PAKET UMROH BULAN FEBRUARI MARET APRIL MEI 2018




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Saco-Indonesia.com - Tidak usah takut orang-orang KPK asalkan bkerja tulus iklas karena Alloh untuk memakmurkan bangsa ini sehebat apapun dukun yang akan menyerang orang-orang KPK tidak akan mampu melawan kekuatan Alloh. karena orang-orang Koruptor itu jumlahnya kalah banya dengan orang-orang disakiti oleh Koruptor itu sendiri, jadi dengan banyaknya doa dari orang-orang tersakiti oleh koruptor maka santet apapun tidak akan berhasil untuk memerangi orang-orang KPK, terus berjuang tegakan hukum sesuai Quran dan Hadist. Percaya tidak percaya klenik juga berhubungan dengan Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi ( KPK ). Sejumlah paranormal menyebut ada upaya dari pihak sakit hati menyerang pimpinan lembaga antirasuah secara gaib.

Kabar itu makin santer ketika KPK mengusut dugaan korupsi yang menjerat dinasti Gubernur Banten Ratu Atut Chosiyah . Tanpa diminta beberapa paranormal datang untuk memberikan pengamanan.

Tokoh Banten Ahmad Subadri sempat bertemu dengan Ketua KPK Abraham Samad dan Wakil Adnan Pandu Praja agar tidak terpengaruh dengan serangan gaib. Sudah menjadi rahasia umum, Banten memang diidentikkan dengan hal-hal gaib yang demikian.

"KPK mengatakan tidak khawatir. Pak Abraham, Pandu mengatakan mereka siap lahir batin untuk memberantas korupsi di Banten," ujarnya.

Berikut cerita klenik di lembaga antikorupsi:

1. Ada serangan gaib, bola api & awan hitam masuk ke KPK

Serangan balik terhadap Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) ternyata dilakukan juga secara gaib. Paranormal Permadi mengaku dapat melihat KPK 'dikerjai' oleh para koruptor yang memakai jasa dukun.


"KPK kalau malam ada bola api masuk, ada awan hitam masuk," kata Permadi di Gedung KPK Jalan HR Rasuna Said, Kuningan, Jakarta Selatan, Selasa (17/12).

Politikus Gerindra itu berpesan agar nyali lembaga anti korupsi tak ciut menghadapi serangan seperti itu. Pria yang dikenal gemar berpakaian hitam-hitam tersebut mengaku sudah membentengi KPK.

"Saya akan bantu KPK dengan Eyang Subur, enggak perlu takut. Saya sudah membersihkan KPK," kata mantan anggota DPR itu.

2. Santet diarahkan ke ketua dan wakil KPK

Paranormal Ki Sabdo Jagad Royo mendatangi Gedung KPK. Ki Sabdo mengaku datang ke KPK untuk memberitahu ada ancaman serius bagi para pimpinan KPK. Apa ancaman yang dimaksud Ki Sabdo?


"Ya banyak pokoknya. Dan itu dilakukan dengan cara-cara gaib yang tidak terlihat," imbuh paranormal asal Surabaya itu.

Saat ditanya siapa yang mengirimkan santet kepada pimpinan KPK tersebut, Ki Sabdo enggan menyebutkan secara detail. Menurutnya pihak-pihak yang saat ini ini sedang diendus korupsinya tidak senang dan akan menyantet para pimpinan KPK.

"Saya ingatkan kepada Ketua KPK dan wakilnya ada ancaman serius. Bahkan mengarah ke nyawa anda," ujar Ki Sabdo.

3. Ditemukan kantong plastik hitam isi kulit kayu

Gundukan tanah tidak wajar ditemukan di halaman KPK oleh petugas keamanan. Setelah digali ditemukan benda berupa bungkusan kantong plastik hitam berisikan kulit kayu berbau wangi kembang.


Selain itu ditemukan juga bungkus balsem dalam plastik putih. Benda-benda itu diduga sengaja dikirim oleh pihak bermasalah secara gaib dengan keperluan jahat seperti santet.

"Awalnya penjaga melihat ada gundukan tanah yang tidak wajar di halaman KPK, ketika digali kami menemukan benda tersebut," terang Juru Bicara KPK Johan Budi.

4. Anak buah hakim mau santet KPK

Hakim Agung Andi Abu Ayub Saleh mengungkapkan anak buahnya berencana mengirim teluh alias santet ke Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK). Menurut dia, anak buahnya, Suprapto, ingin melakukan itu karena takut ditangkap.


"Dia (Suprapto) bilang mau santet Mario, Djodi, KPK. Saya bilang, 'Mana bisa kau santet KPK'. KPK itu gedung," kata Andi.

Hal itu disampaikan Mario saat bersaksi dalam persidangan terdakwa kasus dugaan suap pengurusan kasasi perkara Hutomo Wijaya Ongowarsito di Mahkamah Agung dengan terdakwa Mario Cornelio Bernardo.

5. Serpihan garam di halaman KPK

Suatu hari para penjaga di Gedung KPK dikejutkan dengan berserakannya garam di halaman. Juru Bicara KPK Johan budi mengatakan hal tersebut memang sudah berulang kali terjadi.

"Ini bukan pertama kali kami menemukan benda-benda aneh di area gedung KPK," kata Johan.

 

Editor : Liwon Maulana

Sumber : Merdeka.com

Jangan Takut Dengan Beberapa Cerita klenik yang beredar di KPK

saco-indonesia.com, Dua pelaku hipnotis dengan modus mengajak kerjasama korbannya, telah diringkus oleh anggota Reskrim Polres Jakarta Utara, Kamis (19/12) dinihari. Kedua pelaku tersebut Budiman yang berusia 35 tahun dan Faisal yang berusia 38 tahun , telah ditangkap usai membawa kabur uang Rp 8 juta dari kartu ATM milik Turyanto, yang berusia 41 tahun .

Kasat Reskrim Polres Jakarta Utara, AKBP Daddy Hartadi juga mengatakan, dua pelaku telah memiliki jaringan kelompok tersebar di Jakarta. Setiap beraksi kepada calon korbannya mereka juga mengaku berasal dari negara Brunai Darusalam, Singapura atau Malaysia. “Mereka juga buat logat bahasa seperti orang Brunai. Begitu korban terlena selanjutnya mereka mengajak kerjasama,” kata Daddy.

Pelaku Budiman berpura-pura untuk menawarkan tumpangan sebagai pemilik mobil untuk dapat mengantarkan ke Roxi. Namun saat berada di jalan korban di imingi kartu ATM yang saldonya masih berisi Rp99 juta. Korban yang tergiur selanjutnya disuruh tersangka untuk mengecek saldo kartu ATM korban dan hanya 8 juta.

Dalam pengaruh hipnotis korban langsung menuruti semua kemauan pelaku, termasuk diajak untuk menukar kartu ATM miliknya dengan ATM pelaku yang ternyata kosang. Dalam kondisi terhipnotis, ia kemudian di turunkan para pelaku di depan kantor Walikota Jakarta Utara.

Ia baru sadar 15 menit kemudian, ketika memeriksa kartu ATM-nya uangnya sudah raib. Sementara kartu ATM milik tersangka kosong. Kasus tersebut kemudian telah dilaporkan ke Polres Jakarta Utara.

Petugas yang bergerak cepat kemudian telah berhasil meringkus kedua tersangka tak jauh dari lokasi, berkat keterangan dan ciri-ciri yang telah disebutkan korban. “Tersangka sudah lama jadi DPO kita, korbannya juga sudah banyak. Kita harapakan bagi siapapun yang pernah ditipu dengan modus tersebut melapor ke Polrea Jakut,” ujar Daddy.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

UANG RP 8 JUTA RAIB SETELAH DIHIPNOTIS
KARTOGRAFI merupakan bagian dari ilmu geografi yang berhubungan dengan pemetaan. Hal ini berkaitan erat dengan sistem komunikasi antara si pembuat peta dan si pengguna peta. Untuk menyampaikan berbagai informasi, baik berupa informasi grafis maupun informasi atribut, diperlukan media yang tepat untuk menyampaikannya, yaitu dengan menggunakan peta sebagai media komunikasi dalam bentuk hardcopy maupun dalam bentuk softcopy.
 
 
 
Peta-peta ini nantinya dapat digunakan sebagai data dan dokumen baik secara aktual maupun secara periodik untuk memberikan informasi geografis suatu wilayah. Dalam kartografi, baik sebgai salah satu bagian dari ilmu geografi dan dokumen ilmiah, kartografi juga merupakan teknik dan pengetahuan untuk menunjukkan suatu fenomena geografis pada suatu daerah yang dipilih dan digeneralisasi. Baca Artikel Lengkapnya
 
A. PENDAHULUAN
Kartografi adalah ilmu dan teknik pembuatan peta (Prihandito, 1989). Dalam kaitannya dengan survei arkeologi, pembahasan mengenai kartografi pada bab ini tidak langsung dikaitkan dengan ilmu dan teknik pembuatan peta, tetapi lebih berkaitan dengan pemanfaatan peta yang sudah dipublikasikan untuk kepentingan survei. Ulasan tentang teknik pemetaan secara garis besar sudah dibahas dalam Bab
 
Mengingat peta termasuk sebagai perlengkapan utama dalam kegiatan survei arkeologis, maka bab ini selain membahas pemanfaatan peta untuk survei arkeologis, juga akan membahas tentang jenis-jenis peta dan teknik pembacaan peta. Pemanfaatan peta yang dikemukakan dalam bab ini dapat melengkapi ?Pengumpulan Informasi untuk Interpretasi? yang dijelaskan di Bab IV dan survei situs arkeologis yang dijelaskan di Bab VII, VIII, dan IX.
 
Kesimpulan : Kartografi merupakan suatu seni, ilmu pengetahuan, dan teknologi pembuatan peta.
 
B. PENYAJIAN
1. Peta dan Pengenalan Jenis-jenis Peta
MenurutICA(International Cartographic Association), yang dimaksud peta adalah gambaran unsure-unsur permukaan bumi (yang berkaitan dengan permukaan bumi) dan benda-benda diangkasa.
 
Menurut Erwin Raiz, peta merupakan gambaran konvesional permukaan bumi yang terpencil Dan kenampakannya terlihat dari atas dan ditambah tulisan-tulisan sebagai penjelasnya. Gambaran konvesional adalah gambaran yang sudah umum dan sudah diatur dengan aturan tertentu yang diakui umum.
 
Menurut Soetarjo Soerjosumarmo, peta adalah lukisan dengan tinta dari seluruh atau sebagian permukaan bumi yang diperkecil denagn perbandingan ukuran yang disebut skala atau kadar.
 
Peta adalah gambaran permukaan bumi dua dimensi dalam bidang datar yang mempunyai koordinat dan diskalakan.
 
Peta Rupabumi: Peta yang didalamnya menggambarkan tentang informasi kebumian, seperti jenis penggunaan lahan yang digambarkan dalam simbol piktorial, abstrak dan asosiasi.
 
Peta dapat diklasifikasikan menurut jenis, skala, fungsi, dan macam persoalan (maksud dan tujuan). Ditinjau dari jenisnya peta dapat dibedakan menjadi dua, yaitu peta foto dan peta garis. Peta foto adalah ?peta yang dihasilkan dari mosaik foto udara / ortofoto yang dilengkapi garis kontur, nama, dan legenda? (Prihandito 1989: 3).
Peta ini meliputi peta foto yang sudah direktifikasi dan peta ortofoto. Adapun peta garis adalah ?peta yang menyajikan detil alam dan buatan manusia dalam bentuk titik, garis, dan luasan? (Prihandito 1989: 3). Peta ini terdiri atas peta topografi dan peta tematik.
Ditinjau dari skalanya, peta dapat dibedakan menjadi peta skala besar (1:50.000 atau lebih kecil, misalnya 1:25.000) dan peta skala kecil (1:500.000 atau lebih besar).
 
Adapun menurut klasifikasi berdasarkan fungsi, terdapat tiga macam peta, yaitu:
Peta umum, yang antara lain memuat jalan, bangunan, batas wilayah, garis pantai, dan elevasi. Peta umum skala besar dikenal sebagai peta topografi, sedangkan yang berskala kecil berupa atlas;
Peta tematik, yang menunjukkan hubungan ruang dalam bentuk atribut tunggal atau hubungan atribut; dan
Kart, yang didesain untuk keperluan navigasi, nautical dan aeronautical (Prihandito 1989: 3-4).
 
Adapun peta yang dapat diklasifikasikan menurut macam persoalan (maksud dan tujuan), anta
ra lain meliputi: peta kadaster, peta geologi, peta tanah, peta ekonomi, peta kependudukan, peta iklim, dan peta tata guna tanah (Prihandito 1989: 4).
Di antara macam-macam peta peta tersebut, yang sering digunakan dalam survei arkeologi adalah peta topografi. Peta topografi adalah peta yang menampilkan, semua unsur yang berada di atas permukaan bumi, baik unsur alam maupun buatan manusia, sehingga disebut juga peta umum. Unsur alam antara lain meliputi: relief muka bumi, unsur hidrografi (sungai, danau, bentuk garis pantai), tanaman, permukaan es, salju, dan pasir (Prihandito 1989: 23; Hascaryo dan Sonjaya 2000: 10).
 
Adapun unsur buatan manusia di antaranya adalah: sarana perhubungan (jalan, rel kereta api, jembatan, terowongan, kanal), konstruksi (gedung, bendungan, jalur pipa, jaringan listrik), daerah khusus (daerah yang ditanami tumbuhan, taman, makam, permukiman, lapangan olah raga), dan batas administratif (Prihandito 1989: 22; Hascaryo dan Sonjaya 2000: 10).
 
Tinggalan-tinggalan arkeologis atau bersejarah seperti bangunan megalitik, candi, gereja, dan reruntuhan bangunan kuna, seringkali juga ditampilkan dalam peta topografi (lihat McIntosh, 1986: 44). Selain menyajikan data keruangan, peta topografi juga memuat data non-keruangan, antara lain grid, graticul (garis lintang dan bujur), arah utara, skala, dan legenda (keterangan mengenai simbol-simbol yang digunakan pada peta)
 
2. Pemanfaatan Peta
Peta topografi dapat digunakan untuk berbagai macam tujuan, serta dapat digunakan sebagai peta dasar (base map) dalam pembuatan peta tematik, seperti peta arkeologi dan peta turis (lihat Prihandito 1989: 17). Dalam survei arkeologi, peta topografi berguna untuk memperoleh gambaran umum tentang wilayah yang diteliti.
 
Dalam kondisi tertentu, misalnya medan survei yang terlalu berat, peta yang sudah ada dapat dipakai untuk memplotkan temuan arkeologis. Pemetaan tersebut, meskipun hanya bersifat sementara, sangat efektif untuk menyimpan dan menyelamatkan data arkeologis (Hascaryo dan Sonjaya 2000: 1).
 
Data dari peta topografi yang diambil untuk membuat peta arkeologi hanya satu atau dua unsur saja, tergantung dari skala dan tujuan pembuatan peta arkeologi itu. Data tersebut digunakan sebagai latar belakang penempatan dan orientasi secara geografis. Selain peta topografi, yang dapat digunakan sebagai peta dasar antara lain adalah foto udara, peta geologi, dan peta administratif (Hascaryo dan Sonjaya 2000: 10).
 
Besar skala peta dasar yang dibutuhkan untuk membuat peta arkeologi tergantung pada luas wilayah yang akan dipetakan, yaitu:
wilayah seluas provinsi memerlukan peta dasar berskala 1:100.000 sampai dengan 1:250.000;
wilayah seluas kabupaten memerlukan peta dasar berskala 1:50.000 sampai dengan 1:100.000;
wilayah setingkat kecamatan, desa, atau situs memerlukan peta dasar berskala 1:10.000 sampai dengan 1:25.000 (Wasisto 1998, dikutip dalam Hascaryo
dan Sonjaya 2000: 10).
 
Jenis Jenis Peta
Peta daat digolongkan menjadi beberapa dasar yaitu :
Penggolongan berdasarkan skalanya :
 
Peta skala besar dengan skala 1: 25.000. Peta ini isinya lebih detail contoh peta tofografi.
Peta skala sedang dengan skala 1: 25,000 – 1: 2.000.000 peta ini hanya memuat yang penting penting saja.
Peta skala kecil dengan skala lebih dari 1:200.000.
Penggolongan berdasarkan isi dan fungsinya:
 
Peta umum (General Map) yaitumpeta yang memuat kenampakan kenampkan umum (lebih dari satu jenis ) memuat kenampakan fisis lamiah da kenampakan budaya. Peta ini lebih berfungsi sebagai orintasi.
Peta tematik yaitu peta yang memuat satu jenis kenampakan saja peta tertentu baik kenampakan fisis maupun kenampakan budaya.
Peta kart yaitu peta yang di desain untuk keperluan navigasi, nautical, aeronautical.
Penggolongan berdasarkan tujuannya:
 
Peta geologi bertujuan untuk menunjukan formasi batuan atau aspek geologi lainnya di suatu daerah.
Peta iklim bertujuan untuk menunjukkan berbagai macam sifat iklim di suatu daerah.
Jenis jenis lainnya : misalnya peta tanah, peta kependudukan peta tata guna lahan dan sebaginya
Penggambaran keadaan muka bumi ke dalam bidang datar yang kemudian disebut peta, merupakan salah satu kebutuhan awal bagi para pengelola dan perencana sumber daya.
peta merupakan gambaran permukaan bumi yang berisi fenomena alam dan fenomena buatan memuat informasi yang diperlukan dalam pengelolaan sumberdaya di berbagai bidang pembangunan termasuk bidang perencanaan tata ruang, kehutanan, perkebunan, pertanian, kelautan, pertambangan dan lain sebagainya.
Secara umum peta diartikan sebagai gambaran konvensional dari pola bumi yang digambarkan seolah olah dilihat dari atas ada bidang datar melalui satu bidang proyeksi degan dilengkapi tulisan tulisan untuk identifiksinya
Peta mengandung arti komunikasi. Artinya merupakan suatu signal atau Channel antara sipengirim pesan ( pembuat peta) dengan si penerima pesan (pemakai peta). Dengan demikian peta digunakan untuk mengirim pesan berupa informasi tetang realita dari fenomena geografi.
Peta pada dasarnya adalah sebuah data yang didesain untuk mampu menghasilkan sebuah informasi geografis melalui proses pengorganisasian dari kolaborasi data lainnya yang berkaitan dengan bumi untuk menganalisis, memperkirakan dan menghasilkan gambaran kartografi.
 
 
Informasi ruang mengenai bumi sangat kompleks, tetapi pada umunmya data geografi mengandung 4 aspek penting, yaitu (Zhou, 1998):
 
Lokasi-lokasi yang berkenaan dengan ruang, merupakan objek-objek ruang yang khas pada sistem koordinat (projeksi sebuah peta)
Atribut (ciri bahan), informasi yang menerangkan mengenai objek-objek ruang yang diperlukan
Hubungan ruang, hubungan lojik atau kuantitatif diantara objek-objek ruang
Waktu, merupakan waktu untuk perolehan data, data atribut dan ruang.
Fungsi Peta
Peta mempunyai beberapa fungsi, yaitu :
 
Memperlihatkan posisi atau lokasi relatif dari suatu tempat.
Memperlihatkan ukuran dalam pengertian jarak dan arah.
Memperlihatkan bentuk atau unsur yang terdapat di permukaan bumi.
Menghimpun serta menselektif data permukaan bumi.
Jenis Peta
Berdasarkan jenisnya, peta dapat dikelompokkan sebagai berikut :
 
1. Peta Topografi
Peta Topografi merupakan peta yang memperlihatkan posisi horisontal serta vertikal dari unsur alam dan unsur buatan manusia dalam suatu bentuk tertentu, dengan memperhatikan sistem proyeksi peta yang digunakan serta skala peta. Umumnya peta topografi dibuat untuk keperluan perencanaan pembangunan, karena pada peta topografi disajikan unsur-unsur permukaan bumi yang sesuai dengan kondisi pada saat pembuatan petanya.
 
Peta Topografi disebut juga sebagai peta dasar, karena peta topografi digunakan sebagai dasar untuk pembuatan peta-peta lainnya, baik untuk pembuatan peta topografi dengan skala peta yang lebih kecil dari peta aslinya (original map), atau juga untuk pembuatan peta-peta tematik.
 
Berikut adalah contoh peta topografi : Bahan Bangunan
 
Peta Planimetrik
Peta yang menyjikan informasi tentang beberapa tipe unsur permukaan bumi, pada peta ini informasi ketinggian tidak disajikan.
HARGA BAHAN BANGUNAN MURAH

saco-indonesia.com, Hujan deras yang telah mengguyur wilayah selatan Jakarta telah membuat arus lalu lintas semrawut. Kemacetan tak hanya terjadi di jalan utama saja namun juga berimbas ke jalur alternatif menuju Jakarta.

Seperti yang telah terjadi di Jalan Karang Tengah, Lebak Bulus Jakarta Selatan. Jalur yang biasa digunakan sebagai jalan alternatif warga yang ingin ke wilayah selatan Jakarta ini juga macet parah.

Bahkan, kendaraan roda empat yang telah melintas di wilayah itu stuck selama dua jam. Kondisi cuaca di wilayah itu yang gerimis kian telah menambah acakadutnya jalanan ibukota di pagi ini.

"Saya juga sudah dua jam stuck di sini. Saya mau ke arah Pondok Labu," kata seorang pengendara Eko kepada Okezone, selasa (4/2/2014).

Namun untuk jalur sebaliknya terlihat lancar. Sayangnya kepadatan kendaraan yang telah melintas di Karang Tengah tidak dibarengi dengan petugas pengatur lalu lintas. Sehingga jalanan semakin mampet.

Saat ini hujan juga telah mengguyur wilayah Sawangan, Depok. Akibatnya, Jalan Raya Sawangan yang biasa digunakan warga dari arah Parung dan Sawangan untuk menuju Jakarta juga menjadi tersendat.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

KARANG TENGAH-FATMAWATI STUCK 2 JAM

Aku mengamati semua sahabat, dan tidak menemukan sahabat yang lebih baik daripada menjaga lidah. 

Saya memikirkan tentang semua pakaian, tetapi tidak menemukan pakaian yang lebih baik daripada takwa. 
Aku merenungkan tentang segala jenis amal baik, namun tidak mendapatkan yang lebih baik daripada memberi nasihat baik. Aku mencari segala bentuk rezki, tapi tidak menemukan rezki yang lebih baik daripada sabar.
Jika Allah yang menjadi tujuan, kenapa harus dikalahkan oleh rintangan-rintangan yang kecil di hadapan Allah? Jika mencari nafkah merupakan ibadah, semakin kerja keras kita, insya Allah semakin besar pahala yang akan diberikan oleh Allah.
Jika nafkah yang didapat merupakan bekal untuk beribadah, maka semakin banyak nafkah yang didapat, semakin banyak ibadah yang bisa dilakukan.
Ilmu itu lebih baik daripada harta. Ilmu akan menjaga engkau dan engkau menjaga harta. Ilmu itu penghukum (hakim) sedangkan harta terhukum.
Menghilangkan sifat dengki pada diri kita akan membantu kita menuju kesuksesan baik dunia maupun akhirat.
Dengan disiplin bukan saja kita tidak mendapatkan sangsi, tetapi dengan disiplin kita akan meraih sukses, terhindar (insya Allah) dari kecelakaan, dan disiplin juga adalah ibadah.
Rencana adalah jembatan menuju mimpimu, jika tidak membuat rencana berarti tidak memiliki pijakan langkahmu menuju apa yang kamu cita-citakan. 
Putuskan apa yang Kita inginkan, kemudian tulislah sebuah rencana, maka Kita akan menemukan kehidupan yang lebih mudah dibanding dengan sebelumnya.
Jangan sampai kita terlena kata mutiara untuk memenuhi kekayaan duniawi yang sifatnya hanya sementara saja, hingga kita lupa akan tugas kita yang sesungguhnya di dunia ini yaitu mengumpulkan perbekalan untuk menuju kampung akhirat yang kekal.
Jadi perkayalah diri Kita baik dengan materi maupun dengan ruhani, dan bagikan kekayaan tersebut kepada orang-orang yang ada disekitar Kita, terutama yang lebih membutuhkan.....pengen tau kelanjutan nya klik di sini

 by yandre pramana putra

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Ms. Pryor, who served more than two decades in the State Department, was the author of well-regarded biographies of the founder of the American Red Cross and the Confederate commander.

Elizabeth Brown Pryor, Biographer of Clara Barton and Robert E. Lee, Dies at 64

The 6-foot-10 Phillips played alongside the 6-11 Rick Robey on the Wildcats team that won the 1978 N.C.A.A. men’s basketball title.

Mike Phillips, Half of Kentucky’s ‘Twin Towers’ of Basketball, Dies at 59

Judge Patterson helped to protect the rights of Attica inmates after the prison riot in 1971 and later served on the Federal District Court in Manhattan.

Robert Patterson Jr., Lawyer and Judge Who Fought for the Accused, Dies at 91

Mr. Tepper was not a musical child and had no formal training, but he grew up to write both lyrics and tunes, trading off duties with the other member of the team, Roy C. Bennett.

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Ms. Meadows was the older sister of Audrey Meadows, who played Alice Kramden on “The Honeymooners.”

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BEIJING (AP) — The head of Taiwan's Nationalists reaffirmed the party's support for eventual unification with the mainland when he met Monday with Chinese President Xi Jinping as part of continuing rapprochement between the former bitter enemies.

Nationalist Party Chairman Eric Chu, a likely presidential candidate next year, also affirmed Taiwan's desire to join the proposed Chinese-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank during the meeting in Beijing. China claims Taiwan as its own territory and doesn't want the island to join using a name that might imply it is an independent country.

Chu's comments during his meeting with Xi were carried live on Hong Kong-based broadcaster Phoenix Television.

The Nationalists were driven to Taiwan by Mao Zedong's Communists during the Chinese civil war in 1949, leading to decades of hostility between the sides. Chu, who took over as party leader in January, is the third Nationalist chairman to visit the mainland and the first since 2009.

Relations between the communist-ruled mainland and the self-governing democratic island of Taiwan began to warm in the 1990s, partly out of their common opposition to Taiwan's formal independence from China, a position advocated by the island's Democratic Progressive Party.

Despite increasingly close economic ties, the prospect of political unification has grown increasingly unpopular on Taiwan, especially with younger voters. Opposition to the Nationalists' pro-China policies was seen as a driver behind heavy local electoral defeats for the party last year that led to Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou resigning as party chairman.

Taiwan party leader affirms eventual reunion with China

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination

A 2-minute-42-second demo recording captured in one take turned out to be a one-hit wonder for Mr. Ely, who was 19 when he sang the garage-band classic.

Jack Ely, Who Sang the Kingsmen’s ‘Louie Louie’, Dies at 71

Since a white police officer, Darren Wilson fatally shot unarmed black teenager, Michael Brown, in a confrontation last August in Ferguson, Mo., there have been many other cases in which the police have shot and killed suspects, some of them unarmed. Mr. Brown's death set off protests throughout the country, pushing law enforcement into the spotlight and sparking a public debate on police tactics. Here is a selection of police shootings that have been reported by news organizations since Mr. Brown's death. In some cases, investigations are continuing.

Photo
 
 
The apartment complex northeast of Atlanta where Anthony Hill, 27, was fatally shot by a DeKalb County police officer. Credit Ben Gray/Atlanta Journal Constitution

Chamblee, Ga.
Fatal Police Shootings: Accounts Since Ferguson

The career criminals in genre novels don’t have money problems. If they need some, they just go out and steal it. But such financial transactions can backfire, which is what happened back in 2004 when the Texas gang in Michael

Take the Money and Run

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

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Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’
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