalan bapamulahkan bakato bapariyokan.jalan nan tapamulahkan kato nan tapariyokan dek sidi batarimo suko diambo.di tantangan kato nan kamanjawek gayuang nan kamanyambuik kabanaran bapak nan katangah .nak lamak siriah lega carano lamak kato lega bunyi, dikato nan kamanjawek kumbali kapado sutan,pihak mangumbalikan kumbali ka sidi .nan kami disiko lah samo didalam.sakian sambah. (sidi ka rangkayo) Alah sampai dek kayo? (rangkayo) umpamo alah (sidi ka rangkayo) Aratinyo nan manjadi buah bana di kayo kini nantun di tantangan kato nan kamanjawek gayuang nan kamanyambuik kabanaran bapak nan katangah .nak lamak siriah lega carano lamak kato lega bunyi, dikato nan kamanjawek kumbali kapado sutan,pihak mangumbalikan kumbali ka sidi .nan kami disiko lah samo didalam.iyo baitu? (rangkayo) lah bananyoh (sidi ka rangkayo) spanjang kabanaran sidi lah rancak susunnyo nan bak siriah lah rancak ririknyo nan bak pinang. nak lamak siriah lega carano lamak kato lega bunyi, dikato nan kamanjwek kumbali kapado sutan.kok di ambo bana bakumbalikan. (sidi ka sutan) manyo sutan (sutan)manitahlah (sidi ka sutan) aratinyo parundiangan kito antaro jo sutan iyolah talaun talalai.talaunnyo tarago kabukik mancari angin ,kalurah mancari aie.dek hari kolah nan elok kutiko kolah nan baiak,lakeh dapek dikami bulek nan sagiliang pipiah nan satapiak.dibulekkan aie ka pambuluah dibulekan kato ka mupakaik.a nyo nan manjadi mupakaik kami nan sabalah kamari,dipihak kamanarabik an nan bak padi manumbuahkan bak bijo,dikato nan kamanjawek di gayuang kamanyambuik kabanaran bapak nan katanagah iyolah karano lah sutan nan baulu jawek di sutan pulo katarabiknyo.kumbali bakeh sutan. (sutan ka sidi)aratinyo sapanjang titah nan katangah dek sidi..dek hari kolah nan elok kutiko kolah nan baiak,lakeh dapek dikami bulek nan sagiliang pipiah nan satapiak.dibulekkan aie ka pambuluah dibulekan kato ka mupakaik.a nyo nan manjadi mupakaik kami nan sabalah kamari,dipihak kamanarabik an nan bak padi manumbuahkan bak bijo,dikato nan kamanjawek di gayuang kamanyambuik kabanaran bapak nan katanagah iyolah karano lah sutan nan baulu jawek di sutan pulo katarabiknyo.iyo baitu? (sidi) bana (sutan ka sidi) sapanjang kabanaran sidi mambanai ambo.,dipihak nan baulu jawek iyolah diambo. namun sakiro nantun,nak rancak lega carano nak elok lega bunyi.elok juolah di sidi nan kamanarabik an.kumbali bakeh sidi. (sidi ka sutan)aratinyo nan manjadi bana dek sutan,nak rancak lega carano nak elok lega bunyi.elok juolah di sidi nan kamanarabik an.ityo baitu? (sutan)bana (Sidi ka sutan)sapanjang kabanaran sutan lah dalam takuak tabang tibo,lah dalam garih makanan pahek,lalunyo dalam nantun nak rancak lega carano nak elok lega bunyi mambanai ambo.namun sakiro nantun,bak pituah urang tuo.adaik bajalan ba nan tau adaik bakato ba nan pandai.tarabik an lah dek sutan mairiangan ambo.sakian sambah. (stuan ka sidi) aratinyo nan manjadi buah ban dek sidi,nak rancak lega carano nak elok lega bunyi mambanai ambo.namun sakiro nantun,bak pituah urang tuo.adaik bajalan ba nan tau adaik bakato ba nan pandai.tarabik an lah dek sutan mairiangan ambo,yo baitu. (sidi) sakiro nantun (sutan) sapanjang kabanaran sidi lah dalam barih jo balabeh lah dalam lingkuang cupak jo gantang.lalunyo dalam nan tun.bak gurindam rang tuo. singgalang lereang malereang dilereang nagari pandaisikek mandaki jalan ka tanjuang tasabuik nagari ampek koto dipapanjang namuah panjang elok di kumpa nak nyo singkek nan bak maetong kain saruang disinan juo katibonyo. karano lah sapareh tu bana sidi mangumbalikan bakeh ambo.kok jadih jadih juo.namun sakiro nantun,kok senteang nak di bilai kurang yo batukuak dek sidi. (sidi)indak bapabia tagamang sutan PASAMBAHAN MAKAN SINGGANG AYAM

saco-indonesia.com, Alhamdulillah, beberapa jam yang lalu, pesawat yang saya tumpangi mendarat dengan mulus di landasan pacu Bandara Sultan Thaha (Suha). Tak ada guncangan. Padahal, ketika menjejakkan kaki  ke tangga, turun dari pesawat di sambut rintik – rintik hujan. Payung pun tak urung dikenakan.

Alhamdulillah, di dalam pesawat itu, di lajur sebelah, tepatnya seberang bangku saya, seorang penumpang terus-menerus menghitung tasbih melingkari jarinya. Khusyu’ berdzikir. Adem mata ini memandangnya. Walau banyak pemandangan lain, rasanya magnet itu begitu sayang untuk dilewatkan. Menambah ingat Allah akan nikmatNya.

Alhamdulillah juga, di dalam perjalanan atas itu,  tak kuasa kedua mata ini terpejam menahan penat jiwa. Anugerah yang tak tertahankan, dimana banyak juga penumpang lain terkulai menahan sebagian derita perjalanan ini: capek dan kantuk.

Berapa seringkah kita bersyukur kepada Allah atas nikmat yang diberikan kepada kita per harinya?

Bagi yang rajin akan berada di angka 165 kali atau lebih. Dengan catatan rajin berdzikir sehabis sholat wajib dengan membaca tahmid - Alhamdulillah 33 kali, selain tasbih dan takbir. Itu pun (kebanyakan) tanpa penghayatan karena sudah terbiasa sama sekali. Tapi, Alhamdulillah masih mending daripada yang hanya sambil lalu saja.

Ibn Athaillah dalam kitabnya - Al-Hikam - mendefinisikan syukur adalah sarana untuk memanfaatkan dan memelihara karunia-Nya. Hati yang bersyukur memperkuat dan memantapkan kebaikan yang ada. Orang awam mungkin hanya bersyukur saat mendapatkan kesenangan materi saja. Tetapi, orang yang dekat dengan Allah menyadari semua yang terjadi di dunia, baik itu nikmat atau musibah sekalipun akan senantiasa disyukuri. Siapa tidak mensyukuri nikmat, berarti menginginkan hilangnya. Dan siapa mensyukurinya, berarti telah secara kuat mengikatnya.

Allah Ta`ala berfirman : Maka makanlah yang halal lagi baik dari rizki yang telah diberikan Allah kepadamu dan syukurilah nikmat Allah, jika kamu hanya kepada-Nya saja menyembah. (Q.S An- Nahl [16] : 114)

Bersyukur merupakan ibadah paling mudah, tetapi sangat sedikit orang yang menyadari dan melakukannya. Hanya hamba yang benar-benar beriman yang bisa mensyukuri setiap nikmat dan rizki yang telah Allah berikan. Sekecil apapun itu, jika kita bersyukur maka nilainya akan tinggi di mata Allah Ta`ala. Kita bisa menghirup udara segar, tangan kita bergerak melakukan apa saja yang kita mau, mata kita bisa melihat dengan jelas, kaki kita bisa berjalan dan tubuh kita tegap tanpa takut terjatuh, perut kita bisa mencerna makanan dengan tidak memuntahkannya, telinga kita masih bisa mendengar, itu semua nikmat dari Allah.

AllahTa’ala berfirman: Dan jika kamu menghitung-hitung nikmat Allah, niscaya kamu tak dapat menentukan jumlahnya. Sesungguhnya Allah benar-benar Maha Pengampun lagi Maha Penyayang. (An-Nahl 18)

Hati yang selalu ikhlas, ridla dengan takdir-Nya, lisan yang selalu ringan mengucap syukur dan berakhlaqul karimah terhadap sesama manusia merupakan bentuk nyata dari mensyukuri nikmat-nikmat Allah. Orang yang senantiasa bersyukur kepada Allah, qana’ah, selalu mengambil hikmah terhadap segala permasalahan, maka hidupnya akan tentram, pikirannya tidak cemas, hatinya selalu bersih dari kesombongan dan kekufuran. Tetapi sebaliknya, orang yang tidak mau dan lupa bersyukur maka Allah akan mencabut nikmat yang telah diberikan-Nya dan mengganti dengan siksa yang pedih. Naudzubillahi min dzalik.

Janji Allah tak akan luput seperti pada surat Q.S Ibrahim [14] : 7, Dan (ingatlah juga), tatkala Tuhanmu memaklumkan; “Sesungguhnya jika kamu bersyukur, pasti kami akan menambah (nikmat) kepadamu, dan jika kamu mengingkari (nikmat- Ku), Maka Sesungguhnya azab-Ku sangat pedih”.

Oleh karenanya, perlu disadari jika kita bersyukur maka keimanan kita bertambah, ilmu kita bertambah, harta kita bertambah, amal kita bertambah. Bersyukur bukanlah hal sulit. Bersyukur bukanlah hal remeh yang mesti kita tinggalkan. Tapi sebaliknya harus kita tingkatkan, walau banyak yang lupa meninggalkannya. Karenanya ingatlah: “Fabiayyi Aalaa’i Robbikumaa Tukadz-dzibaan - Maka nikmat Tuhan kamu yang manakah yang (bisa) kamu dustakan?”

Sumber: Faizunal/LDII

Gambar: http://1.bp.blogspot.com

Editor:Liwon Maulana(galipat)

Sudah Bersyukurkah Kita Hari Ini??

Selain pahala berupa derajat yang ditingkatkan, ibadah-ibadah dalam syariat Islam juga mempunyai hikmah membersihkan diri seorang muslim dari kotoran dosa. Hal itu karena ibadah-ibadah itu berperan dalam menciptakan suasana jiwa yang penuh dengan iman. Dengan suasana ini seorang muslim akan terbebas dari syahwat yang selama ini membelenggunya, dan terarahkan untuk selalu menghambakan dirinya kepada Allah swt.

Mulai dari ibadah wudhu, Rasulullah saw. bersabda:

 إذا توضأ العبد المسلم أو المؤمن فغسل وجهه خرج من وجهه كل خطيئة نظر إليها بعينيه مع الماء أو مع آخر قطر الماء فإذا غسل يديه خرج من يديه كل خطيئة كان بطشتها يداه مع الماء أو مع آخر قطر الماء فإذا غسل رجليه خرجت كل خطيئة مشتها رجلاه مع الماء أو مع آخر قطر الماء حتى يخرج نقيا من الذنوب

“Jika seorang muslim berwudhu, saat dia membasuh wajahnya, keluarlah semua dosa yang diperbuat matanya, dan hilang bersama air atau bersama tetes air yang terakhir. Saat membasuh tangannya, keluarlah semua dosa yang telah diperbuat tangannya, dan hilang bersama air atau bersama tetes air yang terakhir. Saat membasuh kakinya, keluarlah dosa yang didatangi dengan kakinya, dan hilang bersama air atau tetes air yang terakhir. Hingga akhirnya, dia menjadi orang yang bersih dari dosa.” [HR. Muslim].

Hal yang sama juga berlaku untuk shalat. Rasulullah saw. bersabda:

أَرَأَيْتُمْ لَوْ أَنَّ نَهَرًا بِبَابِ أَحَدِكُمْ يَغْتَسِلُ فِيهِ كُلَّ يَوْمٍ خَمْسًا مَا تَقُولُ ذَلِكَ يُبْقِي مِنْ دَرَنِهِ قَالُوا لَا يُبْقِي مِنْ دَرَنِهِ شَيْئًا قَالَ فَذَلِكَ مِثْلُ الصَّلَوَاتِ الْخَمْسِ يَمْحُو اللَّهُ بِهِ الْخَطَايَا

“Bagaimana kiranya kalau ada sebuah sungai mengalir di depan rumah salah seorang di antara kalian, orang itu mandi lima kali setiap harinya, apakah orang itu masih kotor?” para sahabat menjawab, “Tentu tidak ada kotoran yang tersisa.” Rasulullah saw. melanjutkan, “Demikian juga shalat lima waktu akan menghapus dosa-dosa.” [HR. Bukhari dan Muslim].

Begitu pula puasa di bulan Ramadhan. Rasulullah saw. bersabda:

مَنْ صَامَ رَمَضَانَ إِيمَانًا وَاحْتِسَابًا غُفِرَ لَهُ مَا تَقَدَّمَ مِنْ ذَنْبِهِ

“Orang yang berpuasa bulan Ramadhan dengan keimanan dan mengharap pahala, niscaya akan diampuni dosa-dosa yang telah lalu.” [HR. Bukhari dan Muslim].

Adapun tentang membayar zakat, Allah swt. berfirman:

خُذْ مِنْ أَمْوَالِهِمْ صَدَقَةً تُطَهِّرُهُمْ وَتُزَكِّيهِمْ بِهَا

“Ambillah zakat dari sebagian harta mereka, dengan zakat itu kamu membersihkan dan mensucikan mereka.” [At-Taubah: 103].

Demikianlah, semua ibadah akan menghapus dosa. Tapi kadang ada dosa besar yang masih tersisa. Di sinilah haji akan menghapus dosa-dosa itu hingga bersih sama sekali seperti bayi yang baru dilahirkan.

مَنْ حَجَّ لِلَّهِ فَلَمْ يَرْفُثْ وَلَمْ يَفْسُقْ رَجَعَ كَيَوْمِ وَلَدَتْهُ أُمُّهُ

“Orang yang melaksanakan haji ikhlas karena Allah swt., lalu tidak berkata kotor dan tidak berbuat kefasikan, maka dia akan pulang (bersih dari dosa) seperti saat dilahirkan oleh ibunya.” [HR. Bukhari dan Muslim].

Ketika sekarat, ‘Amr bin Al-‘Ash ra. meriwayatkan bahwa dirinya dulu pernah menjadi orang yang paling benci kepada Rasulullah saw. Dia sangat berkeinginan untuk bisa membunuh Rasulullah saw. Syukurlah hal itu tidak terjadi, “Kalau dulu aku benar-benar bisa membunuhnya, tentu aku menjadi penduduk neraka.” Tapi ketika dirinya mendapatkan hidayah keimanan, beliau mensyaratkan semua dosanya dihapuskan. Rasulullah saw. bersabda:

 أما علمت أن الإسلام يهدم ما كان قبله وأن الهجرة تهدم ما كان قبلها وأن الحج يهدم ما كان قبله

“Tidakkah engkau mengetahui bahwa masuk Islam itu menghapus dosa-dosa sebelumnya? Bahwa hijrah itu menghapus dosa-dosa sebelumnya? Bahwa ibadah haji itu menghapus dosa-dosa sebelumnya?” [HR. Muslim].

Dihapuskannya dosa itu didapat tentu jika haji yang dilaksanakannya mabrur. Sedangkan haji akan mabrur jika biaya yang digunakan adalah halal dan thayyib, seluruh manasik dilaksanakan dengan baik, banyak diisi dengan perbuatan baik seperti berdzikir dan membantu orang lain, dan tidak dikotori dengan hal-hal yang bisa merusaknya seperti berkata kotor, berdebat, dan lain sebagainya.

Menurut Imam Hasan Al-Basri, di antara tanda dosa telah diampuni adalah seorang haji bersikap zuhud di dunia, dan lebih perhatian terhadap persiapan menuju akhirat. Hal ini terwujud karena selama melaksanakan haji, dia melihat banyak hal yang mengingatkan pada kehidupan akhirat. Mulai dari perjalanan, memakai kain ihram, wukuf di padang Arafah, dan sebagainya. Semakin kuat keimanan kepada Hari Akhir dan keharusan mempersiapkannya. (msa/dakwatuna)


Sumber : http://www.dakwatuna.com

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ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination
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Many bodies prepared for cremation last week in Kathmandu were of young men from Gongabu, a common stopover for Nepali migrant workers headed overseas. Credit Daniel Berehulak for The New York Times

KATHMANDU, Nepal — When the dense pillar of smoke from cremations by the Bagmati River was thinning late last week, the bodies were all coming from Gongabu, a common stopover for Nepali migrant workers headed overseas, and they were all of young men.

Hindu custom dictates that funeral pyres should be lighted by the oldest son of the deceased, but these men were too young to have sons, so they were burned by their brothers or fathers. Sukla Lal, a maize farmer, made a 14-hour journey by bus to retrieve the body of his 19-year-old son, who had been on his way to the Persian Gulf to work as a laborer.

“He wanted to live in the countryside, but he was compelled to leave by poverty,” Mr. Lal said, gazing ahead steadily as his son’s remains smoldered. “He told me, ‘You can live on your land, and I will come up with money, and we will have a happy family.’ ”

Weeks will pass before the authorities can give a complete accounting of who died in the April 25 earthquake, but it is already clear that Nepal cannot afford the losses. The countryside was largely stripped of its healthy young men even before the quake, as they migrated in great waves — 1,500 a day by some estimates — to work as laborers in India, Malaysia or one of the gulf nations, leaving many small communities populated only by elderly parents, women and children. Economists say that at some times of the year, one-quarter of Nepal’s population is working outside the country.

Nepal’s Young Men, Lost to Migration, Then a Quake

GREENWICH, Conn. — Mago is in the bedroom. You can go in.

The big man lies on a hospital bed with his bare feet scraping its bottom rail. His head is propped on a scarlet pillow, the left temple dented, the right side paralyzed. His dark hair is kept just long enough to conceal the scars.

The occasional sounds he makes are understood only by his wife, but he still has that punctuating left hand. In slow motion, the fingers curl and close. A thumbs-up greeting.

Hello, Mago.

This is Magomed Abdusalamov, 34, also known as the Russian Tyson, also known as Mago. He is a former heavyweight boxer who scored four knockouts and 14 technical knockouts in his first 18 professional fights. He preferred to stand between rounds. Sitting conveyed weakness.

But Mago lost his 19th fight, his big chance, at the packed Theater at Madison Square Garden in November 2013. His 19th decision, and his last.

Now here he is, in a small bedroom in a working-class neighborhood in Greenwich, in a modest house his family rents cheap from a devoted friend. The air-pressure machine for his mattress hums like an expectant crowd.

 

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Mike Perez, left, and Magomed Abdusalamov during the fight in which Abdusalamov was injured. Credit Joe Camporeale/USA Today Sports, via Reuters

 

Today is like any other day, except for those days when he is hurried in crisis to the hospital. Every three hours during the night, his slight wife, Bakanay, 28, has risen to turn his 6-foot-3 body — 210 pounds of dead weight. It has to be done. Infections of the gaping bedsore above his tailbone have nearly killed him.

Then, with the help of a young caretaker, Baka has gotten two of their daughters off to elementary school and settled down the toddler. Yes, Mago and Baka are blessed with all girls, but they had also hoped for a son someday.

They feed Mago as they clean him; it’s easier that way. For breakfast, which comes with a side of crushed antiseizure pills, he likes oatmeal with a squirt of Hershey’s chocolate syrup. But even oatmeal must be puréed and fed to him by spoon.

He opens his mouth to indicate more, the way a baby does. But his paralysis has made everything a choking hazard. His water needs a stirring of powdered food thickener, and still he chokes — eh-eh-eh — as he tries to cough up what will not go down.

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Mago used to drink only water. No alcohol. Not even soda. A sip of juice would be as far as he dared. Now even water betrays him.

With the caretaker’s help, Baka uses a washcloth and soap to clean his body and shampoo his hair. How handsome still, she has thought. Sometimes, in the night, she leaves the bedroom to watch old videos, just to hear again his voice in the fullness of life. She cries, wipes her eyes and returns, feigning happiness. Mago must never see her sad.

 

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 Abdusalamov's hand being massaged. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

When Baka finishes, Mago is cleanshaven and fresh down to his trimmed and filed toenails. “I want him to look good,” she says.

Theirs was an arranged Muslim marriage in Makhachkala, in the Russian republic of Dagestan. He was 23, she was 18 and their future hinged on boxing. Sometimes they would shadowbox in love, her David to his Goliath. You are so strong, he would tell her.

His father once told him he could either be a bandit or an athlete, but if he chose banditry, “I will kill you.” This paternal advice, Mago later told The Ventura County Reporter, “made it a very easy decision for me.”

Mago won against mediocre competition, in Moscow and Hollywood, Fla., in Las Vegas and Johnstown, Pa. He was knocked down only once, and even then, it surprised more than hurt. He scored a technical knockout in the next round.

It all led up to this: the undercard at the Garden, Mike Perez vs. Magomed Abdusalamov, 10 rounds, on HBO. A win, he believed, would improve his chances of taking on the heavyweight champion Wladimir Klitschko, who sat in the crowd of 4,600 with his fiancée, the actress Hayden Panettiere, watching.

Wearing black-and-red trunks and a green mouth guard, Mago went to work. But in the first round, a hard forearm to his left cheek rocked him. At the bell, he returned to his corner, and this time, he sat down. “I think it’s broken,” he repeatedly said in Russian.

 

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Bakanay Abdusalamova, Abdusalamov's wife, and her injured husband and a masseur in the background. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

Maybe at that point, somebody — the referee, the ringside doctors, his handlers — should have stopped the fight, under a guiding principle: better one punch too early than one punch too late. But the bloody trade of blows continued into the seventh, eighth, ninth, a hand and orbital bone broken, his face transforming.

Meanwhile, in the family’s apartment in Miami, Baka forced herself to watch the broadcast. She could see it in his swollen eyes. Something was off.

After the final round, Perez raised his tattooed arms in victory, and Mago wandered off in a fog. He had taken 312 punches in about 40 minutes, for a purse of $40,000.

 

 

In the locker room, doctors sutured a cut above Mago’s left eye and tested his cognitive abilities. He did not do well. The ambulance that waits in expectation at every fight was not summoned by boxing officials.

Blood was pooling in Mago’s cranial cavity as he left the Garden. He vomited on the pavement while his handlers flagged a taxi to St. Luke’s-Roosevelt Hospital. There, doctors induced a coma and removed part of his skull to drain fluids and ease the swelling.

Then came the stroke.

 

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A championship belt belonging to Abdusalamov and a card from one of his daughters. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

It is lunchtime now, and the aroma of puréed beef and potatoes lingers. So do the questions.

How will Mago and Baka pay the $2 million in medical bills they owe? What if their friend can no longer offer them this home? Will they win their lawsuits against the five ringside doctors, the referee, and a New York State boxing inspector? What about Mago’s future care?

Most of all: Is this it?

A napkin rests on Mago’s chest. As another spoonful of mush approaches, he opens his mouth, half-swallows, chokes, and coughs until it clears. Eh-eh-eh. Sometimes he turns bluish, but Baka never shows fear. Always happy for Mago.

Some days he is wheeled out for physical therapy or speech therapy. Today, two massage therapists come to knead his half-limp body like a pair of skilled corner men.

Soon, Mago will doze. Then his three daughters, ages 2, 6 and 9, will descend upon him to talk of their day. Not long ago, the oldest lugged his championship belt to school for a proud show-and-tell moment. Her classmates were amazed at the weight of it.

Then, tonight, there will be more puréed food and pulverized medication, more coughing, and more tender care from his wife, before sleep comes.

Goodbye, Mago.

He half-smiles, raises his one good hand, and forms a fist.

Meet Mago, Former Heavyweight

Mr. Pfaff was an international affairs columnist and author who found Washington’s intervention in world affairs often misguided.

William Pfaff, Critic of American Foreign Policy, Dies at 86

Over the last five years or so, it seemed there was little that Dean G. Skelos, the majority leader of the New York Senate, would not do for his son.

He pressed a powerful real estate executive to provide commissions to his son, a 32-year-old title insurance salesman, according to a federal criminal complaint. He helped get him a job at an environmental company and employed his influence to help the company get government work. He used his office to push natural gas drilling regulations that would have increased his son’s commissions.

He even tried to direct part of a $5.4 billion state budget windfall to fund government contracts that the company was seeking. And when the company was close to securing a storm-water contract from Nassau County, the senator, through an intermediary, pressured the company to pay his son more — or risk having the senator subvert the bid.

The criminal complaint, unsealed on Monday, lays out corruption charges against Senator Skelos and his son, Adam B. Skelos, the latest scandal to seize Albany, and potentially alter its power structure.

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Preet Bharara, the United States attorney in Manhattan, discussed the case involving Dean G. Skelos and his son, Adam. Credit Eduardo Munoz/Reuters

The repeated and diverse efforts by Senator Skelos, a Long Island Republican, to use what prosecutors said was his political influence to find work, or at least income, for his son could send both men to federal prison. If they are convicted of all six charges against them, they face up to 20 years in prison for each of four of the six counts and up to 10 years for the remaining two.

Senator Kenneth P. LaValle, of Long Island, who serves as chairman of the Republican conference, emerged from a closed-door meeting Monday night to say that conference members agreed that Mr. Skelos should be benefited the “presumption of innocence,” and would stay in his leadership role.

“The leader has indicated he would like to remain as leader,” said Mr. LaValle, “and he has the support of the conference.” The case against Mr. Skelos and his son grew out of a broader inquiry into political corruption by the United States attorney for the Southern District of New York, Preet Bharara, that has already changed the face of the state capital. It is based in part, according to the six-count complaint, on conversations secretly recorded by one of two cooperating witnesses, and wiretaps on the cellphones of the senator and his son. Those recordings revealed that both men were concerned about electronic surveillance, and illustrated the son’s unsuccessful efforts to thwart it.

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Adam Skelos took to using a “burner” phone, the complaint says, and told his father he wanted them to speak through a FaceTime video call in an apparent effort to avoid detection. They also used coded language at times.

At one point, Adam Skelos was recorded telling a Senate staff member of his frustration in not being able to speak openly to his father on the phone, noting that he could not “just send smoke signals or a little pigeon” carrying a message.

The 43-page complaint, sworn out by Paul M. Takla, a special agent for the Federal Bureau of Investigation, outlines a five-year scheme to “monetize” the senator’s official position; it also lays bare the extent to which a father sought to use his position to help his son.

The charges accuse the two men of extorting payments through a real estate developer, Glenwood Management, based on Long Island, and the environmental company, AbTech Industries, in Scottsdale, Ariz., with the expectation that the money paid to Adam Skelos — nearly $220,000 in total — would influence his father’s actions.

Glenwood, one of the state’s most prolific campaign donors, had ties to AbTech through investments in the environmental firm’s parent company by Glenwood’s founding family and a senior executive.

The accusations in the complaint portray Senator Skelos as a man who, when it came to his son, was not shy about twisting arms, even in situations that might give other arm-twisters pause.

Seeking to help his son, Senator Skelos turned to the executive at Glenwood, which develops rental apartments in New York City and has much at stake when it comes to real estate legislation in Albany. The senator urged him to direct business to his son, who sold title insurance.

After much prodding, the executive, Charles C. Dorego, engineered a $20,000 payment to Adam Skelos from a title insurance company even though he did no work for the money. But far more lucrative was a consultant position that Mr. Dorego arranged for Adam Skelos at AbTech, which seeks government contracts to treat storm water. (Mr. Dorego is not identified by name in the complaint, but referred to only as CW-1, for Cooperating Witness 1.)

Senator Skelos appeared to take an active interest in his son’s new line of work. Adam Skelos sent him several drafts of his consulting agreement with AbTech, the complaint says, as well as the final deal that was struck.

“Mazel tov,” his father replied.

Senator Skelos sent relevant news articles to his son, including one about a sewage leak near Albany. When AbTech wanted to seek government contracts after Hurricane Sandy, the senator got on a conference call with his son and an AbTech executive, Bjornulf White, and offered advice. (Like Mr. Dorego, Mr. White is not named in the complaint, but referred to as CW-2.)

The assistance paid off: With the senator’s help, AbTech secured a contract worth up to $12 million from Nassau County, a big break for a struggling small business.

But the money was slow to materialize. The senator expressed impatience with county officials.

Adam Skelos, in a phone call with Mr. White in late December, suggested that his father would seek to punish the county. “I tell you this, the state is not going to do a [expletive] thing for the county,” he said.

Three days later, Senator Skelos pressed his case with the Nassau County executive, Edward P. Mangano, a fellow Republican. “Somebody feels like they’re just getting jerked around the last two years,” the senator said, referring to his son in what the complaint described as “coded language.”

The next day, the senator pursued the matter, as he and Mr. Mangano attended a wake for a slain New York City police officer. Senator Skelos then reassured his son, who called him while he was still at the wake. “All claims that are in will be taken care of,” the senator said.

AbTech’s fortunes appeared to weigh on his son. At one point in January, Adam Skelos told his father that if the company did not succeed, he would “lose the ability to pay for things.”

Making matters worse, in recent months, Senator Skelos and his son appeared to grow wary about who was watching them. In addition to making calls on the burner phone, Adam Skelos said he used the FaceTime video calling “because that doesn’t show up on the phone bill,” as he told Mr. White.

In late February, Adam Skelos arranged a pair of meetings between Mr. White and state senators; AbTech needed to win state legislation that would allow its contract to move beyond its initial stages. But Senator Skelos deemed the plan too risky and caused one of the meetings to be canceled.

In another recorded call, Adam Skelos, promising to be “very, very vague” on the phone, urged his father to allow the meeting. The senator offered a warning. “Right now we are in dangerous times, Adam,” he told him.

A month later, in another phone call that was recorded by the authorities, Adam Skelos complained that his father could not give him “real advice” about AbTech while the two men were speaking over the telephone.

“You can’t talk normally,” he told his father, “because it’s like [expletive] Preet Bharara is listening to every [expletive] phone call. It’s just [expletive] frustrating.”

“It is,” his father agreed.

Dean Skelos, Albany Senate Leader, Aided Son at All Costs, U.S. Says

A 2-minute-42-second demo recording captured in one take turned out to be a one-hit wonder for Mr. Ely, who was 19 when he sang the garage-band classic.

Jack Ely, Who Sang the Kingsmen’s ‘Louie Louie’, Dies at 71

A former member of the Boston Symphony Orchestra, Mr. Smedvig helped found the wide-ranging Empire Brass quintet.

Rolf Smedvig, Trumpeter in the Empire Brass, Dies at 62

Ms. Rendell was a prolific writer of intricately plotted mystery novels that combined psychological insight, social conscience and teeth-chattering terror.

Ruth Rendell, Novelist Who Thrilled and Educated, Dies at 85

The bottle Mr. Sokolin famously broke was a 1787 Château Margaux, which was said to have belonged to Thomas Jefferson. Mr. Sokolin had been hoping to sell it for $519,750.

William Sokolin, Wine Seller Who Broke Famed Bottle, Dies at 85
Joseph Lechleider

Mr. Lechleider helped invent DSL technology, which enabled phone companies to offer high-speed web access over their infrastructure of copper wires.

Joseph Lechleider, a Father of the DSL Internet Technology, Dies at 82

Mr. Bartoszewski was given honorary Israeli citizenship for his work to save Jews during World War II and later surprised even himself by being instrumental in reconciling Poland and Germany.

Wladyslaw Bartoszewski, 93, Dies; Polish Auschwitz Survivor Aided Jews

From sea to shining sea, or at least from one side of the Hudson to the other, politicians you have barely heard of are being accused of wrongdoing. There were so many court proceedings involving public officials on Monday that it was hard to keep up.

In Newark, two underlings of Gov. Chris Christie were arraigned on charges that they were in on the truly deranged plot to block traffic leading onto the George Washington Bridge.

Ten miles away, in Lower Manhattan, Dean G. Skelos, the leader of the New York State Senate, and his son, Adam B. Skelos, were arrested by the Federal Bureau of Investigation on accusations of far more conventional political larceny, involving a job with a sewer company for the son and commissions on title insurance and bond work.

The younger man managed to receive a 150 percent pay increase from the sewer company even though, as he said on tape, he “literally knew nothing about water or, you know, any of that stuff,” according to a criminal complaint the United States attorney’s office filed.

The success of Adam Skelos, 32, was attributed by prosecutors to his father’s influence as the leader of the Senate and as a potentate among state Republicans. The indictment can also be read as one of those unfailingly sad tales of a father who cannot stop indulging a grown son. The senator himself is not alleged to have profited from the schemes, except by being relieved of the burden of underwriting Adam.

The bridge traffic caper is its own species of crazy; what distinguishes the charges against the two Skeloses is the apparent absence of a survival instinct. It is one thing not to know anything about water or that stuff. More remarkable, if true, is the fact that the sewer machinations continued even after the former New York Assembly speaker, Sheldon Silver, was charged in January with taking bribes disguised as fees.

It was by then common gossip in political and news media circles that Senator Skelos, a Republican, the counterpart in the Senate to Mr. Silver, a Democrat, in the Assembly, could be next in line for the criminal dock. “Stay tuned,” the United States attorney, Preet Bharara said, leaving not much to the imagination.

Even though the cat had been unmistakably belled, Skelos father and son continued to talk about how to advance the interests of the sewer company, though the son did begin to use a burner cellphone, the kind people pay for in cash, with no traceable contracts.

That was indeed prudent, as prosecutors had been wiretapping the cellphones of both men. But it would seem that the burner was of limited value, because by then the prosecutors had managed to secure the help of a business executive who agreed to record calls with the Skeloses. It would further seem that the business executive was more attentive to the perils of pending investigations than the politician.

Through the end of the New York State budget negotiations in March, the hopes of the younger Skelos rested on his father’s ability to devise legislation that would benefit the sewer company. That did not pan out. But Senator Skelos did boast that he had haggled with Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, a Democrat, in a successful effort to raise a $150 million allocation for Long Island to $550 million, for what the budget called “transformative economic development projects.” It included money for the kind of work done by the sewer company.

The lawyer for Adam Skelos said he was not guilty and would win in court. Senator Skelos issued a ringing declaration that he was unequivocally innocent.

THIS was also the approach taken in New Jersey by Bill Baroni, a man of great presence and eloquence who stopped outside the federal courthouse to note that he had taken risks as a Republican by bucking his party to support paid family leave, medical marijuana and marriage equality. “I would never risk my career, my job, my reputation for something like this,” Mr. Baroni said. “I am an innocent man.”

The lawyer for his co-defendant, Bridget Anne Kelly, the former deputy chief of staff to Mr. Christie, a Republican, said that she would strongly rebut the charges.

Perhaps they had nothing to do with the lane closings. But neither Mr. Baroni nor Ms. Kelly addressed the question of why they did not return repeated calls from the mayor of Fort Lee, N.J., begging them to stop the traffic tie-ups, over three days.

That silence was a low moment. But perhaps New York hit bottom faster. Senator Skelos, the prosecutors charged, arranged to meet Long Island politicians at the wake of Wenjian Liu, a New York City police officer shot dead in December, to press for payments to the company employing his son.

Sometimes it seems as though for some people, the only thing to be ashamed of is shame itself.

Finding Scandal in New York and New Jersey, but No Shame

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

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Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

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Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

Photo
 
President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

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