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UMRAH DENGAN PAKAIAN BIASA

Oleh
Al-Lajnah Ad-Daimah Lil Ifta

Pertanyaan
Al-Lajnah Ad-Daimah Lil Ifta ditanya : Saya melaksanakan umrah pada awal Ramadhan tahun ini dan saya mukim di Mekkah selama 15 hari. Lalu saya melaksanakan umrah lagi dengan baju saya dan penutup kepala. Ketika saya pertama kali sampai di Masjidil Haram, saya shalat dua raka'at dengan niat shalat Tahiyatul Masjid, lalu saya thawaf di Ka'bah tujuh kali putaran kemudian shalat dua raka'at di maqam Ibrahim 'Alaihis Salam, lalu sa'i tujuh kali putaran dan kemudian memotong rambut. Apakah yang saya lakukan benar ?

Jawaban
Apa yang anda sebutkan dalam pertanyaan bahwa yang dilakukan dalam umrah adalah suatu yang wajib dari umrah dan anda tidak wajib mengeluarkan sesuatu jika ihram dari miqat yang wajib. Hanya saja shalat dua raka'at yang dilakukan ketika masuk Masjidil Haram adalah menyalahi sunnah bagi orang yang masuk Masjidil Haram (untuk melaksanakan umrah), yaitu memulai dengan thawaf.

Adapun yang anda sebutkan bahwa anda ihram dengan memakai baju, jika yang dimaksudkan itu baju ihram, yaitu kain dan selendang yang telah digunakan dalam umrah sebelum umrah, maka tiada mengapa dalam hal tersebut, karena boleh menggunakannya berulang kali dalam haji atau umrah atau memberikan kepada orang lain untuk digunakan haji dan umrah. Tapi jika yang anda maksudkan bahwa ihram dengan baju biasa yang dipakai selain ketika ihram, maka anda salah dalam hal itu dan anda telah melakukan dua larangan dalam umrah, yaitu memakai pakaian berjahit dan menutup kepala. Jika anda mengetahui bahwa demikian itu tidak boleh, maka wajib dua fidyah, yaitu karena pakaian dan menutup kepala. Dan untuk masing-masing anda boleh menyembelih kambing yang mencukupi syarat kurban, atau memberi makan enam orang miskin masing-masing orang setengah sha' berupa kurma atau yang lain dari makanan pokok suatu daerah, atau puasa tiga hari. Dan kedua kambing atau makanan untuk 12 orang miskin diberikan kepada orang-orang miskin Mekkah dan kamu tidak boleh makan sebagian dari keduanya dan juga tidak boleh anda hadiahkan. Sedangkan untuk berpuasa boleh dilakukan di tempat dan waktu kapanpun.

Namun jika yang anda lakukan tersebut karena tidak mengetahui hukum syar'i atau karena lupa, maka tidak wajib fidyah, hanya harus taubat dan mohon ampun kepada Allah atas dua hal tersebut serta tidak akan mengulangi pekerjaan yang menafikan kewajiban-kewajiban dalam ihram seperti kedua hal tersebut. Kepada Allah kita bermohon taufiq kepada kebenaran. Dan shalawat serta salam kepada Nabi kita Muhammad Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam.

MEMAKAI CELANA KETIKA IHRAM KARENA TIDAK TAHU

Oleh
Syaikh Abdullah bin Abdurrahman Al-Jibrin

Pertanyaan
Syaikh Abdullah bin Abdurrahman Al-Jibrin ditanya : Tahun lalu saya pergi umrah dan saya tidak mengetahui sebagian syarat-syaratnya. Ketika saya ihram dari miqat saya memakai celana pendek dan saya tidak mengetahui hukum masalah ini. Lalu setelah saya kembali, sebagian orang memberitahukan kepada saya bahwa yang saya lakukan tersebut tidak boleh. Dan tahun ini saya umrah lagi ketika saya mengetahui bahwa memakai pakaian berjahit tidak boleh ketika ihram. Apakah saya wajib membayar kifarat sebab masalah tersebut ?

Jawaban
Tidak wajib membayar fidyah karena anda tidak mengetahui hukum tersebut. Sebab seseorang dimaafkan ketika melakukan larangan tersebut karena ketidaktahuan tentang hukum. Sesungguhnya fidyah hanya wajib atas orang yang melakukan hal tersebut jika dia mengetahui dan sengaja melakukannya. Maka anda tidak wajib mengulangi umrah karena tidak melakukan apa yang merusakkan umrah. Jadi umrah anda yang kedua adalah umrah sunnah.

IHRAM DENGAN MEMAKAI CELANA KARENA SENGAJA

Oleh
Syaikh Abdullah bin Abdurrahman Al-Jibrin

Pertanyaan
Syaikh Abdullah bin Abdurrhman Al-JIbrin ditanya : Ketika di miqat saya niat ihram umrah tamattu' kepada haji, tapi saya tidak melepas celana dalam saja. Dan demikian itu disebabkan malu yang menyertai saya pada waktu itu. Sehingga saya melaksanakan umrah dengan memakai celana. Dan ketika saya ihram haji, saya mengerti bahwa saya salah ketika memakai celana dalam ihram. Maka saya melepas celana ketika ihram untuk melaksanakan haji.

Pertanyaannya, apakah saya wajib membayar kifarat karena tidak melepas celana ketika umrah saja, sebab saya melepasnya ketika melakukan haji ? Padahal saat itu saya mengetahui bahwa memakai pakaian berjahit membatalkan ihram, tapi saya melakukan itu karena sangat malu seperti saya sebutkan. Perlu diketahui bahwa umrah dan haji saya tersebut adalah yang pertama kali dan telah saya lakukan beberapa tahun lalu. Mohon penjelasan

Jawaban
Anda wajib membayar fidyah apabila sengaja tetap dalam pakaian tersebut. Sebab anda telah mengetahui bahwa demikian itu termasuk larangan dalam ihram, bukan yang membatalkannya. Adapun fidyahnya adalah puasa tiga hari, atau memberi makan enam orang miskin, atau memotong kambing. Mana saja yang anda lakukan diantara ketiga hal tersebut, maka telah cukup. Tapi menyembelih atau memberikan makan enam orang miskin tersebut harus di Mekkah dan untuk orang-orang miskin tanah haram. Sedangkan berpuasa dapat dilakukan di mana saja. Dan anda tidak berdosa karena terlambat melaksanakan kifarat, hanya saja anda lengah karena bertanya dalam tempo yang lama.

BATASAN PAKAIAN BERJAHIT DALAM IHRAM


Oleh
Syaikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Baz

Pertanyaan
Syaikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Baz ditanya : Apakah batasan pakaian berjahit dan apa hukum memakai celana yang digunakan sekarang ini ketika ihram ?

Jawaban
Tidak boleh bagi orang yang sedang ihram haji atau umrah memakai celana dan lainnya dari pakaian yang berjahit dalam bentuk badan seutuhnya, seperti qamis, atau bagian atas badan saja, seperti kaos dan lain-lain, atau badan bagian bawah seperti celana. Sebab ketika Nabi Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam ditanya tentang pakaian orang yang sedang berihram maka beliau bersabda.

"Artinya : Ia tidak boleh memakai qamis, surban, celana, tudung kepala dan khuf, kecuali orang yang tidak mendapatkan sandal, maka dia boleh memakai khuf (sepatu but). Dan hendaklah dia memotong khuf sampai bawah mata kaki" [Muttafaqun 'alaih dari hadits Ibnu Umar Radhiallahu 'anhu]

Dengan demikian penanya harus mengetahui pakaian berjahit yang dilarang bagi orang yang sedang ihram.

Dari hadits tersebut nampak jelas bahwa yang dimaksud pakaian berjahit adalah setiap pakaian yang dijahit dengan ukuran seluruh badan seperti qamis, atau setengah badan pada bagian atas seperti kaos, atau setengah badan bagian bawah seperti celana. Dari hal tersebut dapat disamakan pakaian yang dijahit atau disulam seukuran tangan seperti kaos tangan, atau seukuran kaki seperti khuf (sepatu but). Tapi orang ihram diperbolehkan memakai khuf jika tidak mendapatkan sandal. Sebab terdapat hadits shahih dari Ibnu Abbas Radhiallahu 'anhu, bahwa ketika Nabi Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam menyampaikan khutbah kepada manusia di Arafah beliau bersabda.

"Artinya : Barangsiapa yang tidak mendapatkan kain maka hendaklah dia memakai celana, dan siapa yang tidak mendapatkan sandal maka hendaklah dai memakai khuf" [Muttafaqun 'alaih]

Dalam hadits ini Nabi Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam tidak menyebutkan perintah memotong khuf, maka menunjukkan tidak wajib memotong khuf. Jadi perintah memotong khuf yang terdapat dalam hadits pertama yang juga diriwayatkan Ibnu Abbas Radhiallahu anhu dihapuskan (mansukh) dengan hadits tersebut.

Demikian itu berkaitan dengan laki-laki. Sedangkan bagi wanita yang ihram, baik ihram haji maupun ihram umrah maka dia boleh memakai celana dan sepatu secara mutlak, tapi dialarang memakai cadar dan kaos tangan. Sebab Nabi Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam melarang dari kedua hal tersebut dalam hadits yang diriwayatkan Ibnu Umar Radhiallahu 'anhu. Namun wanita boleh menutup mukanya dengan selain cadar dan menutup kedua tanganya dengan selain kaos tangan ketika dia di hadapan laki-laki yang bukan mahramnya, seperti dengan kerudung dan lain-lain. Dan Allah adalah Dzat yang memberikan pertolongan kepada kebenaran.

MENCUKUR RAMBUT SETELAH IHRAM KARENA TIDAK TAHU

Oleh
Syaikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Baz

Pertanyaan
Syaikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Baz ditanya : Seseorang telah melakukan ihram umrah. Setelah itu dia ingat bahwa mencukur rambut ketiak wajib ketika ihram lalu dia mencukurnya setelah ihram, kemudian pergi umrah. Mohon penjelasan hukum tentang hal tersebut ?

Jawaban
Mencukur rambut ketiak tidak wajib dalam ihram, demikian pula mencabutnya. Namun menurut sunnah adalah mencabut atau membersihkan rambut ketiak dengan sesuatu yang dapat menghilangkan dari bahan yang suci ketika sebelum ihram. Sebagaimana disunnahkannya memotong kumis, memotong kuku, dan mencukur rambut kemaluan ketika masing-masing telah siap untuk itu ketika sebelum ihram, seperti ketika di rumahnya. Dan demikian itu sudah cukup. Sebab hal-hal tersebut tidak wajib dilakukan ketika ihram, dan bagi orang yang kamu sebutkan itu tidak wajib membayar fidyah karena mencukur rambut ketiaknya disebabkan dia tidak tahu tentang hukum syar'i. Seperti itu juga jika seseorang melakukan sesuatu yang telah kami sebutkan setelah dia ihram karena lupa. Sebab Allah berfirman tentang do'a orang-orang mukmin.

"Artinya : Ya Rabb kami, janganlah Engkau hukum kami jika kami lupa atau kami bersalah" [Al-Baqarah : 286]

Dan dalam hadits hahih disebutkan bahwa Allah mengabulkan do'a tersebut seraya berfirman : "Sunnguh telah Aku lakukan".

MEMOTONG RAMBUT SEBELUM NIAT IHRAM

Oleh
Syaikh Abdullah bin Abdurrahman Al-Jibrin

Pertanyaan
Syaikh Abdullah bin Abdurrahman Al-Jibrin ditanya : Istri saya berihram untuk umrah. Dan sebelum keluar dari kamar mandi dan memakai bajunya dia menggunting rambutnya sedikit. Apa yang wajib dia lakukan ?

Jawaban
Tiada dosa atas dia dalam hal tersebut dan juga tidak wajib membayar fidyah. Sebab yang dilarang memotong rambut adalah setelah niat ihram sedangkan dia belum niat dan belum memakai bajunya. Bahkan seandainya dia melakukan seperti itu ketika dia telah ihram tapi karena tidak tahu atau lupa maka dia tidak wajib membayar fidyah. Wallahu a'lam.

JENIS PAKAIAN WANITA KETIKA IHRAM

Oleh
Syaikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Baz

Pertanyaan
Syaikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Baz ditanya : Apakah wanita boleh ihram dengan pakaian apa saja yang dia kehendaki ?

Jawaban
Ya, wanita berihram dengan pakaian yang dia mau. Sebab bagi wanita tidak ada pakaian khusus ketika ihram sebagai mana anggapan orang-orang awam. Tapi yang utama adalah dia ihram dengan pakaian yang tidak menarik pandangan laki-laki sebab dia bercampur dengan banyak manusia. Maka seyogianya bila wanita ketika ihram memakai pakaian yang wajar dan tidak mengundang fitnah. Adapun bagi laki-laki maka yang utama adalah ihram dengan baju ihram putih, yakni selendang dan kain. Tapi jika tidak ada berwarna putih maka tidak apa-apa. Sebab terdapat riwayat dari Rasulullah Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam bahwa beliau ihram dengan baju hijau. Kesimpulannya, tidak mengapa jika laki-laki ihram dengan pakaian yang tidak berwarna putih.


MASIH DALAM PAKAIAN IHRAM DALAM TEMPO YANG LAMA

Oleh
Syaikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Baz

Pertanyaan
Syaikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Baz ditanya : Saya pergi umrah pada bulan Ramadhan bersama ibu saya. Kami berdua ihram di kapal terbang ketika di atas Bi'r Ali dan turun di Jeddah lalu istirahat. Dan setelah kami berbuka puasa maka kami pergi pada sore harinya ke Mekkah untuk melaksanakan umrah dan kami tidak melepas pakaian ihram hingga selesai umrah. Apakah kami terkena sangsi sebab kami istirahat di Jeddah dalam keadaan berpakaian ihram. Mohon penjelasan, semoga Allah memberikan kepada Anda balasan kebaikan.

Jawaban
Jika kondisi seperti yang anda sebutkan, maka tidak ada kewajiban membayar dam atas anda dan juga ibu. Sebab kalian berdua muqim di Jeddah masih dalam keadaan ihram, dan orang yang sedang ihram tidak wajib menyambung perjalanannya hingga melaksanakan umrah. Bahkan dia boleh istirahat di jalan dan muqim di mana saja yang dia kehendaki untuk melaksanakan kebutuhannya dan dia sedang ihram. Semoga Allah memberikan taufiq kepada semua kaum muslimin.

IHRAM MEMAKAI KAOS KAKI DAN KAOS TANGAN

Oleh
Syaikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Baz

Pertanyaan
Syaikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Baz ditanya : Apa hukum ihram dengan memakai kaos kaki dan kaos tangan ? Dan apa dalilnya tentang hal tersebut ?

Jawaban
Bagi laki-laki ketika ihram tidak boleh memakai kaos kaki dan khuf (sepatu slop) kecuali jika tidak mendapatkan sandal berdasarkan sabda Nabi Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam.

"Artinya : Dan barangsiapa yang tidak mendapatkan sandal, maka dia boleh memakai khuf, dan siapa yang tidak mendapatkan kain, maka dia memakai celana panjang" [Muttafaqun 'Alaih]

Adapun bagi wanita, maka diperbolehkan memakai kaos kaki dan sepatu khuf, karena kaki wanita adalah aurat. Dan jika seorang wanita menjulurkan bajunya hingga menutup kedua kakinya maka cukup baginya dari kaos kaki dan khuf dalam shalat dan yang lainnya. Adapaun kaos tangan maka bagi laki-laki mupun perempuan tidak diperbolehkan memakainya ketika sedang ihram. Sebab Nabi Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam bersabda tentang wanita yang sedang ihram.

"Artinya : Janganlah wanita bercadar, dan janganlah dia memakai kaos tangan" [Hadits Riwayat Bukhari dalam shahihnya]

Jika memakai kaos tangan, maka haram bagi perempuan, lebih-lebih lagi bagi laki-laki. Karena itu Nabi Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam bersabda tentang laki-laki yang meninggal ketika dia sedang ihram.

"Artinya : Mandikanlah dia dengan air dan bidara, kafankan dia dengan dua baju (ihram)nya, jangan kamu berikan dia parfum, dan jangan kamu tutup kepala dan mukanya, sebab dia akan dibangkitkan pada hari kiamat dalam keadaan berihram" [Muttafaqun 'alaih dan redaksinya bagi Muslim]

Adapun sebagai ganti cadar bagi wanita ketika sedang ihram adalah dia dapat menutup wajahnya dengan kerudung dan yang sepertinya ketika dia berhadapan laki-laki. Demikian ini berdasarkan riwayat dari Aisyah Radhiallahu 'anha, ia berkata.

"Artinya : Adalah rombongan laki-laki melewati kami dan kami bersama Rasulullah Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam. Ketika mereka berpapasan dengan kami. setiap orang diantara kami mejulurkan jilbabnya dari kepala ke mukanya, dan jika mereka telah melewati kami, maka kami membukanya" [Hadits Riwayat Abu Dawud dan Ibnu Majah]

CARA MEMAKAI BAJU IHRAM

Oleh
Syaikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Baz

Pertanyaan
Syaikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Baz ditanya : Apakah yang utama bagi orang yang sedang ihram menutup kedua pundaknya ataukah membuka salah satunya ?

Jawaban
Adapun yang sunnah bagi orang yang ihram adalah menjadikan selendang pada kedua pundak dan kedua ujungnya di dada. Ini adalah yang sunnah dan yang dilakukan Nabi Shallahu 'alaihi wa sallam. Maka jika seseorang berihram ingin thawaf qudum, ia menjadikan tengah selendangnya di bawa ketiak kanan dan kedua ujung selendang pada pundaknya yang kiri dan membuka pundaknya yang kanan. Tapi ini khusus dalam thawaf Qudum. Maksudnya ketika pertama datang ke Mekkah untuk haji atau umrah. Lalu ketika telah rampung thawaf Qudum memindahkan selendangnya dan dijadikannya pada kedua pundaknya lalu shalat dua raka'at thawaf. Maka orang yang selalu membuka salah satu pundaknya adalah menyalahi Sunnah Nabi Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam. Demikian pula orang yang membuka dua pundaknya. Sesungguhnya yang sesuai Sunnah Nabi Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam adalah menutupi kedua pundak dengan selendang ketika sedang ihram kecuali dalam thawaf qudum seperti telah disebutkan. Dan jika seseorang meletakkan selendangnya tidak menutup kedua pundaknya pada waktu dia duduk atau ketika makan atau ketika berbincang-bincang bersama kawan-kawannya maka tidak mengapa. Tapi yang sesuai sunnah jika dia memakai selendang maka dengan menutup kedua pundak dan ujung-ujung selendang berada pada dadanya.

MEMAKAI SABUK KETIKA SEDANG IHRAM


Oleh
Syaikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Baz

Pertanyaan
Syaikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Baz ditanya : Apa hukum memakai ikat pinggang bagi orang yang sedang berihram karena untuk menjaga uangnya ? Apakah demikian itu diperbolehkan baginya, ataukah dinilai pakaian yang berjahit yang tidak boleh dipakai ?

Jawaban
Memakai ikat pinggang dan yang sepertinya tidak dilarang bagi orang yang sedang ihram. Demikian pula sapu tangan untuk mengikat kainnya atau untuk menjaga uang dan lain-lain.

GANTI PAKAIAN IHRAM

Oleh
Syaikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Baz

Pertanyaan
Syaikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Baz ditanya : Apakah boleh berganti baju ihram karena di cuci ?

Jawaban
Tidak mengapa bila pakaian ihram di cuci, dan tidak mengapa juga bila berganti pakaian ihram dengan baju ihram yang baru atau baju yang telah di cuci.


MENGOLESKAN PARFUM KE PAKAIAN IHRAM


Syaikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Baz

Pertanyaan
Syaikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Baz ditanya : Apa hukum mengoleskan parfum kepada baju ihram sebelum niat dan talbiyah ?

Jawaban
Tidak seyogianya mengoleskan parfum pada selendang dan kain ihram, tetapi yang sunnah adalah mengoleskan parfum ke anggota badan, seperti kepala, jenggot, ketiak, dan lain-lain. Adapun pakaian maka tidak boleh diberikan parfum ketika berihram. Sebab Nabi Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam bersabda : "Janganlah (orang yang ihram) memakai baju yang tersentuh za'faran dan kasturi".

Jadi menurut sunnah adalah mengoleskan parfum ke badan saja, sedangkan pakaian ihram tidak boleh diberikan parfum, dan jika diberikan parfum maka tidak boleh dipakai hingga di cuci atau dibersihkan.


TIDAK MAMPU MEMAKAI BAJU IHRAM


Oleh
Syaikh Muhammad bin Shalih Al-Utsaimin

Pertanyaan
Syaikh Muhammad bin Shalih Al-Utsaimin ditanya : Seseorang ingin umrah pada bulan Ramadhan, tapi dia tidak mampu berpakaian ihram sebab dia sakit dan jimpe. Apakah dia dapat umrah dengan bajunya biasa dan wajib membayar kifarat ?

Jawaban
Jika seseorang tidak mampu berpakaian ihram maka dia memakai pakaian lain yang sesuai dan dia wajib membayar kifarat, boleh memotong seekor kambing yang dibagikan kepada orang-orang miskin, atau memberi makan enam orang miskin masing-masing orang miskin setengah sha', atau puasa tiga hari. Demikianlah yang dikatakan ulama karena mengqiyaskan terhadap ketentuan mencukur rambut yang dijelaskan dalam firman Allah Subhanahu wa Ta'ala.

"Artinya : Dan jangan kamu mencukur kepalamu, sebelum kurban sampai di tempat penyembelihannya. Jika ada di antaramu sakit atau ada ganguan di kepalanya (lalu dia bercukur), maka wajiblah atasnya berfidyah, yaitu ; berpuasa, atau bersedekah, atau berkurban" [ Al-Baqarah : 196]

Nabi Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam menjelaskan, bahwa berpuasa adalah tiga hari, dan sedekah adalah memberi makan enam orang miskin masing-masing orang miskin setengah sha', dan berkurban adalah menyembelih kambing.


[Disalin dari buku Fatwa-Fatwa Haji dan Umrah oleh Ulama-Ulama Besar Saudi Arabia, penysusun Muhammad bin Abdul Aziz Al-Musnad, terbitan Pustaka Imam Asy-Syafi'i, hal. 123-130, penerjemah H.Asmuni Solihan Zamaksyari Lc.]

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BAJU UNTUK UMRAH

saco-indonesia.com, Sebuah rumah kontrakan di RT 02/02, Kampung Rambutan, Ciracas, Jakarta Timur, telah digerebek oleh tim gabungan Polres Jakarta Timur dan Polsek Ciracas. Meski pelaku lolos, empat pucuk senjata api telah ditemukan petugas dari rumah tersebut.

Dari rumah kontrakan milik Weni Ernawati, yang telah dihuni oleh dua pelaku tersebut , petugas telah berhasil menemukan tiga pucuk senjata api rakitan jenis revolver, satu pucuk senjata api organik jenis revolver, 10 butir peluru revolver kaliber 38 mm, 9 butir peluru kaliber 9 mm. Selain itu petugas juga telah mengamankan kunci letter T dengan 40 jenis anak kuncinya, serta 6 unit
sepeda motor.

Kapolsek Ciracas, Kompol Suwanda telah menuturkan, kedua pelaku tersebut telah melarikan diri dengan cara melompati pagar samping rumah saat mengetahui petugas mendatangi markas mereka. “Kini tim kita juga masih harus melakukan pengembangan atas kasus ini. Termasuk memburu dua pelaku itu,” katanya.

Dikatakan Suwanda, penggerebekan tersebut juga merupakan pengembangan yang dilakukan petugas setelah mendapat informasi dari masyarakat. “Di rumah kontrakan itu ada empat sampai lima orang yang tinggal dan selalu gonta-ganti motor,” jelas dia.

Tim gabungan pun akhirnya langsung bergerak menuju rumah kontrakan tersebut. Namun, diduga aksi penggerebekan sudah tercium pelaku, mereka telah melarikan diri. “Pelaku tiba-tiba saja kabur dengan meloncat pagar samping rumah,” ujarnya. Hingga saat ini, petugas masih terus memburu pelaku yang sudah diketahui identitasnya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

 

PELAKU CURANMOR LOLOS

JAKARTA, Saco-Indonesia.com - Direktur Utama PT Bahana Pembinaan Usaha Indonesia, Heri Sunaryadi, terpilih menjadi Direktur Utama PT Kustodian Sentral Efek Indonesia (KSEI), setelah para pemegang saham menyetujui pengangkatannya dalam rapat umum pemegang saham (RUPS) yang diselenggarakan hari ini, Selasa (4/6/2013).

Heri Sunaryadi menggantikan posisi Ananta Wiyogo yang sudah habis masa jabatannya. Dia menyatakan kesiapannya mengemban tugas yang telah diamanatkan para Pemegang Saham kepadanya.

"KSEI memiliki peran yang penting dan tidak tergantikan di pasar modal Indonesia. Untuk itu, kinerja perusahaan selaku lembaga penyimpanan dan penyelesaian di pasar modal harus dapat berjalan dengan baik," kata Heri dalam siaran pers.

Heri bukanlah figur baru di KSEI maupun di pasar modal Indonesia. Ia telah bergabung dengan BPUI sejak tahun 2009, dengan jabatan terakhir selaku Presiden Direktur & CEO. Selain itu, Heri juga pernah berkiprah sebagai Komisaris KSEI sejak Februari 2009 selama satu periode, yaitu tahun 2009 - 2012.

Kehadiran Heri turut melengkapi dua figur lain yang pada periode sebelumnya juga menjabat sebagai Direktur KSEI yakni Sulistyo Budi dan Margeret M. Tang.

Dia menjelaskan ada sejumlah target yang akan dilaksanakan sepanjang dia menduduki posisi Dirut KSEI. "Secara garis besar, program yang akan dilaksanakan masih sejalan dengan program yang telah dicanangkan sebelumnya. Pengembangan layanan jasa dan teknologi secara berkesinambungan serta peningkatan kinerja perusahaan masih menjadi fokus utama yang harus terus dijalankan", lanjut Heri.

RUPST dipimpin oleh Erry Firmansyah selaku Komisaris Utama Perseroan, dengan didampingi Rudi Tandjung dan Wiwit Gusnawan selaku Komisaris KSEI dan Ananta Wiyogo (Direktur Utama), Sulistyo Budi (Direktur) dan Margeret M. Tang (Direktur).

 
Editor :Liwon Maulana
Sumber:Kompas
Dirut Bahana Telah Terpilih untuk Pimpin KSEI

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Hired in 1968, a year before their first season, Mr. Fanning spent 25 years with the team, managing them to their only playoff appearance in Canada.

Jim Fanning, 87, Dies; Lifted Baseball in Canada With Expos

Pronovost, who played for the Red Wings, was not a prolific scorer, but he was a consummate team player with bruising checks and fearless bursts up the ice that could puncture a defense.

Marcel Pronovost, 84, Dies; Hall of Famer Shared in Five N.H.L. Titles

BALTIMORE — In the afternoons, the streets of Locust Point are clean and nearly silent. In front of the rowhouses, potted plants rest next to steps of brick or concrete. There is a shopping center nearby with restaurants, and a grocery store filled with fresh foods.

And the National Guard and the police are largely absent. So, too, residents say, are worries about what happened a few miles away on April 27 when, in a space of hours, parts of this city became riot zones.

“They’re not our reality,” Ashley Fowler, 30, said on Monday at the restaurant where she works. “They’re not what we’re living right now. We live in, not to be racist, white America.”

As Baltimore considers its way forward after the violent unrest brought by the death of Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old black man who died of injuries he suffered while in police custody, residents in its predominantly white neighborhoods acknowledge that they are sometimes struggling to understand what beyond Mr. Gray’s death spurred the turmoil here. For many, the poverty and troubled schools of gritty West Baltimore are distant troubles, glimpsed only when they pass through the area on their way somewhere else.

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Officers blocked traffic at Pennsylvania and West North Avenues after reports that a gun was discharged in the area. Credit Drew Angerer for The New York Times

And so neighborhoods of Baltimore are facing altogether different reckonings after Mr. Gray’s death. In mostly black communities like Sandtown-Winchester, where some of the most destructive rioting played out last week, residents are hoping businesses will reopen and that the police will change their strategies. But in mostly white areas like Canton and Locust Point, some residents wonder what role, if any, they should play in reimagining stretches of Baltimore where they do not live.

“Most of the people are kind of at a loss as to what they’re supposed to do,” said Dr. Richard Lamb, a dentist who has practiced in the same Locust Point office for nearly 39 years. “I listen to the news reports. I listen to the clergymen. I listen to the facts of the rampant unemployment and the lack of opportunities in the area. Listen, I pay my taxes. Exactly what can I do?”

And in Canton, where the restaurants have clever names like Nacho Mama’s and Holy Crepe Bakery and Café, Sara Bahr said solutions seemed out of reach for a proudly liberal city.

“I can only imagine how frustrated they must be,” said Ms. Bahr, 36, a nurse who was out with her 3-year-old daughter, Sally. “I just wish I knew how to solve poverty. I don’t know what to do to make it better.”

The day of unrest and the overwhelmingly peaceful demonstrations that followed led to hundreds of arrests, often for violations of the curfew imposed on the city for five consecutive nights while National Guard soldiers patrolled the streets. Although there were isolated instances of trouble in Canton, the neighborhood association said on its website, many parts of southeast Baltimore were physically untouched by the tumult.

Tensions in the city bubbled anew on Monday after reports that the police had wounded a black man in Northwest Baltimore. The authorities denied those reports and sent officers to talk with the crowds that gathered while other officers clutching shields blocked traffic at Pennsylvania and West North Avenues.

Lt. Col. Melvin Russell, a community police officer, said officers had stopped a man suspected of carrying a handgun and that “one of those rounds was spent.”

Colonel Russell said officers had not opened fire, “so we couldn’t have shot him.”

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Lambi Vasilakopoulos, right, who runs a casual restaurant in Canton, said he was incensed by last week's looting and predicted tensions would worsen. Credit Drew Angerer for The New York Times

The colonel said the man had not been injured but was taken to a hospital as a precaution. Nearby, many people stood in disbelief, despite the efforts by the authorities to quash reports they described as “unfounded.”

Monday’s episode was a brief moment in a larger drama that has yielded anger and confusion. Although many people said they were familiar with accounts of the police harassing or intimidating residents, many in Canton and Locust Point said they had never experienced it themselves. When they watched the unrest, which many protesters said was fueled by feelings that they lived only on Baltimore’s margins, even those like Ms. Bahr who were pained by what they saw said they could scarcely comprehend the emotions associated with it.

But others, like Lambi Vasilakopoulos, who runs a casual restaurant in Canton, said they were incensed by what unfolded last week.

“What happened wasn’t called for. Protests are one thing; looting is another thing,” he said, adding, “We’re very frustrated because we’re the ones who are going to pay for this.”

There were pockets of optimism, though, that Baltimore would enter a period of reconciliation.

“I’m just hoping for peace,” Natalie Boies, 53, said in front of the Locust Point home where she has lived for 50 years. “Learn to love each other; be patient with each other; find justice; and care.”

A skeptical Mr. Vasilakopoulos predicted tensions would worsen.

“It cannot be fixed,” he said. “It’s going to get worse. Why? Because people don’t obey the laws. They don’t want to obey them.”

But there were few fears that the violence that plagued West Baltimore last week would play out on these relaxed streets. The authorities, Ms. Fowler said, would make sure of that.

“They kept us safe here,” she said. “I didn’t feel uncomfortable when I was in my house three blocks away from here. I knew I was going to be O.K. because I knew they weren’t going to let anyone come and loot our properties or our businesses or burn our cars.”

Baltimore Residents Away From Turmoil Consider Their Role

A 2-minute-42-second demo recording captured in one take turned out to be a one-hit wonder for Mr. Ely, who was 19 when he sang the garage-band classic.

Jack Ely, Who Sang the Kingsmen’s ‘Louie Louie’, Dies at 71

The bottle Mr. Sokolin famously broke was a 1787 Château Margaux, which was said to have belonged to Thomas Jefferson. Mr. Sokolin had been hoping to sell it for $519,750.

William Sokolin, Wine Seller Who Broke Famed Bottle, Dies at 85

Ms. Meadows was the older sister of Audrey Meadows, who played Alice Kramden on “The Honeymooners.”

Jayne Meadows, Actress and Steve Allen’s Wife and Co-Star, Dies at 95

A 214-pound Queens housewife struggled with a lifelong addiction to food until she shed 72 pounds and became the public face of the worldwide weight-control empire Weight Watchers.

Jean Nidetch, 91, Dies; Pounds Came Off, and Weight Watchers Was Born

Ms. Rendell was a prolific writer of intricately plotted mystery novels that combined psychological insight, social conscience and teeth-chattering terror.

Ruth Rendell, Novelist Who Thrilled and Educated, Dies at 85

Even as a high school student, Dave Goldberg was urging female classmates to speak up. As a young dot-com executive, he had one girlfriend after another, but fell hard for a driven friend named Sheryl Sandberg, pining after her for years. After they wed, Mr. Goldberg pushed her to negotiate hard for high compensation and arranged his schedule so that he could be home with their children when she was traveling for work.

Mr. Goldberg, who died unexpectedly on Friday, was a genial, 47-year-old Silicon Valley entrepreneur who built his latest company, SurveyMonkey, from a modest enterprise to one recently valued by investors at $2 billion. But he was also perhaps the signature male feminist of his era: the first major chief executive in memory to spur his wife to become as successful in business as he was, and an essential figure in “Lean In,” Ms. Sandberg’s blockbuster guide to female achievement.

Over the weekend, even strangers were shocked at his death, both because of his relatively young age and because they knew of him as the living, breathing, car-pooling center of a new philosophy of two-career marriage.

“They were very much the role models for what this next generation wants to grapple with,” said Debora L. Spar, the president of Barnard College. In a 2011 commencement speech there, Ms. Sandberg told the graduates that whom they married would be their most important career decision.

In the play “The Heidi Chronicles,” revived on Broadway this spring, a male character who is the founder of a media company says that “I don’t want to come home to an A-plus,” explaining that his ambitions require him to marry an unthreatening helpmeet. Mr. Goldberg grew up to hold the opposite view, starting with his upbringing in progressive Minneapolis circles where “there was woman power in every aspect of our lives,” Jeffrey Dachis, a childhood friend, said in an interview.

The Goldberg parents read “The Feminine Mystique” together — in fact, Mr. Goldberg’s father introduced it to his wife, according to Ms. Sandberg’s book. In 1976, Paula Goldberg helped found a nonprofit to aid children with disabilities. Her husband, Mel, a law professor who taught at night, made the family breakfast at home.

Later, when Dave Goldberg was in high school and his prom date, Jill Chessen, stayed silent in a politics class, he chastised her afterward. He said, “You need to speak up,” Ms. Chessen recalled in an interview. “They need to hear your voice.”

Years later, when Karin Gilford, an early employee at Launch Media, Mr. Goldberg’s digital music company, became a mother, he knew exactly what to do. He kept giving her challenging assignments, she recalled, but also let her work from home one day a week. After Yahoo acquired Launch, Mr. Goldberg became known for distributing roses to all the women in the office on Valentine’s Day.

Ms. Sandberg, who often describes herself as bossy-in-a-good-way, enchanted him when they became friendly in the mid-1990s. He “was smitten with her,” Ms. Chessen remembered. Ms. Sandberg was dating someone else, but Mr. Goldberg still hung around, even helping her and her then-boyfriend move, recalled Bob Roback, a friend and co-founder of Launch. When they finally married in 2004, friends remember thinking how similar the two were, and that the qualities that might have made Ms. Sandberg intimidating to some men drew Mr. Goldberg to her even more.

Over the next decade, Mr. Goldberg and Ms. Sandberg pioneered new ways of capturing information online, had a son and then a daughter, became immensely wealthy, and hashed out their who-does-what-in-this-marriage issues. Mr. Goldberg’s commute from the Bay Area to Los Angeles became a strain, so he relocated, later joking that he “lost the coin flip” of where they would live. He paid the bills, she planned the birthday parties, and both often left their offices at 5:30 so they could eat dinner with their children before resuming work afterward.

Friends in Silicon Valley say they were careful to conduct their careers separately, politely refusing when outsiders would ask one about the other’s work: Ms. Sandberg’s role building Facebook into an information and advertising powerhouse, and Mr. Goldberg at SurveyMonkey, which made polling faster and cheaper. But privately, their work was intertwined. He often began statements to his team with the phrase “Well, Sheryl said” sharing her business advice. He counseled her, too, starting with her salary negotiations with Mark Zuckerberg.

“I wanted Mark to really feel he stretched to get Sheryl, because she was worth it,” Mr. Goldberg explained in a 2013 “60 Minutes” interview, his Minnesota accent and his smile intact as he offered a rare peek of the intersection of marriage and money at the top of corporate life.

 

 

While his wife grew increasingly outspoken about women’s advancement, Mr. Goldberg quietly advised the men in the office on family and partnership matters, an associate said. Six out of 16 members of SurveyMonkey’s management team are female, an almost unheard-of ratio among Silicon Valley “unicorns,” or companies valued at over $1 billion.

When Mellody Hobson, a friend and finance executive, wrote a chapter of “Lean In” about women of color for the college edition of the book, Mr. Goldberg gave her feedback on the draft, a clue to his deep involvement. He joked with Ms. Hobson that she was too long-winded, like Ms. Sandberg, but aside from that, he said he loved the chapter, she said in an interview.

By then, Mr. Goldberg was a figure of fascination who inspired a “where can I get one of those?” reaction among many of the women who had read the best seller “Lean In.” Some lamented that Ms. Sandberg’s advice hinged too much on marrying a Dave Goldberg, who was humble enough to plan around his wife, attentive enough to worry about which shoes his young daughter would wear, and rich enough to help pay for the help that made the family’s balancing act manageable.

Now that he is gone, and Ms. Sandberg goes from being half of a celebrated partnership to perhaps the business world’s most prominent single mother, the pages of “Lean In” carry a new sting of loss.

“We are never at 50-50 at any given moment — perfect equality is hard to define or sustain — but we allow the pendulum to swing back and forth between us,” she wrote in 2013, adding that they were looking forward to raising teenagers together.

“Fortunately, I have Dave to figure it out with me,” she wrote.

Dave Goldberg Was Lifelong Women’s Advocate
Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”
Todd Heisler/The New York Times

Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’

Ms. Pryor, who served more than two decades in the State Department, was the author of well-regarded biographies of the founder of the American Red Cross and the Confederate commander.

Elizabeth Brown Pryor, Biographer of Clara Barton and Robert E. Lee, Dies at 64

From sea to shining sea, or at least from one side of the Hudson to the other, politicians you have barely heard of are being accused of wrongdoing. There were so many court proceedings involving public officials on Monday that it was hard to keep up.

In Newark, two underlings of Gov. Chris Christie were arraigned on charges that they were in on the truly deranged plot to block traffic leading onto the George Washington Bridge.

Ten miles away, in Lower Manhattan, Dean G. Skelos, the leader of the New York State Senate, and his son, Adam B. Skelos, were arrested by the Federal Bureau of Investigation on accusations of far more conventional political larceny, involving a job with a sewer company for the son and commissions on title insurance and bond work.

The younger man managed to receive a 150 percent pay increase from the sewer company even though, as he said on tape, he “literally knew nothing about water or, you know, any of that stuff,” according to a criminal complaint the United States attorney’s office filed.

The success of Adam Skelos, 32, was attributed by prosecutors to his father’s influence as the leader of the Senate and as a potentate among state Republicans. The indictment can also be read as one of those unfailingly sad tales of a father who cannot stop indulging a grown son. The senator himself is not alleged to have profited from the schemes, except by being relieved of the burden of underwriting Adam.

The bridge traffic caper is its own species of crazy; what distinguishes the charges against the two Skeloses is the apparent absence of a survival instinct. It is one thing not to know anything about water or that stuff. More remarkable, if true, is the fact that the sewer machinations continued even after the former New York Assembly speaker, Sheldon Silver, was charged in January with taking bribes disguised as fees.

It was by then common gossip in political and news media circles that Senator Skelos, a Republican, the counterpart in the Senate to Mr. Silver, a Democrat, in the Assembly, could be next in line for the criminal dock. “Stay tuned,” the United States attorney, Preet Bharara said, leaving not much to the imagination.

Even though the cat had been unmistakably belled, Skelos father and son continued to talk about how to advance the interests of the sewer company, though the son did begin to use a burner cellphone, the kind people pay for in cash, with no traceable contracts.

That was indeed prudent, as prosecutors had been wiretapping the cellphones of both men. But it would seem that the burner was of limited value, because by then the prosecutors had managed to secure the help of a business executive who agreed to record calls with the Skeloses. It would further seem that the business executive was more attentive to the perils of pending investigations than the politician.

Through the end of the New York State budget negotiations in March, the hopes of the younger Skelos rested on his father’s ability to devise legislation that would benefit the sewer company. That did not pan out. But Senator Skelos did boast that he had haggled with Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, a Democrat, in a successful effort to raise a $150 million allocation for Long Island to $550 million, for what the budget called “transformative economic development projects.” It included money for the kind of work done by the sewer company.

The lawyer for Adam Skelos said he was not guilty and would win in court. Senator Skelos issued a ringing declaration that he was unequivocally innocent.

THIS was also the approach taken in New Jersey by Bill Baroni, a man of great presence and eloquence who stopped outside the federal courthouse to note that he had taken risks as a Republican by bucking his party to support paid family leave, medical marijuana and marriage equality. “I would never risk my career, my job, my reputation for something like this,” Mr. Baroni said. “I am an innocent man.”

The lawyer for his co-defendant, Bridget Anne Kelly, the former deputy chief of staff to Mr. Christie, a Republican, said that she would strongly rebut the charges.

Perhaps they had nothing to do with the lane closings. But neither Mr. Baroni nor Ms. Kelly addressed the question of why they did not return repeated calls from the mayor of Fort Lee, N.J., begging them to stop the traffic tie-ups, over three days.

That silence was a low moment. But perhaps New York hit bottom faster. Senator Skelos, the prosecutors charged, arranged to meet Long Island politicians at the wake of Wenjian Liu, a New York City police officer shot dead in December, to press for payments to the company employing his son.

Sometimes it seems as though for some people, the only thing to be ashamed of is shame itself.

Finding Scandal in New York and New Jersey, but No Shame

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’

Public perceptions of race relations in America have grown substantially more negative in the aftermath of the death of a young black man who was injured while in police custody in Baltimore and the subsequent unrest, far eclipsing the sentiment recorded in the wake of turmoil in Ferguson, Mo., last summer.

Americans are also increasingly likely to say that the police are more apt to use deadly force against a black person, the latest New York Times/CBS News poll finds.

The poll findings highlight the challenges for local leaders and police officials in trying to maintain order while sustaining faith in the criminal justice system in a racially polarized nation.

Sixty-one percent of Americans now say race relations in this country are generally bad. That figure is up sharply from 44 percent after the fatal police shooting of Michael Brown and the unrest that followed in Ferguson in August, and 43 percent in December. In a CBS News poll just two months ago, 38 percent said race relations were generally bad. Current views are by far the worst of Barack Obama’s presidency.

The negative sentiment is echoed by broad majorities of blacks and whites alike, a stark change from earlier this year, when 58 percent of blacks thought race relations were bad, but just 35 percent of whites agreed. In August, 48 percent of blacks and 41 percent of whites said they felt that way.

Looking ahead, 44 percent of Americans think race relations are worsening, up from 36 percent in December. Forty-one percent of blacks and 46 percent of whites think so. Pessimism among whites has increased 10 points since December.

Continue reading the main story
Do you think race relations in the United States are generally good or generally bad?
60
40
20
0
White
Black
May '14
May '15
Generally bad
Continue reading the main story
Do you think race relations in the United States are getting better, getting worse or staying about the same?
Getting worse
Staying the same
Getting better
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
44%
37
17
46
36
16
41
42
15

The poll finds that profound racial divisions in views of how the police use deadly force remain. Blacks are more than twice as likely to say police in most communities are more apt to use deadly force against a black person — 79 percent of blacks say so compared with 37 percent of whites. A slim majority of whites say race is not a factor in a police officer’s decision to use deadly force.

Overall, 44 percent of Americans say deadly force is more likely to be used against a black person, up from 37 percent in August and 40 percent in December.

Blacks also remain far more likely than whites to say they feel mostly anxious about the police in their community. Forty-two percent say so, while 51 percent feel mostly safe. Among whites, 8 in 10 feel mostly safe.

One proposal to address the matter — having on-duty police officers wear body cameras — receives overwhelming support. More than 9 in 10 whites and blacks alike favor it.

Continue reading the main story
How would you describe your feelings about the police in your community? Would you say they make you feel mostly safe or mostly anxious?
Mostly safe
Mostly anxious
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
75%
21
3
81
16
3
51
42
7
Continue reading the main story
In general, do you think the police in most communities are more likely to use deadly force against a black person, or more likely to use it against a white person, or don’t you think race affects police use of deadly force?
Police more likely to use deadly force against a black person
Police more likely to use deadly force against a white person
Race DOES NOT affect police use of deadly force
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
44%
37%
79%
2%
2%
1%
46%
53%
16%
9%
8%
4%
Continue reading the main story
Do you favor or oppose on-duty police officers wearing video cameras that would record events and actions as they occur?
Favor
Oppose
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
92%
93%
93%
6%
5%
5%
2%
2%
2%

Asked specifically about the situation in Baltimore, most Americans expressed at least some confidence that the investigation by local authorities would be conducted fairly. But while nearly two-thirds of whites think so, fewer than half of blacks agree. Still, more blacks are confident now than were in August regarding the investigation in Ferguson. On Friday, six members of the police force involved in the arrest of Mr. Gray were charged with serious offenses, including manslaughter. The poll was conducted Thursday through Sunday; results from before charges were announced are similar to those from after.

Reaction to the recent turmoil in Baltimore, however, is similar among blacks and whites. Most Americans, 61 percent, say the unrest after Mr. Gray’s death was not justified. That includes 64 percent of whites and 57 percent of blacks.

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As you may know, a Baltimore man, Freddie Gray, recently died after being in the custody of the Baltimore police. How much confidence do you have that the investigation by local authorities into this matter will be conducted fairly?
A lot
Some
Not much
None at all
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
29%
31
22
14
5
31
33
20
11
5
20
26
30
22
In general, do you think the unrest in Baltimore after the death of Freddie Gray was justified, or do you think the unrest was not justified?
Justified
Not justified
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
28%
61
11
26
64
11
37
57
6

Negative View of U.S. Race Relations Grows, Poll Finds

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

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His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination
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