PAKET UMROH BULAN FEBRUARI MARET APRIL MEI 2018




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saco-indonesia.com, Polisi telah mengantisipasi adanya pemotor yang telah melintas Jalan Layang Non Tol (JLNT) dari arah Tanah Abang-Kampung Melayu. Polisi telah menggelar razia usai ada kecelakaan yang telah menewaskan pengendara motor.

"Kita selalu antisipasi untuk dapat mencegah kendaraan yang telah melintas ke atas," ujar Kanit Lantas Polsek Tanah Abang Kompol Sujoko di lokasi, Selasa (28/1).

pemotor tetap membandel dari arah Kampung Melayu arah Tanah Abang. Mereka juga tetap menerabas JLNT yang tidak diperbolehkan dilintasi pemotor.

Setibanya di bawah, polisi yang berjaga langsung memberhentikan mereka. Polisi pun juga menindak mereka dengan memberikan sanksi tilang.

Namun, ada saja akal pemotor. Mereka telah berupaya selap selip ketika polisi sibuk menilang pemotor lainnya.

Sebelumnya, Jalan Layang Non Tol (JLNT) Kampung Melayu-Tanah Abang telah memakan korban pada Senin (27/1) kemarin sekitar pukul 22.45 WIB. Suami istri yang mengendarai motor telah mengalami kecelakaan karena melawan arus menghindari polisi.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

WANITA HAMIL TEWAS DI JLNT
Jagad Indonesia ini memungkinkan dikembangkan tanaman sayur-sayuran yang banyak bermanfaat bagi pertumbuhan dan perkembangan bagi manusia. Sehingga ditinjau dari aspek klimatologis Indonesia sangat tepat untuk dikembangkan untuk bisnis sayuran.Di antara tanaman sayur-sayuran yang mudah dibudidayakan adalah caisim. Karena caisim ini sangat mudah dikembangkan dan banyak kalangan yang menyukai dan memanfaatkannya. Selain itu juga sangat potensial untuk komersial dan prospek sangat baik.Ditinjau dari aspek klimatologis, aspek teknis, aspek ekonomis dan aspek sosialnya sangat mendukung, sehingga memiliki kelayakan untuk diusahakan di Indonesia. Sebutan sawi orang asing adalah mustard. Perdagangan internasional dengan sebutan green mustard, chinese mustard, indian mustard ataupun sarepta mustard. Orang Jawa, Madura menyebutnya dengan sawi, sedang orang Sunda menyebut sasawi. B. MANFAAT. Manfaat sawi sangat baik untuk menghilangkan rasa gatal di tenggorokan pada penderita batuk. Penyembuh penyakit kepala, bahan pembersih darah, memperbaiki fungsi ginjal, serta memperbaiki dan memperlancar pencernaan. Sedangkan kandungan yang terdapat pada sawi adalah protein, lemak, karbohidrat, Ca, P, Fe, Vitamin A, Vitamin B, dan Vitamin C. JENIS SAWI A. KLASIFIKASI BOTANI. Divisi : Spermatophyta. Subdivisi : Angiospermae. Kelas : Dicotyledonae. Ordo : Rhoeadales (Brassicales). Famili : Cruciferae (Brassicaceae). Genus : Brassica. Spesies : Brassica Juncea. B. JENIS-JENIS SAWI. Secara umum tanaman sawi biasanya mempunyai daun panjang, halus, tidak berbulu, dan tidak berkrop. Petani kita hanya mengenal 3 macam sawi yang biasa dibudidayakan yaitu : sawi putih (sawi jabung), sawi hijau, dan sawi huma. Sekarang ini masyarakat lebih mengenal caisim alias sawi bakso. Selain itu juga ada pula jenis sawi keriting dan sawi sawi monumen. Caisim alias sawi bakso ada juga yang menyebutnya sawi cina., merupakan jenis sawi yang paling banyak dijajakan di pasar-pasae dewasa ini. Tangkai daunnya panjang, langsing, berwarna putih kehijauan. Daunnya lebar memanjang, tipis dan berwarna hijau. Rasanya yang renyah, segar, dengan sedikit sekali rasa pahit. Selain enak ditumis atau dioseng, juga untuk pedangan mie bakso, mie ayam, atau restoran cina. SYARAT TUMBUH Sawi bukan tanaman asli Indonesia, menurut asalnya di Asia. Karena Indonesia mempunyai kecocokan terhadap iklim, cuaca dan tanahnya sehingga dikembangkan di Indonesia ini. Tanaman sawi dapat tumbuh baik di tempat yang berhawa panas maupun berhawa dingin, sehingga dapat diusahakan dari dataran rendah maupun dataran tinggi. Meskipun demikian pada kenyataannya hasil yang diperoleh lebih baik di dataran tinggi Daerah penanaman yang cocok adalah mulai dari ketinggian 5 meter sampai dengan 1.200 meter di atas permukaan laut. Namun biasanya dibudidayakan pada daerah yang mempunyai ketinggian 100 meter sampai 500 meter dpl. Tanaman sawi tahan terhadap air hujan, sehingga dapat di tanam sepanjang tahun. Pada musim kemarau yang perlu diperhatikan adalah penyiraman secara teratur. Berhubung dalam pertumbuhannya tanaman ini membutuhkan hawa yang sejuk. lebih cepat tumbuh apabila ditanam dalam suasana lembab. Akan tetapi tanaman ini juga tidak senang pada air yang menggenang. Dengan demikian, tanaman ini cocok bils di tanam pada akhir musim penghujan. Tanah yang cocok untuk ditanami sawi adalah tanah gembur, banyak mengandung humus, subur, serta pembuangan airnya baik. Derajat kemasaman (pH) tanah yang optimum untuk pertumbuhannya adalah antara pH 6 sampai pH 7. BUDIDAYA TANAMAN SAWI Cara bertanam sawi sesungguhnya tak berbeda jauh dengan budidaya sayuran pada umumnya. Budidaya konvensional di lahan meliputi proses pengolahan lahan, penyiapan benih, teknik penanaman, penyediaan pupuk dan pestisida, serta pemeliharaan tanaman. Sawi dapat ditanam secara monokultur maupun tunmpang sari. Tanaman yang dapat ditumpangsarikan antara lain : bawang dau, wortel, bayam, kangkung darat. Sedangkan menanam benih sawi ada yang secara langsung tetapi ada juga melalui pembibitan terlebih dahulu. Berikut ini akan dibahas mengenai teknik budidaya sawi secara konvensional di lahan. A. BENIH. Benih merupakan salah satu faktor penentu keberhasilan usaha tani. Benih yang baik akan menghasilkan tanaman yang tumbuh dengan bagus. Kebutuhan benih sawi untuk setiap hektar lahan tanam sebesar 750 gram. Benih sawi berbentuk bulat, kecil-kecil. Permukaannya licin mengkilap dan agak keras. Warna kulit benih coklat kehitaman. Benih yang akan kita gunakan harus mempunyai kualitas yang baik, seandainya beli harus kita perhatikan lama penyimpanan, varietas, kadar air, suhu dan tempat menyimpannya. Selain itu juga harus memperhatikan kemasan benih harus utuh. kemasan yang baik adalah dengan alumunium foil. Apabila benih yang kita gunakan dari hasil pananaman kita harus memperhatikan kualitas benih itu, misalnya tanaman yang akan diambil sebagai benih harus berumur lebih dari 70 hari. Dan penanaman sawi yang akan dijadikan benih terpisah dari tanaman sawi yang lain. Juga memperhatikan proses yang akan dilakukan mesilnya dengan dianginkan, tempat penyimpanan dan diharapkan lama penggunaan benih tidak lebih dari 3 tahun. B. PENGOLAHAN TANAH. Pengolahan tanah secara umum melakukan penggemburan dan pembuatan bedengan. Tahap-tahap pengemburan yaitu pencangkulan untuk memperbaiki struktur tanah dan sirkulasi udara dan pemberian pupuk dasar untuk memperbaiki fisik serta kimia tanah yang akan menambah kesuburan lahan yang akan kita gunakan. Tanah yang hendak digemburkan harus dibersihkan dari bebatuan, rerumputan, semak atau pepohonan yang tumbuh. Dan bebas dari daerah ternaungi, karena tanaman sawi suka pada cahaya matahari secara langsung. Sedangkan kedalaman tanah yang dicangkul sedalam 20 sampai 40 cm. Pemberian pupuk organik sangat baik untuk penyiapan tanah. Sebagai contoh pemberian pupuk kandang yang baik yaitu 10 ton/ha. Pupuk kandang diberikan saat penggemburan agar cepat merata dan bercampur dengan tanah yang akan kita gunakan Bila daerah yang mempunyai pH terlalu rendah (asam) sebaiknya dilakukan pengapuran. Pengapuran ini bertujuan untuk menaikkan derajad keasam tanah, pengapuran ini dilakukan jauh-jauh sebelum penanaman benih, yaitu kira-kira 2 sampai 4 minggu sebelumnya. Sehingga waktu yang baik dalam melakukan penggemburan tanah yaitu 2 – 4 minggu sebelum lahan hendak ditanam. Jenis kapur yang digunakan adalah kapur kalsit (CaCO3) atau dolomit (CaMg(CO3)2). C. PEMBIBITAN. Pembibitan dapat dilakukan bersamaan dengan pengolahan tanah untuk penanaman. Karena lebih efisien dan benih akan lebih cepat beradaptasi terhadap lingkungannya. Sedang ukuran bedengan pembibitan yaitu lebar 80 – 120 cm dan panjangnya 1 – 3 meter. Curah hujan lebih dari 200 mm/bulan, tinggi bedengan 20 – 30 cm. Dua minggu sebelum di tabur benih, bedengan pembibitan ditaburi dengan pupuk kandang lalu di tambah 20 gram urea, 10 gram TSP, dan 7,5 gram Kcl. Cara melakukan pembibitan ialah sebagai berikut : benih ditabur, lalu ditutupi tanah setebal 1 – 2 cm, lalu disiram dengan sprayer, kemudian diamati 3 – 5 hari benih akan tumbuh setelah berumur 3 – 4 minggu sejak disemaikan tanaman dipindahkan ke bedengan. D. PENANAMAN. Bedengan dengan ukuran lebar 120 cm dan panjang sesuai dengan ukuran petak tanah. Tinggi bedeng 20 – 30 cm dengan jarak antar bedeng 30 cm, seminggu sebelum penanaman dilakukan pemupukan terlebih dahulu yaitu pupuk kandang 10 ton/ha, TSP 100 kg/ha, Kcl 75 kg/ha Sedang jarak tanam dalam bedengan 40 x 40 cm , 30 x 30 dan 20 x 20 cm. Pilihlah bibit yang baik, pindahkan bibit dengan hati-hati, lalu membuat lubang dengan ukuran 4 – 8 x 6 – 10 cm. E. PEMELIHARAAN. Pemeliharaan adalah hal yang penting. Sehingga akan sangat berpengaruh terhadap hasil yang akan didapat. Pertama-tama yang perlu diperhatikan adalah penyiraman, penyiraman ini tergantung pada musim, bila musim penghujan dirasa berlebih maka kita perlu melakukan pengurangan air yang ada, tetapi sebaliknya bila musim kemarau tiba kita harus menambah air demi kecukupan tanaman sawi yang kita tanam. Bila tidak terlalu panaspenyiraman dilakukan sehari cukup sekali sore atau pagi hari. Tahap selanjutnya yaitu penjarangan, penjarangan dilakukan 2 minggu setelah penanaman. Caranya dengan mencabut tanaman yang tumbuh terlalu rapat. Selanjutnya tahap yang dilakukan adalah penyulaman, penyulaman ialah tindakan penggantian tanaman ini dengan tanaman baru. Caranya sangat mudah yaitu tanaman yang mati atau terserang hama dan penyakit diganti dengan tanaman yang baru. Penyiangan biasanya dilakukan 2 – 4 kali selama masa pertanaman sawi, disesuaikan dengan kondisi keberadaan gulma pada bedeng penanaman. Biasanya penyiangan dilakukan 1 atau 2 minggu setelah penanaman. Apabila perlu dilakukan penggemburan dan pengguludan bersamaan dengan penyiangan. Pemupukan tambahan diberikan setelah 3 minggu tanam, yaitu dengan urea 50 kg/ha. Dapat juga dengan satu sendok the sekitar 25 gram dilarutkan dalam 25 liter air dapat disiramkan untuk 5 m bedengan. PENANAMAN VERTIKULTUR Langkah – angkah penanaman secara vertikultur adalah sebagai berikut : 1. Benih disemaikan pada kotak persemaian denagn media pasir. Bibit dirawat hingga siap ditanaman pada umur 14 hari sejak benih disemaikan. 2. Sediakan media tanam berupa tanah top soil, pupuk kandang, pasir dan kompos dengan perbandingan 2:1:1:1 yang dicampur secara merata. 3. Masukkan campuran media tanam tersebut ke dalam polibag yang berukuran 20 x 30 cm. 4. Pindahkan bibit tanaman yang sudah siap tanam ke dalam polibag yang tersedia. Tanaman yang dipindahkan biasanya telah berdaun 3 – 5 helai. 5. Polibag yang sudah ditanami disusun pada rak-rak yang tersedia pada Lath House. PENANAMAN HIDROPONIK. Langkah-langkah penanaman secara hidroponik adalah sebagai berikut : 1. Siapkan wadah persemaian . Masukkan media berupa pasir halus yang disterilkan setebal 3 – 4 cm. Taburkan benih sawi di atasnya selanjutnya tutupi kembali dengan lapisan pasir setebal 0,5 cm. 2. Setelah bibit tumbuh dan berdaun 3 – 5 helai (umur 3 – 4 minggu0, bibit dicabut dengan hati-hati, selanjutnya bagian akarnya dicuci dengan air hingga bersih, akar yang terlalu panjang dapat digunting. 3. Bak penanaman diisi bagian bawahnya dengan kerikil steril setebal 7 – 10 cm, selanjutnya di sebelah atas ditambahkan lapisan pasir kasar yang juga sudah steril setebal 20 cm. 4. Buat lubang penanaman dengan jarak sekitar 25 x 25 cm, masukkan bibit ke lubang tersebut, tutupi bagian akar bibit dengan media hingga melewati leher akar, usahakan posisi bibit tegak lurus dengan media. 5. Berikan larutan hidroponik lewat penyiraman, dapat pula pemberian dilakukan dengan sistem drip irigation atau sistem lainnya, tanaman baru selanjutnya dipelihara hingga tumbuh besar. HAMA DAN PENYAKIT A. HAMA. 1. Ulat titik tumbuh (Crocidolomia binotalis Zell.). 2. Ulat tritip (Plutella maculipennis). 3. Siput (Agriolimas sp.). 4. Ulat Thepa javanica. 5. Cacing bulu (cut worm). BUDIDAYA TANAMAN SAWI

saco-indonesia.com, Sekjen Partai Demokrat Edhie Baskoro alias Ibas telah mengaku siap untuk diperiksa Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) untuk dalam kasus mega proyek Hambalang. Kesiapan Ibas karena dirinya telah merasa tak bersalah dan tak terlibat dalam kasus itu.

Demikian yang telah disampaikan Ibas usai dalam menghadiri acara pelantikan Gubernur dan Wakil Gubernur Jawa Timur di Gedung DPRD Jawa Timur, Jalan Indrapura, Surabaya.

Putra bungsu Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono tersebut juga mengaku menyerahkan kasus itu kepada proses hukum dan Ibas siap jika sewaktu-waktu dipanggil KPK.

Sementara itu mengenai pernyataan Anas Urbaningrum yang telah menyebut dirinya terseret dalam kasus tersebut, Ibas menganggapnya jika pernyataan Anas itu merupakan fitnah.   


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

IBAS SIAP DIPERIKSA KPK SOAL HAMBALANG

Selamat Datang Di Rental Mobil Solo ANUGRAH Rent Car, jasa transportasi di kota Solo dengan telah memiliki berbagai keunggulan dan pelayanan untuk perjalanan wisata maupun berbagai kebutuhan transportasi untuk Anda. ANUGRAH Rent Car Solo atau biasa di sebut sewa mobil Solo Anugrah, dengan memberikan berbagai fasilitas-fasilitas terlengkap dengan persewaan mobil murah di Solo. Jadi sebagai jasa sewa mobil di kota Solo kami merasa bangga atas rekomendasi masyarakat dan pelanggan yang telah senantiasa setia memakai dari jasa rental mobil Anugrah.
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Kami yang sudah 13 tahun lamanya telah melayani dengan sepenuh hati kepada konsumen dan pelanggan yang memakai jasa rental mobil Anugrah akan terus meningkatkan kinerja di siplin dan bertanggung jawab dalam pengantaran maupun setiap perjalanan pemakai. ANUGRAH Rent Car Solo yang berada di Kadipiro Banjarsari Solo, tentunya sangat mudah di jangkau dan juga bisa Anda datangi langsung ke tempat persewaan kami. Dengan Bapak Budi sebagai pemilik persewaan mobil Solo Anugrah juga memberikan sebuah ucapan terima kasih yang sebesar-besarnya kepada para pelanggan yang telah mempercayakan kami sebagai jasa rental mobil di Solo TERMURAH, TERBAIK, TERLENGKAP, dan TERPERCAYA.
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Berbagai Armada untuk perjalanan bisa Anda pilih mulai dari yang menengah sampai Armada terbaik, karena kami selaku rental mobil Solo yang selalu melengkapi kebutuhan dan permintaan konsumen juga akan memberikan yang terlengkap dalam pilihan Armada. Anda bisa memilih mulai dari Xenia, Avanza, Innova, ELF, Pregio, Terios, APV, Travello, Camry, Alphard dengan harga sewa mobil murah di Solo. Selain itu kami memberikan fasilitas driver yang selalu bertanggung jawab, disiplin dalam kerja, ramah, dan tentunya siap dalam medan area lokasi tujuan Anda dengan pemanduan GRATIS untuk Anda apabila belum mengenal wilayah kota Solo.
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Persewaan mobil Solo Anugrah memiliki sebuah visi dan misi yang terbaik untuk kota Solo. Sebagai warga kota Solo, tentunya dengan keberadaan sewa mobil di Solo akan memberikan kemudahan para wisatawan yang berkunjung di Solo. Mereka bisa lebih mudah berkeliling wisata Solo maupun sekitar wilayah Surakarta. Memperlancar jasa transportasi yang semakin padat juga membuat kami untuk memikirkan sebuah jalan keluar agar tidak menjadi sebuah kemacetan di kota Solo ini.
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  Tak terasa 13 tahun lebih rental mobil Solo Anugrah melayani pelanggan setia dengan penuh tanggung jawab serta sudah menjadi rekomendai jasa persewaan mobil di kota Solo ini, tentunya dengan sekian lamanya kami memberikan berbagai fasilitas kemudahan, kenyamanan, dan keamanan dalam melayani setiap konsumen tak menjadikan kami untuk berbangga diri. Akan tetapi sewa mobil Solo ANUGRAH akan selalu mempertahankan dedikasi yang di peroleh untuk meningkatkan kepercayaan konsumen dan pelanggan.
Sewa Mobil Solo Anugrah yang selalu memberikan berbagai kemudahan dalam jasa transportasi berwisata akan senantiasa memberikan kenyamanan dan keamanan pelanggan agar tetap merasa nyaman bersama rental mobil Solo Anugrah. Jangan salah untuk memilih kami sebagai salah satu jasa sewa mobil untuk berwisata maupun acara keperluan Anda. Walau sekarang sudah banyak jasa-jasa sewa mobil yang muncul entah satu perusahaan maupun lain, tetapi bagi kami satu nama satu usaha akan selalu memberikan jalan terbaik bagi persewaan mobil kami.

Mengapa Harus Rental Mobil Solo ANUGRAH ???

Ya, rental mobil Solo Anugrah yang memberikan berbagai fasilitas terbaik untuk Anda tentunya akan menjadi kenyamanan tersendiri saat memakai jasa sewa mobil kami. ANUGRAH Rent Car Solo yang melayani persewaan mobil di kota Solo, Jogja, Semarang, Purwodadi, Madiun, Karanganyar, Sragen, Boyolali, Klaten, Wonogiri, Sukoharjo dan masih banyak kota-kota daerah di Jawa Tengah lainnya yang dilengkapi armada yang lengkap serta termurah di kota Solo tentunya menjadi pilihan kebanggaan para konsumen dan pelanggan setia kami.
Pilihan Tepat Untuk Memilih Jasa Rental Mobil Solo ANUGRAH

RENTAL MOBIL SOLO ANUGRAH RENT CAR

saco-indonesia.com,

Sendiri, sendiri ku diam, diam dan merenung
Merenungkan jalan yang kan membawaku pergi
Pergi tuk menjauh, menjauh darimu
Darimu yang mulai berhenti
Berhenti mencoba, mencoba bertahan
Bertahan untuk terus bersamaku

Ku berlari kau terdiam
Ku menangis kau tersenyum
Ku berduka kau bahagia
Ku pergi kau kembali

Ku coba meraih mimpi
Kau coba 'tuk hentikan mimpi
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Bayangkan.. bayangkan ku hilang, hilang tak kembali
Kembali untuk mempertanyakan lagi cinta
Cintamu yang mungkin, mungkin tak berarti
Berarti untuk ku rindukan

Ku berlari kau terdiam
Ku menangis kau tersenyum
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Ku berduka kau bahagia
Ku pergi kau kembali

Ku coba meraih mimpi
Kau coba tuk hentikan mimpi
Memang kita takkan menyatu

Ini harusnya kita coba saling melupakan
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Ku berduka kau bahagia
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Kau coba tuk hentikan mimpi
Memang kita takkan menyatu

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Cakra Khan - Harus Terpisah Lyrics

Gagne wrestled professionally from the late 1940s until the 1980s and was a transitional figure between the early 20th century barnstormers and the steroidal sideshows of today

Verne Gagne, Wrestler Who Grappled Through Two Eras, Dies at 89

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination

From sea to shining sea, or at least from one side of the Hudson to the other, politicians you have barely heard of are being accused of wrongdoing. There were so many court proceedings involving public officials on Monday that it was hard to keep up.

In Newark, two underlings of Gov. Chris Christie were arraigned on charges that they were in on the truly deranged plot to block traffic leading onto the George Washington Bridge.

Ten miles away, in Lower Manhattan, Dean G. Skelos, the leader of the New York State Senate, and his son, Adam B. Skelos, were arrested by the Federal Bureau of Investigation on accusations of far more conventional political larceny, involving a job with a sewer company for the son and commissions on title insurance and bond work.

The younger man managed to receive a 150 percent pay increase from the sewer company even though, as he said on tape, he “literally knew nothing about water or, you know, any of that stuff,” according to a criminal complaint the United States attorney’s office filed.

The success of Adam Skelos, 32, was attributed by prosecutors to his father’s influence as the leader of the Senate and as a potentate among state Republicans. The indictment can also be read as one of those unfailingly sad tales of a father who cannot stop indulging a grown son. The senator himself is not alleged to have profited from the schemes, except by being relieved of the burden of underwriting Adam.

The bridge traffic caper is its own species of crazy; what distinguishes the charges against the two Skeloses is the apparent absence of a survival instinct. It is one thing not to know anything about water or that stuff. More remarkable, if true, is the fact that the sewer machinations continued even after the former New York Assembly speaker, Sheldon Silver, was charged in January with taking bribes disguised as fees.

It was by then common gossip in political and news media circles that Senator Skelos, a Republican, the counterpart in the Senate to Mr. Silver, a Democrat, in the Assembly, could be next in line for the criminal dock. “Stay tuned,” the United States attorney, Preet Bharara said, leaving not much to the imagination.

Even though the cat had been unmistakably belled, Skelos father and son continued to talk about how to advance the interests of the sewer company, though the son did begin to use a burner cellphone, the kind people pay for in cash, with no traceable contracts.

That was indeed prudent, as prosecutors had been wiretapping the cellphones of both men. But it would seem that the burner was of limited value, because by then the prosecutors had managed to secure the help of a business executive who agreed to record calls with the Skeloses. It would further seem that the business executive was more attentive to the perils of pending investigations than the politician.

Through the end of the New York State budget negotiations in March, the hopes of the younger Skelos rested on his father’s ability to devise legislation that would benefit the sewer company. That did not pan out. But Senator Skelos did boast that he had haggled with Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, a Democrat, in a successful effort to raise a $150 million allocation for Long Island to $550 million, for what the budget called “transformative economic development projects.” It included money for the kind of work done by the sewer company.

The lawyer for Adam Skelos said he was not guilty and would win in court. Senator Skelos issued a ringing declaration that he was unequivocally innocent.

THIS was also the approach taken in New Jersey by Bill Baroni, a man of great presence and eloquence who stopped outside the federal courthouse to note that he had taken risks as a Republican by bucking his party to support paid family leave, medical marijuana and marriage equality. “I would never risk my career, my job, my reputation for something like this,” Mr. Baroni said. “I am an innocent man.”

The lawyer for his co-defendant, Bridget Anne Kelly, the former deputy chief of staff to Mr. Christie, a Republican, said that she would strongly rebut the charges.

Perhaps they had nothing to do with the lane closings. But neither Mr. Baroni nor Ms. Kelly addressed the question of why they did not return repeated calls from the mayor of Fort Lee, N.J., begging them to stop the traffic tie-ups, over three days.

That silence was a low moment. But perhaps New York hit bottom faster. Senator Skelos, the prosecutors charged, arranged to meet Long Island politicians at the wake of Wenjian Liu, a New York City police officer shot dead in December, to press for payments to the company employing his son.

Sometimes it seems as though for some people, the only thing to be ashamed of is shame itself.

Finding Scandal in New York and New Jersey, but No Shame
Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”
Todd Heisler/The New York Times

Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’

Mr. Fox, known for his well-honed countrified voice, wrote about things dear to South Carolina and won over Yankee critics.

William Price Fox, Admired Southern Novelist and Humorist, Dies at 89

Mr. Goldberg was a serial Silicon Valley entrepreneur and venture capitalist who was married to Sheryl Sandberg, the chief operating officer of Facebook.

Dave Goldberg Was Lifelong Women’s Advocate

Dave Goldberg, Head of Web Survey Company and Half of a Silicon Valley Power Couple, Dies at 47

Imagine an elite professional services firm with a high-performing, workaholic culture. Everyone is expected to turn on a dime to serve a client, travel at a moment’s notice, and be available pretty much every evening and weekend. It can make for a grueling work life, but at the highest levels of accounting, law, investment banking and consulting firms, it is just the way things are.

Except for one dirty little secret: Some of the people ostensibly turning in those 80- or 90-hour workweeks, particularly men, may just be faking it.

Many of them were, at least, at one elite consulting firm studied by Erin Reid, a professor at Boston University’s Questrom School of Business. It’s impossible to know if what she learned at that unidentified consulting firm applies across the world of work more broadly. But her research, published in the academic journal Organization Science, offers a way to understand how the professional world differs between men and women, and some of the ways a hard-charging culture that emphasizes long hours above all can make some companies worse off.

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Credit Peter Arkle

Ms. Reid interviewed more than 100 people in the American offices of a global consulting firm and had access to performance reviews and internal human resources documents. At the firm there was a strong culture around long hours and responding to clients promptly.

“When the client needs me to be somewhere, I just have to be there,” said one of the consultants Ms. Reid interviewed. “And if you can’t be there, it’s probably because you’ve got another client meeting at the same time. You know it’s tough to say I can’t be there because my son had a Cub Scout meeting.”

Some people fully embraced this culture and put in the long hours, and they tended to be top performers. Others openly pushed back against it, insisting upon lighter and more flexible work hours, or less travel; they were punished in their performance reviews.

The third group is most interesting. Some 31 percent of the men and 11 percent of the women whose records Ms. Reid examined managed to achieve the benefits of a more moderate work schedule without explicitly asking for it.

They made an effort to line up clients who were local, reducing the need for travel. When they skipped work to spend time with their children or spouse, they didn’t call attention to it. One team on which several members had small children agreed among themselves to cover for one another so that everyone could have more flexible hours.

A male junior manager described working to have repeat consulting engagements with a company near enough to his home that he could take care of it with day trips. “I try to head out by 5, get home at 5:30, have dinner, play with my daughter,” he said, adding that he generally kept weekend work down to two hours of catching up on email.

Despite the limited hours, he said: “I know what clients are expecting. So I deliver above that.” He received a high performance review and a promotion.

What is fascinating about the firm Ms. Reid studied is that these people, who in her terminology were “passing” as workaholics, received performance reviews that were as strong as their hyper-ambitious colleagues. For people who were good at faking it, there was no real damage done by their lighter workloads.

It calls to mind the episode of “Seinfeld” in which George Costanza leaves his car in the parking lot at Yankee Stadium, where he works, and gets a promotion because his boss sees the car and thinks he is getting to work earlier and staying later than anyone else. (The strategy goes awry for him, and is not recommended for any aspiring partners in a consulting firm.)

A second finding is that women, particularly those with young children, were much more likely to request greater flexibility through more formal means, such as returning from maternity leave with an explicitly reduced schedule. Men who requested a paternity leave seemed to be punished come review time, and so may have felt more need to take time to spend with their families through those unofficial methods.

The result of this is easy to see: Those specifically requesting a lighter workload, who were disproportionately women, suffered in their performance reviews; those who took a lighter workload more discreetly didn’t suffer. The maxim of “ask forgiveness, not permission” seemed to apply.

It would be dangerous to extrapolate too much from a study at one firm, but Ms. Reid said in an interview that since publishing a summary of her research in Harvard Business Review she has heard from people in a variety of industries describing the same dynamic.

High-octane professional service firms are that way for a reason, and no one would doubt that insane hours and lots of travel can be necessary if you’re a lawyer on the verge of a big trial, an accountant right before tax day or an investment banker advising on a huge merger.

But the fact that the consultants who quietly lightened their workload did just as well in their performance reviews as those who were truly working 80 or more hours a week suggests that in normal times, heavy workloads may be more about signaling devotion to a firm than really being more productive. The person working 80 hours isn’t necessarily serving clients any better than the person working 50.

In other words, maybe the real problem isn’t men faking greater devotion to their jobs. Maybe it’s that too many companies reward the wrong things, favoring the illusion of extraordinary effort over actual productivity.

How Some Men Fake an 80-Hour Workweek, and Why It Matters

Hockey is not exactly known as a city game, but played on roller skates, it once held sway as the sport of choice in many New York neighborhoods.

“City kids had no rinks, no ice, but they would do anything to play hockey,” said Edward Moffett, former director of the Long Island City Y.M.C.A. Roller Hockey League, in Queens, whose games were played in city playgrounds going back to the 1940s.

From the 1960s through the 1980s, the league had more than 60 teams, he said. Players included the Mullen brothers of Hell’s Kitchen and Dan Dorion of Astoria, Queens, who would later play on ice for the National Hockey League.

One street legend from the heyday of New York roller hockey was Craig Allen, who lived in the Woodside Houses projects and became one of the city’s hardest hitters and top scorers.

“Craig was a warrior, one of the best roller hockey players in the city in the ’70s,” said Dave Garmendia, 60, a retired New York police officer who grew up playing with Mr. Allen. “His teammates loved him and his opponents feared him.”

Young Craig took up hockey on the streets of Queens in the 1960s, playing pickup games between sewer covers, wearing steel-wheeled skates clamped onto school shoes and using a roll of electrical tape as the puck.

His skill and ferocity drew attention, Mr. Garmendia said, but so did his skin color. He was black, in a sport made up almost entirely by white players.

“Roller hockey was a white kid’s game, plain and simple, but Craig broke the color barrier,” Mr. Garmendia said. “We used to say Craig did more for race relations than the N.A.A.C.P.”

Mr. Allen went on to coach and referee roller hockey in New York before moving several years ago to South Carolina. But he continued to organize an annual alumni game at Dutch Kills Playground in Long Island City, the same site that held the local championship games.

The reunion this year was on Saturday, but Mr. Allen never made it. On April 26, just before boarding the bus to New York, he died of an asthma attack at age 61.

Word of his death spread rapidly among hundreds of his old hockey colleagues who resolved to continue with the event, now renamed the Craig Allen Memorial Roller Hockey Reunion.

The turnout on Saturday was the largest ever, with players pulling on their old equipment, choosing sides and taking once again to the rink of cracked blacktop with faded lines and circles. They wore no helmets, although one player wore a fedora.

Another, Vinnie Juliano, 77, of Long Island City, wore his hearing aids, along with his 50-year-old taped-up quads, or four-wheeled skates with a leather boot. Many players here never converted to in-line skates, and neither did Mr. Allen, whose photograph appeared on a poster hanging behind the players’ bench.

“I’m seeing people walking by wondering why all these rusty, grizzly old guys are here playing hockey,” one player, Tommy Dominguez, said. “We’re here for Craig, and let me tell you, these old guys still play hard.”

Everyone seemed to have a Craig Allen story, from his earliest teams at Public School 151 to the Bryant Rangers, the Woodside Wings, the Woodside Blues and more.

Mr. Allen, who became a yellow-cab driver, was always recruiting new talent. He gained the nickname Cabby for his habit of stopping at playgrounds all over the city to scout players.

Teams were organized around neighborhoods and churches, and often sponsored by local bars. Mr. Allen, for one, played for bars, including Garry Owen’s and on the Fiddler’s Green Jokers team in Inwood, Manhattan.

Play was tough and fights were frequent.

“We were basically street gangs on skates,” said Steve Rogg, 56, a mail clerk who grew up in Jackson Heights, Queens, and who on Saturday wore his Riedell Classic quads from 1972. “If another team caught up with you the night before a game, they tossed you a beating so you couldn’t play the next day.”

Mr. Garmendia said Mr. Allen’s skin color provoked many fights.

“When we’d go to some ignorant neighborhoods, a lot of players would use slurs,” Mr. Garmendia said, recalling a game in Ozone Park, Queens, where local fans parked motorcycles in a lineup next to the blacktop and taunted Mr. Allen. Mr. Garmendia said he checked a player into the motorcycles, “and the bikes went down like dominoes, which started a serious brawl.”

A group of fans at a game in Brooklyn once stuck a pole through the rink fence as Mr. Allen skated by and broke his jaw, Mr. Garmendia said, adding that carloads of reinforcements soon arrived to defend Mr. Allen.

And at another racially incited brawl, the police responded with six patrol cars and a helicopter.

Before play began on Saturday, the players gathered at center rink to honor Mr. Allen. Billy Barnwell, 59, of Woodside, recalled once how an all-white, all-star squad snubbed Mr. Allen by playing him third string. He scored seven goals in the first game and made first string immediately.

“He’d always hear racial stuff before the game, and I’d ask him, ‘How do you put up with that?’” Mr. Barnwell recalled. “Craig would say, ‘We’ll take care of it,’ and by the end of the game, he’d win guys over. They’d say, ‘This guy’s good.’”

Tribute for a Roller Hockey Warrior

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Though Robin and Joan Rolfs owned two rare talking dolls manufactured by Thomas Edison’s phonograph company in 1890, they did not dare play the wax cylinder records tucked inside each one.

The Rolfses, longtime collectors of Edison phonographs, knew that if they turned the cranks on the dolls’ backs, the steel phonograph needle might damage or destroy the grooves of the hollow, ring-shaped cylinder. And so for years, the dolls sat side by side inside a display cabinet, bearers of a message from the dawn of sound recording that nobody could hear.

In 1890, Edison’s dolls were a flop; production lasted only six weeks. Children found them difficult to operate and more scary than cuddly. The recordings inside, which featured snippets of nursery rhymes, wore out quickly.

Yet sound historians say the cylinders were the first entertainment records ever made, and the young girls hired to recite the rhymes were the world’s first recording artists.

Year after year, the Rolfses asked experts if there might be a safe way to play the recordings. Then a government laboratory developed a method to play fragile records without touching them.

Audio

The technique relies on a microscope to create images of the grooves in exquisite detail. A computer approximates — with great accuracy — the sounds that would have been created by a needle moving through those grooves.

In 2014, the technology was made available for the first time outside the laboratory.

“The fear all along is that we don’t want to damage these records. We don’t want to put a stylus on them,” said Jerry Fabris, the curator of the Thomas Edison Historical Park in West Orange, N.J. “Now we have the technology to play them safely.”

Last month, the Historical Park posted online three never-before-heard Edison doll recordings, including the two from the Rolfses’ collection. “There are probably more out there, and we’re hoping people will now get them digitized,” Mr. Fabris said.

The technology, which is known as Irene (Image, Reconstruct, Erase Noise, Etc.), was developed by the particle physicist Carl Haber and the engineer Earl Cornell at Lawrence Berkeley. Irene extracts sound from cylinder and disk records. It can also reconstruct audio from recordings so badly damaged they were deemed unplayable.

“We are now hearing sounds from history that I did not expect to hear in my lifetime,” Mr. Fabris said.

The Rolfses said they were not sure what to expect in August when they carefully packed their two Edison doll cylinders, still attached to their motors, and drove from their home in Hortonville, Wis., to the National Document Conservation Center in Andover, Mass. The center had recently acquired Irene technology.

Audio

Cylinders carry sound in a spiral groove cut by a phonograph recording needle that vibrates up and down, creating a surface made of tiny hills and valleys. In the Irene set-up, a microscope perched above the shaft takes thousands of high-resolution images of small sections of the grooves.

Stitched together, the images provide a topographic map of the cylinder’s surface, charting changes in depth as small as one five-hundredth the thickness of a human hair. Pitch, volume and timbre are all encoded in the hills and valleys and the speed at which the record is played.

At the conservation center, the preservation specialist Mason Vander Lugt attached one of the cylinders to the end of a rotating shaft. Huddled around a computer screen, the Rolfses first saw the wiggly waveform generated by Irene. Then came the digital audio. The words were at first indistinct, but as Mr. Lugt filtered out more of the noise, the rhyme became clearer.

“That was the Eureka moment,” Mr. Rolfs said.

In 1890, a girl in Edison’s laboratory had recited:

There was a little girl,

And she had a little curl

Audio

Right in the middle of her forehead.

When she was good,

She was very, very good.

But when she was bad, she was horrid.

Recently, the conservation center turned up another surprise.

In 2010, the Woody Guthrie Foundation received 18 oversize phonograph disks from an anonymous donor. No one knew if any of the dirt-stained recordings featured Guthrie, but Tiffany Colannino, then the foundation’s archivist, had stored them unplayed until she heard about Irene.

Last fall, the center extracted audio from one of the records, labeled “Jam Session 9” and emailed the digital file to Ms. Colannino.

“I was just sitting in my dining room, and the next thing I know, I’m hearing Woody,” she said. In between solo performances of “Ladies Auxiliary,” “Jesus Christ,” and “Dead or Alive,” Guthrie tells jokes, offers some back story, and makes the audience laugh. “It is quintessential Guthrie,” Ms. Colannino said.

The Rolfses’ dolls are back in the display cabinet in Wisconsin. But with audio stored on several computers, they now have a permanent voice.

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