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BRUSSELS, Saco-Indoesia.com — Tingkat korupsi di Eropa sangat mengejutkan dan membebani ekonomi Uni Eropa sekitar 185 miliar dollar (atau Rp 2,2 triliun) per tahun. Demikian kata Komisi Eropa.

Laporan yang baru pertama kali ada tentang korupsi di 28 negara Uni Eropa itu menempatkan Uni Eropa, yang sering digambarkan sebagai salah satu kawasan paling bersih dari korupsi di dunia, dalam sebuah sorotan yang tak menyenangkan.

Di kalangan pebisnis ada keyakinan yang tersebar luas bahwa satu-satunya cara untuk berhasil adalah melalui koneksi politik dan hampir separuh dari perusahaan yang melakukan bisnis di Eropa mengatakan bahwa korupsi merupakan masalah bagi mereka.

Semakin banyak jumlah warga warga Uni Eropa yang berpikir bahwa korupsi kian parah, meskipun pengalaman terkait korupsi berbeda-beda di blok itu. Hampir semua perusahaan di Yunani, Spanyol, dan Italia percaya korupsi meluas. Namun, hal itu dinilai langka di Denmark, Finlandia, dan Swedia.

Inggris termasuk di antara negara yang dikritik karena gagal membersihkan dan mengatur pembiayaan partai politik, sebuah masalah yang komisi itu tentukan sebagai faktor utama dalam korupsi.

Cecilia Malmstrom, komisioner urusan dalam negeri Uni Eropa, mengatakan, korupsi mengikis kepercayaan dalam demokrasi. "Korupsi merusak kepercayaan warga terhadap lembaga-lembaga demokrasi dan rule of law. Hal itu merugikan perekonomian Eropa dan mengurangi penerimaan pajak yang sangat dibutuhkan," katanya.

"Satu hal yang sangat jelas: tidak ada zona bebas korupsi di Eropa. Komitmen politik untuk benar-benar membasmi korupsi tampaknya hilang. Ongkos karena tidak bertindak menjadi terlalu tinggi."

Dia mengatakan angka korupsi yang sesungguhnya "mungkin jauh lebih tinggi" dari 185 miliar dollar itu.

Sebagaimana diperlihatkan oleh survei komisi itu, banyak warga Uni Eropa yakin korupsi telah menjadi lebih buruk sebagai akibat dari masalah-masalah ekonomi dan keuangan di zona euro akibat krisis utang. Warga juga menduga korupsi merupakan hal lumrah dalam bisnis. Delapan dari 10 orang yakin bahwa hubungan dekat antara bisnis dan politik menyebabkan korupsi.

"Secara keseluruhan masalah Eropa tidak banyak terkait dengan soal suap kecil-kecilan," kata Carl Dolan dari Transparency International di Brussels. "Hal itu terkait dengan kelas politik dan industri. Telah terjadi kegagalan untuk mengatur konflik kepentingan para politisi dalam menangani bisnis."

Karena itu, Komisi Eropa merekomendasikan kontrol yang lebih baik dan kerja keras dalam penegakan hukum. Dalam sejumlah rekomendasi yang tidak mengikat, Inggris diminta untuk "menghentikan sumbangan kepada partai politik, membatasi pengeluaran kampanye pemilu dan memastikan monitoring yang proaktif dan penuntutan terhadap pelanggaran potensial".

Kurang dari satu persen orang Inggris, atau lima orang dari 1.115 orang yang disurvei oleh komisi itu, melaporkan bahwa mereka telah diminta untuk memberi suap. Itu merupakan "hasil terbaik di Eropa". Sebaliknya, 6 hingga 29 persen orang di Kroasia, Ceko, Lituania, Bulgaria, Romania, dan Yunani mengatakan mereka telah diharapkan untuk membayar suap.

Para pejabat dikritik karena tidak memasukkan sebuah bagian dari laporan itu yang mencantumkan korupsi di lembaga-lembaga Uni Eropa. Paul Nuttall, wakil pemimpin Partai Kemerdekaan Inggris, mengatakan, Komisi Eropa sebaiknya juga menganalisis dan mengubah budaya korusi di lingkungannya sendiri. Komisi itu jangan malah menutupi atau bungkam tentang apa yang terjadi di dalam dinding temboknya sendiri.

Sumber :Kompas.com

Editor : Maulana Lee

Tingkat Korupsi Uni Eropa Mencengangkan

Kopi telah dikenal sebagai minuman yang biasa dikonsumsi pada pagi hari. Alasannya, kopi mengandung kafein yang bermanfaat untuk dapat meningkatkan semangat Anda dan dapat membuat Anda menjadi lebih fokus serta produktif dalam menjalani hari.

ternyata ada wantu tertentu dimana sebaiknya Anda tidak mengonsumsi kopi. Waktu tersebut adalah antara pukul 8-9 pagi.

Sebuah penelitian yang telah diterbitkan dalam Journal of Clinical Endocrinology and Metabolisme menjelaskan bahwa di pukul 8-9 pagi tubuh Anda memproduksi hormon kortisol. Hormon ini bermanfaat untuk dapat meningkatkan energi. Sementara apabila Anda mengonsumsi kopi di waktu tersebut, maka kandungan kafeinnya dapat meningkatkan produksi kortisol. Bukannya malah membuat Anda jadi lebih waspada dan fokus, namun hal ini malah akan membuat Anda selalu merasa cemas dan tidak tenang. Sehingga dapat menimbulkan rasa lelah yang luar biasa di penghujung hari.

Oleh karena itu penelitian ini pun telah menyarankan agar Anda tidak mengonsumsi kopi di waktu tersebut. Sebaiknya Anda memulai hari dengan melakukan peregangan lembut, menghirup nafas yang segar, serta mengonsumsi segelas air hangat yang dicampur dengan air lemon untuk membersihkan pencernaan.

Anda diperbolehkan untuk mengonsumsi kopi setelah lewat dari jam 10 pagi. Bahkan Anda disarankan untuk mengonsumsinya pada jam makan siang, dimana kopi dapat bermanfaat untuk dpaat meningkatkan energi di siang hari.

Hindari mengonsumsi kopi di pukul 8-9 pagi

Terdakwa kasus dugaan korupsi Pusat Pendidikan Pelatihan dan Sekolah Olahraga Nasional di Desa Hambalang, Kabupaten Bogor, Jawa Barat, pada 2010 lalu , Deddy Kusdinar, pasrah dalam menghadapi vonis majelis hakim hari ini. Bekas pejabat di Kementerian Pemuda dan Olahraga itu juga mengaku tidak memiliki persiapan khusus menjelang pembacaan putusan atas perkaranya.

"Ya siaplah. Insya Allah. Ya mau tidak mau disiap-siapin saja," kata Deddy kepada awak media di Gedung Pengadilan Tindak Pidana Korupsi, Jakarta, Selasa (11/3).

Menurut kuasa hukum Deddy, Rudy Alfonso, dia juga berharap majelis hakim telah memutus perkara kliennya dengan jernih dan adil. Dia juga mengatakan, seharusnya bukan kliennya yang dihukum berat karena masih ada lagi pihak lain yang harus bertanggung jawab.

"Kami tentunya juga berharap besar kepada majelis hakim untuk menilai secara obyektif fakta-fakta yang terungkap dalam persidangan. Siapa yang sebenarnya mengatur proyek, menggiring anggaran, dan menikmati uang korupsi Hambalang yang seharusnya dihukum seberat-beratnya," tulis Rudi melalui pesan singkat kemarin.

Rudi juga mengatakan, sidang vonis Deddy akan digelar pukul 10.00 pagi WIB. Dia pun juga berharap sidang dilakukan tepat waktu.

Menurut Rudy, Deddy hanyalah pegawai di Kementerian Pemuda dan Olahraga yang telah mengikuti perintah atasan. Menurut dia, jangan sampai Deddy hanya menjadi tumbal di kasus itu, sementara pihak lain yang juga mesti bertanggung jawab malah lolos.

"Orang seperti Pak Deddy yang tidak menikmati uang haram dari Hambalang jangan dijadikan tumbal untuk dapat menyelamatkan orang-orang yang punya hubungan dengan kekuasaan, dan bisa tertawa menyaksikan semua ini," sambung Rudy.

Rudy juga menjelaskan, yang dimaksud orang-orang yang punya hubungan kekuasaan adalah pihak yang berada dalam lingkar inti kasus. Seperti Muhammad Nazaruddin yang menggiring anggaran di DPR. Kemudian juga beberapa pihak lain yang mengupayakan supaya proyek Hambalang dibiayai dengan skema tahun jamak, meski melanggar aturan.

"Ada peran tangan-tangan kuat yang sudah terungkap juga. Kemudian aliran uang ke pihak-pihak tertentu yang menikmati suap," lanjut Rudy.

Meski demikian, Rudy telah meyakini KPK bakal akan menjerat pihak lain dalam kasus Hambalang. Bahkan dia telah meminta KPK untuk melakukan terobosan hukum supaya tidak terpaku pada perorangan saja.

"Kita percaya KPK akan obyektif dalam mengembangkan kasus ini dan menyeret tidak hanya mereka yang turut serta. Tetapi juga harus berani memberi terobosan untuk menghukum korporasi (perusahaan) jika memang ingin penegakan hukum yang tanpa pandang bulu," tandas Rudy.

Dua pekan lalu, jaksa penuntut umum pada Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi menuntut Deddy dengan pidana penjara selama sembilan tahun dikurangi masa tahanan. Dia juga dituntut pidana denda Rp 300 juta subsider enam bulan kurungan.

Deddy juga dituntut dengan pidana tambahan berupa uang pengganti kepada negara sebesar Rp 300 juta, yang mesti dibayar selambat-lambatnya satu tahun setelah mendapat kekuatan hukum tetap. Jika tidak dibayar maka akan dijatuhi hukuman 1 tahun penjara.

Menurut jaksa, hal yang memberatkan Deddy adalah tidak mendukung program yang sedang giat-giatnya dilakukan pemerintah yaitu pemberantasan korupsi dan efisiensi dan efektivitas anggaran, serta melanggar hak ekonomi dan sosial karena tidak bertanggung jawab pada anggaran. Sedangkan hal-hal yang meringankan adalah bersikap sopan selama masa persidangan, menyesali perbuatan, belum pernah dihukum, serta punya tanggungan keluarga yaitu dua anak kandung, dua anak angkat, dan seorang istri yang mengalami sakit lupus selama dua tahun.

Menurut jaksa dalam tuntutannya, Deddy melanggar dakwaan kedua. Yaitu Pasal 3 juncto pasal 18 Undang-Undang No 31 tahun 1999 tentang Pemberantasan Tindak Pidana Korupsi sebagaimana diubah pada UU No 20 tahun 2001 juncto pasal 55 ayat ke (1) ke-1 KUHPidana.

Jelang divonis Deddy Kusdinar pasrah

Faktanya, wanita lebih cepat dewasa dibandingkan pria. Jadi, ketika pria dan wanita berada di usia yang sama, wanita telah berpikir jauh di atas pria. Tak jarang, stigma beda usia 5 tahun - pria lebih tua 5 tahun dari wanita - dianjurkan agar hubungan pernikahan jadi langgeng. Nah, berikut adalah alasan mengapa pria menyukai wanita yang berusia lebih muda darinya, seperti dilansir Boldsky.

1. Tingkat kematangan

Wanita lebih cepat matang daripada pria. Maka tak jarang, pria memilih pasangan yang lebih muda darinya karena dianggap memiliki tingkat kematangan yang sama dengannya. Sementara itu, mengencani pasangan yang seumur atau jauh lebih muda sering membuat pria terintimidasi karena dianggap belum dewasa.

2. Fisik

Tak dapat dipungkiri, pria selalu mencari pasangan yang menarik secara fisik. Dalam hal ini, wanita muda tentunya memiliki tampilan yang menarik dan segar.

3. Perspektif berbeda

Mengencani seorang wanita muda dapat memberikan pandangan baru yang berbeda. Antusiasme itu membuat pria merasa lebih tertantang untuk mengerti dunia yang baru dikenalnya dan sering bertukar pikiran dengan pasangan jika ada sesuatu yang tidak dimengertinya.

4. Lebih terbuka

Seiring dengan bertambahnya usia, wanita akan tumbuh menjadi individu yang banyak perhitungan. Mereka merinci segala sesuatu secara mendetail dan tak mudah percaya orang lain. Sementara itu, berkencan dengan pasangan seumur cenderung sering berbeda pendapat karena melihat masalah dari sudut pandang yang sama. Dalam kasus ini, perbedaan usia bisa bermanfaat bagi hubungan cinta karena memberi perbedaan sudut pandang dan pemikiran.

5. Ego

Selain aktif secara fisik, wanita muda memiliki pemikiran yang jauh lebih kritis dan berapi-api. Hal ini membuat pria mau tidak mau merasa tertantang untuk mempertahankan egonya. Secara tidak sadar, itu membuatnya jadi lebih kreatif dalam mencari solusi atas semua masalah. Sebab, pria tidak pernah ingin dikalahkan ketika terjadi perdebatan.

6. Dianggap sebagai pelindung

Mengencani pasangan yang lebih muda membuat pria bisa merasa dominan dan dibutuhkan. Sebab, wanita lebih muda cenderung sangat bergantung pada pasangan. Sebaliknya, wanita yang berusia lebih tua atau seumur dengan pria cenderung lebih mandiri dan kuat. Tak jarang, kemandirian dan ketegasan mereka membuat nyali pria ciut.

Inilah enam hal yang membuat pria memilih pasangan yang lebih muda dari usianya. Lalu, bagaimana dengan Anda? Menurut Anda, enak pacaran dengan pasangan yang lebih tua, sepantaran, atau lebih tua?

5 Alasan Mengapa pria menyukai wanita lebih muda

Terdakwa kasus dugaan suap penanganan sengketa Pilkada Lebak, Banten di Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK), Tubagus Chaeri Wardana alias Wawan telah menyebut calon Bupati, Amir Hamzah sebagai pihak yang paling berkepentingan dalam sengketa tersebut.

"Saya didakwa dalam kasus penyuapan dalam hal ini sudah jelas bahwa saya tidak berkepentingan untuk persoalan Lebak dan yang paling punya kepentingan itu Amir Hamzah," kata  Wawan di Pengadilan Tipikor, Jakarta, Kamis (13/3/2014).

Kendati demikian, ia telah menyatakan itu bukan berarti menyudutkan Amir Hamzah untuk ikut bertanggung jawab. Tetapi lebih menyerahkan kepada penegak hukum untuk menegakkan keadilan.

"Saya tidak minta itu (Amir Hamzah jadi tersangka), tapi nanti hakim yang telah memutuskan untuk keadilan," tukasnya.

Dalam eksepsinya, Wawan telah menyatakan keberatan atas pasal yang diterapkan oleh JPU KPK, di mana terkait pasal pemberian suap. Ia juga berharap, eksepsinya bisa diterima oleh Majelis Hakim.

"Mudah-mudahan (diterima) Insya Allah, yang penting saya minta suatu keadilan," pungkasnya.

Amir Hamzah Paling Berkepentingan

WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).

The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.

Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”

Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.

Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.

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Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk. Credit Joe Raedle/Getty Images

“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”

We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.

Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”

Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.

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Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.

And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.

That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.

With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.

On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”

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Who Is Running for President (and Who’s Not)?

Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.

This is intentional, Republican operatives said.

In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.

“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.

But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”

Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.

“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.

Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.

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But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.

Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.

Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”

Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.

Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.

But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.

The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.

“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.

There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.

“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”

G.O.P. Hopefuls Now Aiming to Woo the Middle Class

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

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Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’
Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”
Todd Heisler/The New York Times

Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’

The live music at the Vice Media party on Friday shook the room. Shane Smith, Vice’s chief executive, was standing near the stage — with a drink in his hand, pants sagging, tattoos showing — watching the rapper-cum-chef Action Bronson make pizzas.

The event was an after-party, a happy-hour bacchanal for the hundreds of guests who had come for Vice’s annual presentation to advertisers and agencies that afternoon, part of the annual frenzy for ad dollars called the Digital Content NewFronts. Mr. Smith had spoken there for all of five minutes before running a slam-bang highlight reel of the company’s shows that had titles like “Weediquette” and “Gaycation.”

In the last year, Vice has secured $500 million in financing and signed deals worth hundreds of millions of dollars with established media companies like HBO that are eager to engage the young viewers Vice attracts. Vice said it was now worth at least $4 billion, with nearly $1 billion in projected revenue for 2015. It is a long way from Vice’s humble start as a free magazine in 1994.

Photo
 
At the Vice after-party, the rapper Action Bronson, a host of a Vice show, made a pizza. Credit Jesse Dittmar for The New York Times

But even as cash flows freely in Vice’s direction, the company is trying to keep its brash, insurgent image. At the party on Friday, it plied guests with beers and cocktails. Its apparently unrehearsed presentation to advertisers was peppered with expletives. At one point, the director Spike Jonze, a longtime Vice collaborator, asked on stage if Mr. Smith had been drinking.

“My assistant tried to cut me off,” Mr. Smith replied. “I’m on buzz control.”

Now, Vice is on the verge of getting its own cable channel, which would give the company a traditional outlet for its slate of non-news programming. If all goes as planned, A&E Networks, the television group owned by Hearst and Disney, will turn over its History Channel spinoff, H2, to Vice.

The deal’s announcement was expected last week, but not all of A&E’s distribution partners — the cable and satellite TV companies that carry the network’s channels — have signed off on the change, according to a person familiar with the negotiations who spoke on the condition of anonymity because the talks were private.

A cable channel would be a further step in a transformation for Vice, from bad-boy digital upstart to mainstream media company.

Keen for the core audience of young men who come to Vice, media giants like 21st Century Fox, Time Warner and Disney all showed interest in the company last year. Vice ultimately secured $500 million in financing from A&E Networks and Technology Crossover Ventures, a Silicon Valley venture capital firm that has invested in Facebook and Netflix.

Those investments valued Vice at more than $2.5 billion. (In 2013, Fox bought a 5 percent stake for $70 million.)

Then in March, HBO announced that it had signed a multiyear deal to broadcast a daily half-hour Vice newscast. Vice already produces a weekly newsmagazine show, called “Vice,” for the network. That show will extend its run through 2018, with an increase to 35 episodes a year, from 14.

Michael Lombardo, HBO’s president for programming, said when the deal was announced that it was “certainly one of our biggest investments with hours on the air.”

Vice, based in Brooklyn, also recently signed a multiyear $100 million deal with Rogers Communications, a Canadian media conglomerate, to produce original content for TV, smartphone and desktop viewers.

Vice’s finances are private, but according to an internal document reviewed by The New York Times and verified by a person familiar with the company’s financials, the company is on track to make about $915 million in revenue this year.

Photo
 
Vice showed a highlight reel of its TV series at the NewFronts last week in New York. Credit Jesse Dittmar for The New York Times

It brought in $545 million in a strong first quarter, which included portions of the new HBO deal and the Rogers deal, according to the document. More of its revenue now comes from these types of content partnerships, compared with the branded content deals that made up much of its revenue a year ago, the company said.

Mr. Smith said the company was worth at least $4 billion. If the valuation gets much higher, he said he would consider taking the company public.

“I don’t care about money; we have plenty of money,” Mr. Smith, who is Vice’s biggest shareholder, said in an interview after the presentation on Friday. “I care about strategic deals.”

In the United States, Vice Media had 35.2 million unique visitors across its sites in March, according to comScore.

The third season of Vice’s weekly HBO show has averaged 1.8 million viewers per episode, including reruns, through April 12, according to Brad Adgate, the director of research at Horizon Media. (Vice said the show attracted three million weekly viewers when repeat broadcasts, online and on-demand viewings were included.)

For years, Mr. Smith has criticized traditional TV, calling it slow and unable to draw younger viewers. But if all the deals Vice has struck are to work out, Mr. Smith may have to play more by the rules of traditional media. James Murdoch, Rupert Murdoch’s son and a member of Vice’s board, was at the company’s presentation on Friday, as were other top media executives.

“They know they need people like me to help them, but they can’t get out of their own way,” Mr. Smith said in the interview Friday. “My only real frustration is we’re used to being incredibly dynamic, and they’re not incredibly dynamic.”

With its own television channel in the United States, Vice would have something it has long coveted even as traditional media companies are looking beyond TV. Last year, Vice’s deal with Time Warner failed in part because the two companies could not agree on how much control Vice would have over a 24-hour television network.

Vice said it intended to fill its new channel with non-news programming. The company plans to have sports shows, fashion shows, food shows and the “Gaycation” travel show with the actress Ellen Page. It is also in talks with Kanye West about a show.

It remains to be seen whether Vice’s audience will watch a traditional cable channel. Still, Vice has effectively presold all of the ad spots to two of the biggest advertising agencies for the first three years, Mr. Smith said.

In the meantime, Mr. Smith is enjoying Vice’s newfound role as a potential savior of traditional media companies.

“I’m a C.E.O. of a content company,” Mr. Smith said before he caught a flight to Las Vegas for the boxing match on Saturday between Floyd Mayweather Jr. and Manny Pacquiao. “If it stops being fun, then why are you doing it?”

As Vice Moves More to TV, It Tries to Keep Brash Voice

Mr. Mankiewicz, an Oscar-nominated screenwriter for “I Want to Live!,” also wrote episodes of television shows such as “Star Trek” and “Marcus Welby, M.D.”

Don Mankiewicz, Screenwriter in a Family Film Tradition, Dies at 93

Ms. Pryor, who served more than two decades in the State Department, was the author of well-regarded biographies of the founder of the American Red Cross and the Confederate commander.

Elizabeth Brown Pryor, Biographer of Clara Barton and Robert E. Lee, Dies at 64
Frontline  An installment of this PBS program looks at the effects of Ebola on Liberia and other countries, as well as the origins of the outbreak.
Frontline

Frontline An installment of this PBS program looks at the effects of Ebola on Liberia and other countries, as well as the origins of the outbreak.

The program traces the outbreak to its origin, thought to be a tree full of bats in Guinea.

Review: ‘9-Man’ Is More Than a Game for Chinese-Americans

A variation of volleyball with nine men on each side is profiled Tuesday night on the World Channel in an absorbing documentary called “9-Man.”

Television

‘Hard Earned’ Documents the Plight of the Working Poor

“Hard Earned,” an Al Jazeera America series, follows five working-class families scrambling to stay ahead on limited incomes.

Review: ‘Frontline’ Looks at Missteps During the Ebola Outbreak

Imagine an elite professional services firm with a high-performing, workaholic culture. Everyone is expected to turn on a dime to serve a client, travel at a moment’s notice, and be available pretty much every evening and weekend. It can make for a grueling work life, but at the highest levels of accounting, law, investment banking and consulting firms, it is just the way things are.

Except for one dirty little secret: Some of the people ostensibly turning in those 80- or 90-hour workweeks, particularly men, may just be faking it.

Many of them were, at least, at one elite consulting firm studied by Erin Reid, a professor at Boston University’s Questrom School of Business. It’s impossible to know if what she learned at that unidentified consulting firm applies across the world of work more broadly. But her research, published in the academic journal Organization Science, offers a way to understand how the professional world differs between men and women, and some of the ways a hard-charging culture that emphasizes long hours above all can make some companies worse off.

Photo
 
Credit Peter Arkle

Ms. Reid interviewed more than 100 people in the American offices of a global consulting firm and had access to performance reviews and internal human resources documents. At the firm there was a strong culture around long hours and responding to clients promptly.

“When the client needs me to be somewhere, I just have to be there,” said one of the consultants Ms. Reid interviewed. “And if you can’t be there, it’s probably because you’ve got another client meeting at the same time. You know it’s tough to say I can’t be there because my son had a Cub Scout meeting.”

Some people fully embraced this culture and put in the long hours, and they tended to be top performers. Others openly pushed back against it, insisting upon lighter and more flexible work hours, or less travel; they were punished in their performance reviews.

The third group is most interesting. Some 31 percent of the men and 11 percent of the women whose records Ms. Reid examined managed to achieve the benefits of a more moderate work schedule without explicitly asking for it.

They made an effort to line up clients who were local, reducing the need for travel. When they skipped work to spend time with their children or spouse, they didn’t call attention to it. One team on which several members had small children agreed among themselves to cover for one another so that everyone could have more flexible hours.

A male junior manager described working to have repeat consulting engagements with a company near enough to his home that he could take care of it with day trips. “I try to head out by 5, get home at 5:30, have dinner, play with my daughter,” he said, adding that he generally kept weekend work down to two hours of catching up on email.

Despite the limited hours, he said: “I know what clients are expecting. So I deliver above that.” He received a high performance review and a promotion.

What is fascinating about the firm Ms. Reid studied is that these people, who in her terminology were “passing” as workaholics, received performance reviews that were as strong as their hyper-ambitious colleagues. For people who were good at faking it, there was no real damage done by their lighter workloads.

It calls to mind the episode of “Seinfeld” in which George Costanza leaves his car in the parking lot at Yankee Stadium, where he works, and gets a promotion because his boss sees the car and thinks he is getting to work earlier and staying later than anyone else. (The strategy goes awry for him, and is not recommended for any aspiring partners in a consulting firm.)

A second finding is that women, particularly those with young children, were much more likely to request greater flexibility through more formal means, such as returning from maternity leave with an explicitly reduced schedule. Men who requested a paternity leave seemed to be punished come review time, and so may have felt more need to take time to spend with their families through those unofficial methods.

The result of this is easy to see: Those specifically requesting a lighter workload, who were disproportionately women, suffered in their performance reviews; those who took a lighter workload more discreetly didn’t suffer. The maxim of “ask forgiveness, not permission” seemed to apply.

It would be dangerous to extrapolate too much from a study at one firm, but Ms. Reid said in an interview that since publishing a summary of her research in Harvard Business Review she has heard from people in a variety of industries describing the same dynamic.

High-octane professional service firms are that way for a reason, and no one would doubt that insane hours and lots of travel can be necessary if you’re a lawyer on the verge of a big trial, an accountant right before tax day or an investment banker advising on a huge merger.

But the fact that the consultants who quietly lightened their workload did just as well in their performance reviews as those who were truly working 80 or more hours a week suggests that in normal times, heavy workloads may be more about signaling devotion to a firm than really being more productive. The person working 80 hours isn’t necessarily serving clients any better than the person working 50.

In other words, maybe the real problem isn’t men faking greater devotion to their jobs. Maybe it’s that too many companies reward the wrong things, favoring the illusion of extraordinary effort over actual productivity.

How Some Men Fake an 80-Hour Workweek, and Why It Matters

Mr. Alger, who served five terms from Texas, led Republican women in a confrontation with Lyndon B. Johnson that may have cost Richard M. Nixon the 1960 presidential election.

Bruce Alger, 96, Dies; Led ‘Mink Coat’ Protest Against Lyndon Johnson

A former member of the Boston Symphony Orchestra, Mr. Smedvig helped found the wide-ranging Empire Brass quintet.

Rolf Smedvig, Trumpeter in the Empire Brass, Dies at 62

Mr. Paczynski was one of the concentration camp’s longest surviving inmates and served as the personal barber to its Nazi commandant Rudolf Höss.

Jozef Paczynski, Inmate Barber to Auschwitz Commandant, Dies at 95

Mr. Goldberg was a serial Silicon Valley entrepreneur and venture capitalist who was married to Sheryl Sandberg, the chief operating officer of Facebook.

Dave Goldberg Was Lifelong Women’s Advocate

Dave Goldberg, Head of Web Survey Company and Half of a Silicon Valley Power Couple, Dies at 47

Public perceptions of race relations in America have grown substantially more negative in the aftermath of the death of a young black man who was injured while in police custody in Baltimore and the subsequent unrest, far eclipsing the sentiment recorded in the wake of turmoil in Ferguson, Mo., last summer.

Americans are also increasingly likely to say that the police are more apt to use deadly force against a black person, the latest New York Times/CBS News poll finds.

The poll findings highlight the challenges for local leaders and police officials in trying to maintain order while sustaining faith in the criminal justice system in a racially polarized nation.

Sixty-one percent of Americans now say race relations in this country are generally bad. That figure is up sharply from 44 percent after the fatal police shooting of Michael Brown and the unrest that followed in Ferguson in August, and 43 percent in December. In a CBS News poll just two months ago, 38 percent said race relations were generally bad. Current views are by far the worst of Barack Obama’s presidency.

The negative sentiment is echoed by broad majorities of blacks and whites alike, a stark change from earlier this year, when 58 percent of blacks thought race relations were bad, but just 35 percent of whites agreed. In August, 48 percent of blacks and 41 percent of whites said they felt that way.

Looking ahead, 44 percent of Americans think race relations are worsening, up from 36 percent in December. Forty-one percent of blacks and 46 percent of whites think so. Pessimism among whites has increased 10 points since December.

Continue reading the main story
Do you think race relations in the United States are generally good or generally bad?
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Do you think race relations in the United States are getting better, getting worse or staying about the same?
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The poll finds that profound racial divisions in views of how the police use deadly force remain. Blacks are more than twice as likely to say police in most communities are more apt to use deadly force against a black person — 79 percent of blacks say so compared with 37 percent of whites. A slim majority of whites say race is not a factor in a police officer’s decision to use deadly force.

Overall, 44 percent of Americans say deadly force is more likely to be used against a black person, up from 37 percent in August and 40 percent in December.

Blacks also remain far more likely than whites to say they feel mostly anxious about the police in their community. Forty-two percent say so, while 51 percent feel mostly safe. Among whites, 8 in 10 feel mostly safe.

One proposal to address the matter — having on-duty police officers wear body cameras — receives overwhelming support. More than 9 in 10 whites and blacks alike favor it.

Continue reading the main story
How would you describe your feelings about the police in your community? Would you say they make you feel mostly safe or mostly anxious?
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Blacks
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In general, do you think the police in most communities are more likely to use deadly force against a black person, or more likely to use it against a white person, or don’t you think race affects police use of deadly force?
Police more likely to use deadly force against a black person
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Race DOES NOT affect police use of deadly force
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Asked specifically about the situation in Baltimore, most Americans expressed at least some confidence that the investigation by local authorities would be conducted fairly. But while nearly two-thirds of whites think so, fewer than half of blacks agree. Still, more blacks are confident now than were in August regarding the investigation in Ferguson. On Friday, six members of the police force involved in the arrest of Mr. Gray were charged with serious offenses, including manslaughter. The poll was conducted Thursday through Sunday; results from before charges were announced are similar to those from after.

Reaction to the recent turmoil in Baltimore, however, is similar among blacks and whites. Most Americans, 61 percent, say the unrest after Mr. Gray’s death was not justified. That includes 64 percent of whites and 57 percent of blacks.

Continue reading the main story
As you may know, a Baltimore man, Freddie Gray, recently died after being in the custody of the Baltimore police. How much confidence do you have that the investigation by local authorities into this matter will be conducted fairly?
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In general, do you think the unrest in Baltimore after the death of Freddie Gray was justified, or do you think the unrest was not justified?
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6

Negative View of U.S. Race Relations Grows, Poll Finds

WASHINGTON — During a training course on defending against knife attacks, a young Salt Lake City police officer asked a question: “How close can somebody get to me before I’m justified in using deadly force?”

Dennis Tueller, the instructor in that class more than three decades ago, decided to find out. In the fall of 1982, he performed a rudimentary series of tests and concluded that an armed attacker who bolted toward an officer could clear 21 feet in the time it took most officers to draw, aim and fire their weapon.

The next spring, Mr. Tueller published his findings in SWAT magazine and transformed police training in the United States. The “21-foot rule” became dogma. It has been taught in police academies around the country, accepted by courts and cited by officers to justify countless shootings, including recent episodes involving a homeless woodcarver in Seattle and a schizophrenic woman in San Francisco.

Now, amid the largest national debate over policing since the 1991 beating of Rodney King in Los Angeles, a small but vocal set of law enforcement officials are calling for a rethinking of the 21-foot rule and other axioms that have emphasized how to use force, not how to avoid it. Several big-city police departments are already re-examining when officers should chase people or draw their guns and when they should back away, wait or try to defuse the situation

Police Rethink Long Tradition on Using Force

Hockey is not exactly known as a city game, but played on roller skates, it once held sway as the sport of choice in many New York neighborhoods.

“City kids had no rinks, no ice, but they would do anything to play hockey,” said Edward Moffett, former director of the Long Island City Y.M.C.A. Roller Hockey League, in Queens, whose games were played in city playgrounds going back to the 1940s.

From the 1960s through the 1980s, the league had more than 60 teams, he said. Players included the Mullen brothers of Hell’s Kitchen and Dan Dorion of Astoria, Queens, who would later play on ice for the National Hockey League.

One street legend from the heyday of New York roller hockey was Craig Allen, who lived in the Woodside Houses projects and became one of the city’s hardest hitters and top scorers.

“Craig was a warrior, one of the best roller hockey players in the city in the ’70s,” said Dave Garmendia, 60, a retired New York police officer who grew up playing with Mr. Allen. “His teammates loved him and his opponents feared him.”

Young Craig took up hockey on the streets of Queens in the 1960s, playing pickup games between sewer covers, wearing steel-wheeled skates clamped onto school shoes and using a roll of electrical tape as the puck.

His skill and ferocity drew attention, Mr. Garmendia said, but so did his skin color. He was black, in a sport made up almost entirely by white players.

“Roller hockey was a white kid’s game, plain and simple, but Craig broke the color barrier,” Mr. Garmendia said. “We used to say Craig did more for race relations than the N.A.A.C.P.”

Mr. Allen went on to coach and referee roller hockey in New York before moving several years ago to South Carolina. But he continued to organize an annual alumni game at Dutch Kills Playground in Long Island City, the same site that held the local championship games.

The reunion this year was on Saturday, but Mr. Allen never made it. On April 26, just before boarding the bus to New York, he died of an asthma attack at age 61.

Word of his death spread rapidly among hundreds of his old hockey colleagues who resolved to continue with the event, now renamed the Craig Allen Memorial Roller Hockey Reunion.

The turnout on Saturday was the largest ever, with players pulling on their old equipment, choosing sides and taking once again to the rink of cracked blacktop with faded lines and circles. They wore no helmets, although one player wore a fedora.

Another, Vinnie Juliano, 77, of Long Island City, wore his hearing aids, along with his 50-year-old taped-up quads, or four-wheeled skates with a leather boot. Many players here never converted to in-line skates, and neither did Mr. Allen, whose photograph appeared on a poster hanging behind the players’ bench.

“I’m seeing people walking by wondering why all these rusty, grizzly old guys are here playing hockey,” one player, Tommy Dominguez, said. “We’re here for Craig, and let me tell you, these old guys still play hard.”

Everyone seemed to have a Craig Allen story, from his earliest teams at Public School 151 to the Bryant Rangers, the Woodside Wings, the Woodside Blues and more.

Mr. Allen, who became a yellow-cab driver, was always recruiting new talent. He gained the nickname Cabby for his habit of stopping at playgrounds all over the city to scout players.

Teams were organized around neighborhoods and churches, and often sponsored by local bars. Mr. Allen, for one, played for bars, including Garry Owen’s and on the Fiddler’s Green Jokers team in Inwood, Manhattan.

Play was tough and fights were frequent.

“We were basically street gangs on skates,” said Steve Rogg, 56, a mail clerk who grew up in Jackson Heights, Queens, and who on Saturday wore his Riedell Classic quads from 1972. “If another team caught up with you the night before a game, they tossed you a beating so you couldn’t play the next day.”

Mr. Garmendia said Mr. Allen’s skin color provoked many fights.

“When we’d go to some ignorant neighborhoods, a lot of players would use slurs,” Mr. Garmendia said, recalling a game in Ozone Park, Queens, where local fans parked motorcycles in a lineup next to the blacktop and taunted Mr. Allen. Mr. Garmendia said he checked a player into the motorcycles, “and the bikes went down like dominoes, which started a serious brawl.”

A group of fans at a game in Brooklyn once stuck a pole through the rink fence as Mr. Allen skated by and broke his jaw, Mr. Garmendia said, adding that carloads of reinforcements soon arrived to defend Mr. Allen.

And at another racially incited brawl, the police responded with six patrol cars and a helicopter.

Before play began on Saturday, the players gathered at center rink to honor Mr. Allen. Billy Barnwell, 59, of Woodside, recalled once how an all-white, all-star squad snubbed Mr. Allen by playing him third string. He scored seven goals in the first game and made first string immediately.

“He’d always hear racial stuff before the game, and I’d ask him, ‘How do you put up with that?’” Mr. Barnwell recalled. “Craig would say, ‘We’ll take care of it,’ and by the end of the game, he’d win guys over. They’d say, ‘This guy’s good.’”

Tribute for a Roller Hockey Warrior
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