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Cara Membuat Balon Udara Sederhana

Cara untuk membuatnya pertama yang harus kita lakukan adalah dengan memotong tas kresek menjadi lembaran-lembaran yang nantinya akan disatukan. Potong lembaran kresek untuk menjadi bentuk segi empat.
Satukan tiap-tiap lembar kresek dengan menggunakan lilin. Caranya seperti kalau orang yang membungkus krupuk dengan plastik, 2 sisi plastik harus direkatkan dengan cara dibakar pakai lilin. Hati-hati karena tahap ini yang paling telah menyita waktu dan butuh teliti, salah sedikit kresek bisa bolong karena terbakar. Pelan-pelan aja yang penting jadi. Agar lebih mudah, bisa gunakan lidi. Ukurannya dikira-kira dengan ukuran plastik yang dipakai, yang diharapkan hasil akhirnya akan membentuk seperti tabung dengan diameter lebih dari 30cm, umumnya diameter 50cm sudah bagus dengan ketinggian 1m lebih.
Setelah jadi, tahap berikutnya adalah dengan membuat tutup untuk bagian atasnya. Buat dari beberapa lembar kresek yang akan disatukan, kemudian diukur berapa yang dibutuhkan untuk dapat membuat tutup atas. Satukan dengan lilin seperti sebelumnya.
Badan balon sudah jadi, tinggal membuat bagian bawah yang nantinya akan dipakai untuk dapat mengaitkan gombal. Bahannya juga bisa dari bambu atau kawat, yang penting adalah ringan. Bentuk seperti lingkaran dengan diameter kurang dari diameter tabung yang dibuat tadi. Semisal tabung dari kresek dibuat 50cm, maka lingkaran bawah harus dibuat menjadi 30cm. Kemudian, tengahnya harus diberi kawat yang membentuk tanda plus.

Selesai, kemudian satukan kresek dengan lingkaran masih dengan menggunakan cara biasa yaitu dengan bantuan dibakar lilin. Mungkin bingung kenapa jika diameter tabung 50cm kok lingkarannya 30cm. Sebenarnya sebelum disatukan, tabung dari kresek tadi dipotong dulu agar diameter bawah sesuai dengan diameter lingkaran bambu. Tujuannya agar balon bisa terlihat lebih gembung.

Bagian yang ada garis putus-putus adalah yang perlu dipotong, kemudian disambung lagi dengan dibakar lilin.
Nah, jadilah balon sedehana. Siapkan gombal yang dibentuk seperti bola, lalu diikat dengan kawat agar tidak berubah bentuk. Rendam dalam minyak goreng. Direkomendasikan, langkah ini juga dilakukan sehari sebelum membuat balon, karena semakin lama direndam, maka minyak yang dihisap gombal juga makin banyak. Artinya gombal bisa menyala lebih lama.

Berikutnya adalah saat yang ditunggu, menerbangkan balon. Siapkan dahan-dahan pohon atau daun kering untuk dibakar. Biasanya digunakan daun kelapa, jika tidak ada sesuaikan saja, yang penting bisa menghasilkan api yang besar. Daun dibakar mengeluarkan asap, usahakan asap masuk ke dalam balon.

Jika balon sudah mengembang dan dirasa sudah bisa terbang, kaitkan gombal ke tengah kawat dan nyalakan. Balon siap dilepaskan.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

CARA MEMBUAT BALON UDARA

Saco-Indonesia.com - Tebu merupakan tanaman yang paling banyak ditemui di Indonesia. Oleh karena itu orang Indonesia menemukan banyak cara kreatif dalam mengolah tebu sehingga dapat dijadikan sebagai olahan minuman yang menyegarkan, salah satunya adalah air tebu.

Ternyata di balik olahan air tebu yang menyegarkan tersimpan beberapa manfaat untuk kesehatan. Inilah manfaat air tebu seperti dilansir dari boldsky.com.

Menyembuhkan penyakit kuning
Air tebu merupakan obat alami untuk menyembuhkan penyakit kuning. Penyakit kuning adalah pigmentasi kuning pada kulit dan membran yang disebabkan oleh adanya billirubin di dalam darah. Penyakit ini terjadi karena menurunnya fungsi hati. Namun air tebu mampu mengembalikan kekuatan fungsi hati sehingga air tebu mampu menyembuhkan penyakit kuning.

Menyembuhkan infeksi
beberapa infeksi seperti infeksi saluran kemih, penyakit menular seksual, hingga peradangan pada perut mampu disembuhkan dengan segelas air tebu.

Mengobati batu ginjal
Batu ginjal terjadi karena dehidrasi di dalam tubuh. Oleh karena itu untuk menghidrasi tubuh kembali, Anda dapat mencoba mengonsumsi air tebu secara rutin. Air tebu juga mempunyai kandungan alami yang dapat memecah batu ginjal.

Baik untuk penderita diabetes
Air tebu baik dikonsumsi oleh penderita diabetes sebab air tebu mengandung pemanis alami. Sehingga tidak membahayakan atau memicu penyakit diabetes.

Kaya akan nutrisi
Air tebu kaya akan vitamin dan mineral seperti fosfor, zat besi, kalium, kalsium, dan magnesium. Selain itu penelitian menunjukkan bahwa air tebu mampu membantu memulihkan kekurangan vitamin di dalam tubuh akibat penyakit demam yang tinggi.

Menyembuhkan flu dan pilek
Jika Anda berpikir bahwa air tebu akan memperparah sakit tenggorokan Anda, maka Anda salah. Sebab air tebu justru mampu membantu menyembuhkan sakit tenggorokan, pilek, dan flu.

Mencegah kanker
Karena kandungan alkali di dalamnya, air tebu baik untuk mencegah kanker terutama kanker usus besar, kanker paru-paru, dan kanker payudara.

Menghidrasi tubuh
Dehidrasi masih menjadi penyakit yang jamak ditemui terutama ketika musim panas. Oleh karena itu untuk mencegahnya, Anda dapat mengonsumsi air tebu untuk menurunkan panas tubuh dan menghidrasi tubuh.

Sedang mencari alternatif minuman sehat? Tidak ada salahnya apabila Anda mengonsumsi air tebu.

 

Sumber : Merdeka.com

Editor : Maulana Lee

8 Manfaat kesehatan di balik segarnya air tebu

Bisnis Rental Mobil atau Jasa Sewa Mobil juga merupakan salah satu bisnis yang menjanjikan. Hal ini dikarenakan kebutuhan akan kendaraan mobil sebagai alat transportasi sangat tinggi. Kebutuhan akan rental mobil semakin meningkat, hal ini juga dapat dilihat dari semakin banyak jumlah rental mobil yang bermunculan. Bila tidak permintaan akan rental mobil tentunya bisnis ini tidak akan berkembang pesat seperti sekarang ini.

Tips Bisnis Rental Mobil

rental mobilBisnis Rental Mobil akhir-akhir ini mulai banyak orang yang melakoni nya, telah membuat persaingan nya semakin tinggi. Bagi anda yang tertarik dan ingin memulai bisnis rental mobil, sebaiknya mengetahui beberapa tips sebelum memulai bisnis rental mobil ini. Berikut ini beberapa tips memulai bisnis rental mobil.

    Modal atau pendanaan yang mencukupi. Modal adalah salah faktor utama dalam membangun bisnis, tanpa adanya modal yang mencukupi kita tidak dapat memulai suatu usaha. Modal terutama dalam bisnis rental mobil memang membutuhkan jumlah yang cukup besar. Seperti yang diketahui harga sebuah mobil saja membutuhkan dana yang cukup besar. Jadi pembelian mobil merupakan jumlah dana yang paling besar.
    Tempat usaha yang strategis. Salah faktor keberhasilan suatu bisnis adalah dari lokasi tempat usahanya. Pilihlah tempat usaha yang ramai dikunjungi dan mudah dilihat oleh orang, hal ini agar orang dapat dengan mudah mengetahuinya. Walaupun orang tidak atau belum menggunakan jasa kita ketika mengetahui tempat rental mobil milik kita, namun untuk kedepannya apabila orang membutuhkan rental mobil maka mereka akan ingat dan tahu dimana mereka akan menemukannya.
    Pemilihan mobil yang tepat. Untuk bisnis rental mobil, sangat penting mengetahui jenis mobil yang tepat untuk rental. Ketahui jenis mobil yang paling banyak disukai konsumen, selain itu pilih juga mobil yang awet serta mudah dalam perawatannya.
    Persiapkan tenaga ahli dalam mengelola bisnis rental mobil. Gunakan tenaga ahli yang terbiasa dengan bisnis rental mobil, dimana mereka yang bertugas dalam urusan me manage jalannya bisnis ini. Pemilihan supir juga harus diperhatikan, apabila kita menyediakan jasa rental mobil sekaligus dengan supirnya. Pilih juga tenaga teknis yang berpengalaman dalam mengurus mobil, sehingga dapat merawat dan memperbaiki mobil-mobil yang ada.
    Berikan servis terbaik kepada konsumen. Berikan jasa terbaik kepada konsumen dengan memberikan pelayanan terbaik. Hal ini dapat kita berikan dengan memberikan service antar jemput misalnya, sehingga konsumen tidak perlu repot-repot dating ketempat kita. Masih banyak pelayanan lainnya yang dapat diberikan, tergantung bagaimana kita dalam memberikannya. Kini konsumen lebih pintar karena telah mengetahui Tips Sewa Mobil di Jakarta sehingga dapat memilih akan menggunakan jasa rental mobil.
    Asuransikan semua mobil. Hal ini sangat penting, untuk mencegah hal yang tidak diinginkan seperti rusaknya mobil karena kecelakaan atau mobil hilang. Dengan adanya asuransi setidaknya segala kerugian yang ada telah ditangani oleh pihak asuransi.

Dengan mengetahui beberapa tips untuk memulai bisnis rental mobil ini semoga dapat membantu bagi yang ingin mencoba bisnis yang menguntungkan ini. Hal terpenting dalam berbisnis adalah selalu pantang menyerah, jujur dan ciptakan inovasi-inovasi yang dapat menjadi bisnis kita lebih dipilih konsumen dibandingkan dengan kompetitor lainnya.

TIPS MEMULAI BISNIS RENTAL MOBIL

Oleh
Ustadz Abu Ubaidah Al-Atsari

HAJI MABRUR
Dari Abu Hurairah Radhiyallahu ‘ahu bahwasanya Rasulullah Shallallahu ‘alaihi wa sallam bersabda : “Umroh ke umroh berikutnya merupakan pelebur dosa antara keduanya, dan tiada balasan bagi haji mabrur melainkan surga” [HR Bukhari : 1683, Muslim : 1349]

Haji Mabrur memiliki beberapa kriteria.

Pertama : Ikhlas. Seorang hanya mengharap pahala Allah, bukan untuk pamer, kebanggaan, atau agar dipanggil “pak haji” atau “bu haji” oleh masyarakat.

“Artinya : Mereka tidak disuruh kecuali supaya beribadah kepada Allah dengan penuh keikhlasan” [Al-Bayyinnah : 5]

Kedua : Ittiba’ kepda Nabi Shallallahu ‘alaihi wa sallam. Dia berhaji sesuai dengan tata cara haji yang dipraktekkan oleh Nabi Shallallahu ‘alaihi wa sallam dan menjauhi pekara-perkara bid’ah dalam haji. Beliau Shallallahu ‘alaihi wa sallam bersabda.

“Artinya : Contohlah cara manasik hajiku” [HR Muslim : 1297]

Ketiga : Harta untuk berangkat haji adalah harta yang halal. Nabi Shallallahu ‘alaihi wa sallam bersabda.

“Artinya : Sesungguhnya Allah itu baik, Dia tidak menerima kecuali dari yang baik” [HR Muslim : 1015]

Keempat : Menjauhi segala kemaksiatan, kebid’ahan dan penyimpangan

“Artinya : Barangsiapa menetapkan niatnya untuk haji di bulan itu maka tidak boleh rafats (berkata-kata tidak senonoh), berbuat fasik, dan berbantah-bantahan pada masa haji..”[Al-Baqarah : 197]

Kelima : Berakhlak baik antar sesama, tawadhu’ dalam bergaul, dan suka membantu kebutuhan saudara lainnya.

Alangkah bagusnya ucapan Ibnul Abdil Barr rahimahullah dalam At-Tamhid (22/39) : “Adapun haji mabrur, yaitu haji yang tiada riya dan sum’ah di dalamnya, tiada kefasikan, dan dari harta yang halal” [Latho’iful Ma’arif Ibnu Rajab hal. 410-419, Masa’il Yaktsuru Su’al Anha Abdullah bin Sholih Al-Fauzan : 12-13]

HAJI AKBAR
Pendapat yang populer dalam madzhab Syafi’i, hari “Haji Akbar” adalah hari Arafah (9 Dzul-Hijjah). Namun pendapat yang benar bahwa hari haji akbar adalah pada hari Nahr (penyembelihan kurban, yakni 10 Dzul-Hijjah], berdasarkan firman Allah Subhanahu wa Ta’ala.

“Artinya : Dan (inilah) suatu permakluman dari Allah dan rosul-Nya kepada umat manusia pada hari haji akbar…” [At-Taubah : 3]

Dalam shahih Bukhari 8/240 dan shahih Muslim : 1347 disebutkan bahwa Abu Bakar dan Ali Radhiyallahu ‘anhuma mengumumkan hal itu pada hari nahr, bukan pada hari Arafah.

Dalam sunan Abu Dawud 1945 dengan sanad yang sangat shohih, Rasulullah Shallallahu ‘alaihi wa salam bersabda.

“Artinya : Hari haji akbar adalah hari nahr (menyembelih kurban)”

Demikian pula yang dikatakan oleh Abu Hurairah dan sejumlah shahabat radhiyallahu ‘anhum [Lihat Zadul Ma’ad Ibnul Qayyim 1/55-56]

GANTI NAMA USAI HAJI
Soal : Apakah hukumnya mengganti nama setelah pulang haji, seperti yang banyak dilakukan mayoritas jama’ah haji Indonesia, di mana mereka mengganti nama di Makkah atau Madinah, apakah ini termasuk sunnah ataukah tidak?

Jawab : Nabi Shallallahu ‘alaihi wa sallam biasa mengganti nama-nama yang buruk dengan nama-nama yang bagus. Maka apabila jama’ah haji Indonesia tersebut mengganti nama mereka lantaran tersebut, bukan disebabkan usai melakukan ibadah haji atau karena berziarah ke Masjid Nabawi, maka hukumnya boleh. Namun apabila jama’ah haji Indonesia mengganti nama mereka lantaran alasan pernah di Makkah/Madinah atau usai melakukan ibadah haji, maka hal itu termasuk perkara bid’ah, bukan sunnah. [Fatawa Lajnah Daimah 2/514-515]

AIR ZAM-ZAM
Al-Humaidi rahimahullah berkata : Saya pernah berada di sisi Sufyan bin Uyainah rahimahullah, lalu beliau menyampaikan kepada kami hadits.

“Artinya : Air zam-zam tergantung keinginan seorang yang meminumnya”

Tiba-tiba ada seorang lelaki bangkit dari majelis, kemudian kembali lagi seraya mengatakan : “Wahai Abu Muhammad, bukankah hadits yang engkau ceritakan kepada kami tadi tentang zam-zam adalah hadits yang shahih?” Jawab beliau : “Benar”, Lelaki itu lalu berkata : “Baru saja aku meminum seember air zam-zam dengan harapan engkau akan menyampaikan kepadaku seratus hadits”. Akhirnya Sufyan rahimahullah berkata kepadanya : “Duduklah!”, Lelaki itupun duduk, dan Sufyan rahimahullah menyampaikan seratus hadits kepadanya. [Al-Mujalasah Abu Bakar Ad-Dinawari 2/343, Juz Ma’a Zam-Zam Ibnu Hajar hal. 271]

Semoga Allah merahmati Imam Sufyan bin Uyainah, alangkah semangatnya dalam menebarkan ilmu! Dan semoga Allah merahmati orang yang bertanya tersebut, alangkah semangatnya dalam menuntut ilmu dan sindiran lembut untuk mendapatkannya! [Fadhlu Ma’a Zam-Zam Sayyid Bakdasy hal. 137]

ASAL HAJAR ASWAD
Dari Ibnu Abbas Radhiyallahu ‘anhuma berkata : Rasulullah Shallallahu ‘alaihi wa sallam bersabda : “Hajar aswad (ketika) turun dari surga lebih putih dari pada salju, lalu dosa-dosa anak Adam membuatnya hitam” [Shahih HR Tirmidzi : 877, Ibnu Khuzaimah : 1/271, Ath-Thabrani dalam Mu’jam Kabir 3/155, Ahmad 1/307, 329, 373. Lihat Silsilah Ash-Shahihah Al-Albani : 2618]

Kita beriman dengan hadits ini secara tekstual dan pasrah sepenuhnya, sekalipun orang-orang ahli filsafat mengingkarinya. [Lihat Ta’wil Mukhtalif Hadits Ibnu Qutaibah hal.542]

Sulaiman bin Khalil rahimahullah (imam dan khatib Masjidil Haram dahulu) menceritakan bahwa dirinya melihat tiga bintik berwarna putih jernih pada Hajar Aswad, lalu katanya : “Saya perhatikan bintik-bintik tadi, ternyata setiap hari berkurang warnanya” [Al-Aqdu Tsamin Al-Fasi Al-Makki 1/68, Asror wa Fadha’il Hajar Aswad Majdi Futhi Sayyid hal. 22]

Sungguh dalam hal itu terdapat pelajaran berharga bagi orang yang berakal, sebab jika demikian jadinya bekas dosa pada batu yang keras, maka bagaimana kiranya pada hati manusia?! [Fathul Bari Ibnu Hajar 3/463]

JEDDAH TERMASUK MIQOT?
Ada sebagian kalangan yang mencuatkan pendapat bahwa kota Jeddah boleh dijadikan sebagai salah satu miqot untuk jama’ah haji yang datang lewat pesawat udara atau kapal laut. Namun pendapat ini disanggah secara keras oleh Ha’iah Kibar Ulama dalam keputusan rapat mereka no. 5730, tanggal 21/10/1399 sebagai berikut.

Pertama : Fatwa tentang bolehnya menjadikan Jeddah sebagai miqot bagi jama’ah haji yang datang dengan pesawat udara dan kapal laut merupakan fatwa yang batil, karena tidak bersandar pada Kitabullah dan sunnah Rasul-Nya serta ijma’ salafush shalih. Tidak ada satupun ulama kaum muslimin sebelumnya yang mendahului pendapat ini.

Kedua : Tidak boleh bagi jama’ah haji yang melewati miqot, baik lewat udara maupun laut (miqot Indonesia adalah Yalamlam, pent) untuk melampauinya tanpa ihram sebagaimana ditegaskan dalam banyak dalil dan dilandaskan oleh para ulama” [Fiqh Nawazil Al-Jizani 2/317, Tisir Alam Al-Bassam 1/572-573]

NAMA MIQOT MADINAH
Miqot penduduk Madinah atau jama’ah haji yang lewat Madinah adalah Dzul-Hulaifah [1] sebagaimana disebutkan dalam banyak hadits. Adapun penamannya dengan “Bir Ali” sebagaimana yang populer di masyarakat maka hendaknya diganti. Sebab sebagaimana lafazh yang tertera dalam hadits itu lebih utama, apalagi kalau kita telusuri ternyata sumber penamaan Bir Ali (sumur Ali) adalah cerita yang laris manis di kalangan Rafidhah (Syi’ah) bahwa Ali bin Abi Thalib Radhiyallahu ‘anhu pernah bertarung dengan jin di sumur tersebut, shingga karena itulah disebut Bir Ali.

Para ulama ahli hadits telah bersepakat menegaskan batilnya cerita tersebut, seperti Syaikhul Islam Ibnu Taimiyah rahimahullah dalam Minhajus Sunnah 8/161, Ibnu Katsir dalam Al-Bidayah wan Nihayah 2/344, Ibnu Hajar dalam Al-Ishobah 1/498, Mula Ali Al-Qari dalam Al-Maslak Al-Mutaqossith hal. 79, dan lainnya. [Qashashun La Tatsbutu Masyhur Hasan Salman 7/95-119]

DZIKIR KETIKA THAWAF
Syaikhul Islam Ibnu Taimiyyah rahimahullah berkata : “Disunnahkan ketika thawaf untuk berdzikir dan berdo’a dengan do’a-do’a yang disyariatkan. Kalau mau membaca Al-Qur’an dengan lirih maka hal itu boleh. Dan tidak ada do’a tertentu dari Nabi Shallallahu ‘alaihi wa sallam baik dari perintahnya, ucapannya, maupun pengajarannya, bahkan boleh berdo’a dengan umumnya do’a-do’a yang disyari’atkan. Adapun yang disebutkan kebanyakan manusia tentng do’a khusus di bawah mizab (talang Ka’bah) dan selainnya [2] semua itu tidak ada asalnya” [Majmu Fatawa 26/122]

PROBLEM ORANG YANG BOTAK
Telah dimaklumi, dalam haji ada syarat cukur/memendekkan rambut. Namun bagaimana dengan seorang yang botak dan tidak memiliki rambut untuk dicukur? Sebagian fuqaha mengatakan. Hendaknya dia tetap melewatkan alat cukur di kepalanya. Namun pendapat yang benar ialah hal ini dibenci, syari’at bersih darinya, (perbuatan itu) sia-sia dan tiada faedahnya, sebab melewatkan alat cukur hanyalah sekedar sebagai wasilah (perantara) saja bukan tujuan utama. Kalau tujuan utamanya gugur, maka wasilah tidak bermakna lagi. Persis dengan masalah ini adalah seorang yang lahir sedangkan dzakarnya sudah terkhitan, perlukah dikhitan lagi? Ataukah melewatkan pisau padanya? Pendapat yang benar adalah tidak perlu. [Lihat Tuhfatul Maudud bi Ahkamil Maulud Ibnul Qayyim hal. 330]

TITIP SALAM UNTUK NABI SHALLALLAHU ‘ALAIHI WA SALLAM
Budaya titip atau kirim salam untuk Nabi Shallallahu ‘alaihi wa sallam kepada para jama’ah haji merupakan budaya yang perlu ditinggalkan dan diingatkan, sebab hal itu tidak boleh dan termasuk kategori perkara baru dalam agama. Alhamdulillah, termasuk keluasan rahmat Allah kepada kita, Dia menjadikan salam kita untuk Nabi Shallallahu ‘alaihi wa sallam sampai kepada beliau di manapun kita berada, baik di ujung timur maupun barat. Nabi Shallallahu ‘alaihi wa sallam bersabda.

“Artinya : Jangalah kalian jadikan kuburku sebagai perayaan, dan (jangan jadikan) rumah-rumah kalian sebagai kuburan, bershalawtlah kepadaku karena sesungguhnya shalawat kalian sampai kepadaku di manapun kalian berada”.

Hadits-hadits yang semakna dengannya banyak sekali. [Lihat Al-Mustadrak ‘Ala Mu’jam Manahi Lafzhiyyah Sulaiman Al-Khurosi hal. 231-232]

[Disalin dari Majalah Al-Furqon Edisi 05 Tahun VI/Dzul-Hijjah 1427 (Januari 2007). Penerbit Lajnah Dakwah Ma’had Al-Furqon, Alamat Maktabah Ma’ahd Al-Furqon, Srowo Sidayu Gresik Jatim]
__________
Foote Note
[1]. Nama sebuah desa besar di jalan Madinah dahulu (lihat Mu’jam Buldan 2/111). Di sana ada sebuah masjid yang Nabi Shallallahu ‘alaihi wa sallam ketika berangkat haji, beliau shalat dan ber-ihram di sana. Jaraknya dari Madinah kurang lebih 3 mil, dijangkau dengan mobil sekitar seperempat jam [Lihat Al-Haj Al-Mabrur Abu Bakar Al-Jaza’iri hal. 32]
[2]. Seperti do’a/dzikir tertentu untuk setiap putaran thawaf dan sa’i, maka ini juga tidak ada asalnya. [Lihat At-Tahqiq wal Idhah Abdul Aziz bin Baz hal. 29, Manasik Haji wal Umrah Ibnu Utsaimin hal.119, Syarh Manasik Haji wal Umrah Sholih Al-fauzan hal.75, Tashih Du’a Bakar Abu Zaid hal.520]

Sumber : http://www.alquran-sunnah.com

Baca Artikel Lainnya : FAEDAH IBADAH HAJI DAN UMRAH

SEPULUH KEUTAMAAN TENTANG HAJI

GRANADA adalah kota yang terletak di Spanyol bagian selatan yang merupakan kota penduduk umat muslim. GRANADA Tour Travel merupakan bisnis yang kedua di bidang Tour  Travel Haji & Umroh dari PT. SARWAH GRANADA INDONESIA berpusat di Kota Bogor

 

GRANADA hadir untuk melayani Anda dalam beribadah Haji & Umroh. Kami selalu memberikan pelayanan yang terbaik untuk para jamaah, dengan harga yang relatif lebih terjangkau dan tetap memberikan pelayanan yang memuaskan. Kami berkomitmen untuk menjalankan program ibadah ini sesuai dengan Sunnah Rasullulah SAW dan tuntunan secara Syar'i.

Sumber : http://www.granada-tourtravel.com

Baca Artikel Selanjutnya : HAJI CILIK, SAH?

GRANADA TOUR TRAVEL

Hockey is not exactly known as a city game, but played on roller skates, it once held sway as the sport of choice in many New York neighborhoods.

“City kids had no rinks, no ice, but they would do anything to play hockey,” said Edward Moffett, former director of the Long Island City Y.M.C.A. Roller Hockey League, in Queens, whose games were played in city playgrounds going back to the 1940s.

From the 1960s through the 1980s, the league had more than 60 teams, he said. Players included the Mullen brothers of Hell’s Kitchen and Dan Dorion of Astoria, Queens, who would later play on ice for the National Hockey League.

One street legend from the heyday of New York roller hockey was Craig Allen, who lived in the Woodside Houses projects and became one of the city’s hardest hitters and top scorers.

“Craig was a warrior, one of the best roller hockey players in the city in the ’70s,” said Dave Garmendia, 60, a retired New York police officer who grew up playing with Mr. Allen. “His teammates loved him and his opponents feared him.”

Young Craig took up hockey on the streets of Queens in the 1960s, playing pickup games between sewer covers, wearing steel-wheeled skates clamped onto school shoes and using a roll of electrical tape as the puck.

His skill and ferocity drew attention, Mr. Garmendia said, but so did his skin color. He was black, in a sport made up almost entirely by white players.

“Roller hockey was a white kid’s game, plain and simple, but Craig broke the color barrier,” Mr. Garmendia said. “We used to say Craig did more for race relations than the N.A.A.C.P.”

Mr. Allen went on to coach and referee roller hockey in New York before moving several years ago to South Carolina. But he continued to organize an annual alumni game at Dutch Kills Playground in Long Island City, the same site that held the local championship games.

The reunion this year was on Saturday, but Mr. Allen never made it. On April 26, just before boarding the bus to New York, he died of an asthma attack at age 61.

Word of his death spread rapidly among hundreds of his old hockey colleagues who resolved to continue with the event, now renamed the Craig Allen Memorial Roller Hockey Reunion.

The turnout on Saturday was the largest ever, with players pulling on their old equipment, choosing sides and taking once again to the rink of cracked blacktop with faded lines and circles. They wore no helmets, although one player wore a fedora.

Another, Vinnie Juliano, 77, of Long Island City, wore his hearing aids, along with his 50-year-old taped-up quads, or four-wheeled skates with a leather boot. Many players here never converted to in-line skates, and neither did Mr. Allen, whose photograph appeared on a poster hanging behind the players’ bench.

“I’m seeing people walking by wondering why all these rusty, grizzly old guys are here playing hockey,” one player, Tommy Dominguez, said. “We’re here for Craig, and let me tell you, these old guys still play hard.”

Everyone seemed to have a Craig Allen story, from his earliest teams at Public School 151 to the Bryant Rangers, the Woodside Wings, the Woodside Blues and more.

Mr. Allen, who became a yellow-cab driver, was always recruiting new talent. He gained the nickname Cabby for his habit of stopping at playgrounds all over the city to scout players.

Teams were organized around neighborhoods and churches, and often sponsored by local bars. Mr. Allen, for one, played for bars, including Garry Owen’s and on the Fiddler’s Green Jokers team in Inwood, Manhattan.

Play was tough and fights were frequent.

“We were basically street gangs on skates,” said Steve Rogg, 56, a mail clerk who grew up in Jackson Heights, Queens, and who on Saturday wore his Riedell Classic quads from 1972. “If another team caught up with you the night before a game, they tossed you a beating so you couldn’t play the next day.”

Mr. Garmendia said Mr. Allen’s skin color provoked many fights.

“When we’d go to some ignorant neighborhoods, a lot of players would use slurs,” Mr. Garmendia said, recalling a game in Ozone Park, Queens, where local fans parked motorcycles in a lineup next to the blacktop and taunted Mr. Allen. Mr. Garmendia said he checked a player into the motorcycles, “and the bikes went down like dominoes, which started a serious brawl.”

A group of fans at a game in Brooklyn once stuck a pole through the rink fence as Mr. Allen skated by and broke his jaw, Mr. Garmendia said, adding that carloads of reinforcements soon arrived to defend Mr. Allen.

And at another racially incited brawl, the police responded with six patrol cars and a helicopter.

Before play began on Saturday, the players gathered at center rink to honor Mr. Allen. Billy Barnwell, 59, of Woodside, recalled once how an all-white, all-star squad snubbed Mr. Allen by playing him third string. He scored seven goals in the first game and made first string immediately.

“He’d always hear racial stuff before the game, and I’d ask him, ‘How do you put up with that?’” Mr. Barnwell recalled. “Craig would say, ‘We’ll take care of it,’ and by the end of the game, he’d win guys over. They’d say, ‘This guy’s good.’”

Tribute for a Roller Hockey Warrior

At the National Institutes of Health, Dr. Suzman’s signature accomplishment was the central role he played in creating a global network of surveys on aging.

Richard Suzman, 72, Dies; Researcher Influenced Global Surveys on Aging

Judge Patterson helped to protect the rights of Attica inmates after the prison riot in 1971 and later served on the Federal District Court in Manhattan.

Robert Patterson Jr., Lawyer and Judge Who Fought for the Accused, Dies at 91

The live music at the Vice Media party on Friday shook the room. Shane Smith, Vice’s chief executive, was standing near the stage — with a drink in his hand, pants sagging, tattoos showing — watching the rapper-cum-chef Action Bronson make pizzas.

The event was an after-party, a happy-hour bacchanal for the hundreds of guests who had come for Vice’s annual presentation to advertisers and agencies that afternoon, part of the annual frenzy for ad dollars called the Digital Content NewFronts. Mr. Smith had spoken there for all of five minutes before running a slam-bang highlight reel of the company’s shows that had titles like “Weediquette” and “Gaycation.”

In the last year, Vice has secured $500 million in financing and signed deals worth hundreds of millions of dollars with established media companies like HBO that are eager to engage the young viewers Vice attracts. Vice said it was now worth at least $4 billion, with nearly $1 billion in projected revenue for 2015. It is a long way from Vice’s humble start as a free magazine in 1994.

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At the Vice after-party, the rapper Action Bronson, a host of a Vice show, made a pizza. Credit Jesse Dittmar for The New York Times

But even as cash flows freely in Vice’s direction, the company is trying to keep its brash, insurgent image. At the party on Friday, it plied guests with beers and cocktails. Its apparently unrehearsed presentation to advertisers was peppered with expletives. At one point, the director Spike Jonze, a longtime Vice collaborator, asked on stage if Mr. Smith had been drinking.

“My assistant tried to cut me off,” Mr. Smith replied. “I’m on buzz control.”

Now, Vice is on the verge of getting its own cable channel, which would give the company a traditional outlet for its slate of non-news programming. If all goes as planned, A&E Networks, the television group owned by Hearst and Disney, will turn over its History Channel spinoff, H2, to Vice.

The deal’s announcement was expected last week, but not all of A&E’s distribution partners — the cable and satellite TV companies that carry the network’s channels — have signed off on the change, according to a person familiar with the negotiations who spoke on the condition of anonymity because the talks were private.

A cable channel would be a further step in a transformation for Vice, from bad-boy digital upstart to mainstream media company.

Keen for the core audience of young men who come to Vice, media giants like 21st Century Fox, Time Warner and Disney all showed interest in the company last year. Vice ultimately secured $500 million in financing from A&E Networks and Technology Crossover Ventures, a Silicon Valley venture capital firm that has invested in Facebook and Netflix.

Those investments valued Vice at more than $2.5 billion. (In 2013, Fox bought a 5 percent stake for $70 million.)

Then in March, HBO announced that it had signed a multiyear deal to broadcast a daily half-hour Vice newscast. Vice already produces a weekly newsmagazine show, called “Vice,” for the network. That show will extend its run through 2018, with an increase to 35 episodes a year, from 14.

Michael Lombardo, HBO’s president for programming, said when the deal was announced that it was “certainly one of our biggest investments with hours on the air.”

Vice, based in Brooklyn, also recently signed a multiyear $100 million deal with Rogers Communications, a Canadian media conglomerate, to produce original content for TV, smartphone and desktop viewers.

Vice’s finances are private, but according to an internal document reviewed by The New York Times and verified by a person familiar with the company’s financials, the company is on track to make about $915 million in revenue this year.

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Vice showed a highlight reel of its TV series at the NewFronts last week in New York. Credit Jesse Dittmar for The New York Times

It brought in $545 million in a strong first quarter, which included portions of the new HBO deal and the Rogers deal, according to the document. More of its revenue now comes from these types of content partnerships, compared with the branded content deals that made up much of its revenue a year ago, the company said.

Mr. Smith said the company was worth at least $4 billion. If the valuation gets much higher, he said he would consider taking the company public.

“I don’t care about money; we have plenty of money,” Mr. Smith, who is Vice’s biggest shareholder, said in an interview after the presentation on Friday. “I care about strategic deals.”

In the United States, Vice Media had 35.2 million unique visitors across its sites in March, according to comScore.

The third season of Vice’s weekly HBO show has averaged 1.8 million viewers per episode, including reruns, through April 12, according to Brad Adgate, the director of research at Horizon Media. (Vice said the show attracted three million weekly viewers when repeat broadcasts, online and on-demand viewings were included.)

For years, Mr. Smith has criticized traditional TV, calling it slow and unable to draw younger viewers. But if all the deals Vice has struck are to work out, Mr. Smith may have to play more by the rules of traditional media. James Murdoch, Rupert Murdoch’s son and a member of Vice’s board, was at the company’s presentation on Friday, as were other top media executives.

“They know they need people like me to help them, but they can’t get out of their own way,” Mr. Smith said in the interview Friday. “My only real frustration is we’re used to being incredibly dynamic, and they’re not incredibly dynamic.”

With its own television channel in the United States, Vice would have something it has long coveted even as traditional media companies are looking beyond TV. Last year, Vice’s deal with Time Warner failed in part because the two companies could not agree on how much control Vice would have over a 24-hour television network.

Vice said it intended to fill its new channel with non-news programming. The company plans to have sports shows, fashion shows, food shows and the “Gaycation” travel show with the actress Ellen Page. It is also in talks with Kanye West about a show.

It remains to be seen whether Vice’s audience will watch a traditional cable channel. Still, Vice has effectively presold all of the ad spots to two of the biggest advertising agencies for the first three years, Mr. Smith said.

In the meantime, Mr. Smith is enjoying Vice’s newfound role as a potential savior of traditional media companies.

“I’m a C.E.O. of a content company,” Mr. Smith said before he caught a flight to Las Vegas for the boxing match on Saturday between Floyd Mayweather Jr. and Manny Pacquiao. “If it stops being fun, then why are you doing it?”

As Vice Moves More to TV, It Tries to Keep Brash Voice

Imagine an elite professional services firm with a high-performing, workaholic culture. Everyone is expected to turn on a dime to serve a client, travel at a moment’s notice, and be available pretty much every evening and weekend. It can make for a grueling work life, but at the highest levels of accounting, law, investment banking and consulting firms, it is just the way things are.

Except for one dirty little secret: Some of the people ostensibly turning in those 80- or 90-hour workweeks, particularly men, may just be faking it.

Many of them were, at least, at one elite consulting firm studied by Erin Reid, a professor at Boston University’s Questrom School of Business. It’s impossible to know if what she learned at that unidentified consulting firm applies across the world of work more broadly. But her research, published in the academic journal Organization Science, offers a way to understand how the professional world differs between men and women, and some of the ways a hard-charging culture that emphasizes long hours above all can make some companies worse off.

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Credit Peter Arkle

Ms. Reid interviewed more than 100 people in the American offices of a global consulting firm and had access to performance reviews and internal human resources documents. At the firm there was a strong culture around long hours and responding to clients promptly.

“When the client needs me to be somewhere, I just have to be there,” said one of the consultants Ms. Reid interviewed. “And if you can’t be there, it’s probably because you’ve got another client meeting at the same time. You know it’s tough to say I can’t be there because my son had a Cub Scout meeting.”

Some people fully embraced this culture and put in the long hours, and they tended to be top performers. Others openly pushed back against it, insisting upon lighter and more flexible work hours, or less travel; they were punished in their performance reviews.

The third group is most interesting. Some 31 percent of the men and 11 percent of the women whose records Ms. Reid examined managed to achieve the benefits of a more moderate work schedule without explicitly asking for it.

They made an effort to line up clients who were local, reducing the need for travel. When they skipped work to spend time with their children or spouse, they didn’t call attention to it. One team on which several members had small children agreed among themselves to cover for one another so that everyone could have more flexible hours.

A male junior manager described working to have repeat consulting engagements with a company near enough to his home that he could take care of it with day trips. “I try to head out by 5, get home at 5:30, have dinner, play with my daughter,” he said, adding that he generally kept weekend work down to two hours of catching up on email.

Despite the limited hours, he said: “I know what clients are expecting. So I deliver above that.” He received a high performance review and a promotion.

What is fascinating about the firm Ms. Reid studied is that these people, who in her terminology were “passing” as workaholics, received performance reviews that were as strong as their hyper-ambitious colleagues. For people who were good at faking it, there was no real damage done by their lighter workloads.

It calls to mind the episode of “Seinfeld” in which George Costanza leaves his car in the parking lot at Yankee Stadium, where he works, and gets a promotion because his boss sees the car and thinks he is getting to work earlier and staying later than anyone else. (The strategy goes awry for him, and is not recommended for any aspiring partners in a consulting firm.)

A second finding is that women, particularly those with young children, were much more likely to request greater flexibility through more formal means, such as returning from maternity leave with an explicitly reduced schedule. Men who requested a paternity leave seemed to be punished come review time, and so may have felt more need to take time to spend with their families through those unofficial methods.

The result of this is easy to see: Those specifically requesting a lighter workload, who were disproportionately women, suffered in their performance reviews; those who took a lighter workload more discreetly didn’t suffer. The maxim of “ask forgiveness, not permission” seemed to apply.

It would be dangerous to extrapolate too much from a study at one firm, but Ms. Reid said in an interview that since publishing a summary of her research in Harvard Business Review she has heard from people in a variety of industries describing the same dynamic.

High-octane professional service firms are that way for a reason, and no one would doubt that insane hours and lots of travel can be necessary if you’re a lawyer on the verge of a big trial, an accountant right before tax day or an investment banker advising on a huge merger.

But the fact that the consultants who quietly lightened their workload did just as well in their performance reviews as those who were truly working 80 or more hours a week suggests that in normal times, heavy workloads may be more about signaling devotion to a firm than really being more productive. The person working 80 hours isn’t necessarily serving clients any better than the person working 50.

In other words, maybe the real problem isn’t men faking greater devotion to their jobs. Maybe it’s that too many companies reward the wrong things, favoring the illusion of extraordinary effort over actual productivity.

How Some Men Fake an 80-Hour Workweek, and Why It Matters

Pronovost, who played for the Red Wings, was not a prolific scorer, but he was a consummate team player with bruising checks and fearless bursts up the ice that could puncture a defense.

Marcel Pronovost, 84, Dies; Hall of Famer Shared in Five N.H.L. Titles

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

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Play Video|1:17

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

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Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

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President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

Obama Finds a Bolder Voice on Race Issues

Mr. Goldberg was a serial Silicon Valley entrepreneur and venture capitalist who was married to Sheryl Sandberg, the chief operating officer of Facebook.

Dave Goldberg Was Lifelong Women’s Advocate

Dave Goldberg, Head of Web Survey Company and Half of a Silicon Valley Power Couple, Dies at 47

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

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His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination

GREENWICH, Conn. — Mago is in the bedroom. You can go in.

The big man lies on a hospital bed with his bare feet scraping its bottom rail. His head is propped on a scarlet pillow, the left temple dented, the right side paralyzed. His dark hair is kept just long enough to conceal the scars.

The occasional sounds he makes are understood only by his wife, but he still has that punctuating left hand. In slow motion, the fingers curl and close. A thumbs-up greeting.

Hello, Mago.

This is Magomed Abdusalamov, 34, also known as the Russian Tyson, also known as Mago. He is a former heavyweight boxer who scored four knockouts and 14 technical knockouts in his first 18 professional fights. He preferred to stand between rounds. Sitting conveyed weakness.

But Mago lost his 19th fight, his big chance, at the packed Theater at Madison Square Garden in November 2013. His 19th decision, and his last.

Now here he is, in a small bedroom in a working-class neighborhood in Greenwich, in a modest house his family rents cheap from a devoted friend. The air-pressure machine for his mattress hums like an expectant crowd.

 

Photo
 
Mike Perez, left, and Magomed Abdusalamov during the fight in which Abdusalamov was injured. Credit Joe Camporeale/USA Today Sports, via Reuters

 

Today is like any other day, except for those days when he is hurried in crisis to the hospital. Every three hours during the night, his slight wife, Bakanay, 28, has risen to turn his 6-foot-3 body — 210 pounds of dead weight. It has to be done. Infections of the gaping bedsore above his tailbone have nearly killed him.

Then, with the help of a young caretaker, Baka has gotten two of their daughters off to elementary school and settled down the toddler. Yes, Mago and Baka are blessed with all girls, but they had also hoped for a son someday.

They feed Mago as they clean him; it’s easier that way. For breakfast, which comes with a side of crushed antiseizure pills, he likes oatmeal with a squirt of Hershey’s chocolate syrup. But even oatmeal must be puréed and fed to him by spoon.

He opens his mouth to indicate more, the way a baby does. But his paralysis has made everything a choking hazard. His water needs a stirring of powdered food thickener, and still he chokes — eh-eh-eh — as he tries to cough up what will not go down.

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Mago used to drink only water. No alcohol. Not even soda. A sip of juice would be as far as he dared. Now even water betrays him.

With the caretaker’s help, Baka uses a washcloth and soap to clean his body and shampoo his hair. How handsome still, she has thought. Sometimes, in the night, she leaves the bedroom to watch old videos, just to hear again his voice in the fullness of life. She cries, wipes her eyes and returns, feigning happiness. Mago must never see her sad.

 

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 Abdusalamov's hand being massaged. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

When Baka finishes, Mago is cleanshaven and fresh down to his trimmed and filed toenails. “I want him to look good,” she says.

Theirs was an arranged Muslim marriage in Makhachkala, in the Russian republic of Dagestan. He was 23, she was 18 and their future hinged on boxing. Sometimes they would shadowbox in love, her David to his Goliath. You are so strong, he would tell her.

His father once told him he could either be a bandit or an athlete, but if he chose banditry, “I will kill you.” This paternal advice, Mago later told The Ventura County Reporter, “made it a very easy decision for me.”

Mago won against mediocre competition, in Moscow and Hollywood, Fla., in Las Vegas and Johnstown, Pa. He was knocked down only once, and even then, it surprised more than hurt. He scored a technical knockout in the next round.

It all led up to this: the undercard at the Garden, Mike Perez vs. Magomed Abdusalamov, 10 rounds, on HBO. A win, he believed, would improve his chances of taking on the heavyweight champion Wladimir Klitschko, who sat in the crowd of 4,600 with his fiancée, the actress Hayden Panettiere, watching.

Wearing black-and-red trunks and a green mouth guard, Mago went to work. But in the first round, a hard forearm to his left cheek rocked him. At the bell, he returned to his corner, and this time, he sat down. “I think it’s broken,” he repeatedly said in Russian.

 

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Bakanay Abdusalamova, Abdusalamov's wife, and her injured husband and a masseur in the background. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

Maybe at that point, somebody — the referee, the ringside doctors, his handlers — should have stopped the fight, under a guiding principle: better one punch too early than one punch too late. But the bloody trade of blows continued into the seventh, eighth, ninth, a hand and orbital bone broken, his face transforming.

Meanwhile, in the family’s apartment in Miami, Baka forced herself to watch the broadcast. She could see it in his swollen eyes. Something was off.

After the final round, Perez raised his tattooed arms in victory, and Mago wandered off in a fog. He had taken 312 punches in about 40 minutes, for a purse of $40,000.

 

 

In the locker room, doctors sutured a cut above Mago’s left eye and tested his cognitive abilities. He did not do well. The ambulance that waits in expectation at every fight was not summoned by boxing officials.

Blood was pooling in Mago’s cranial cavity as he left the Garden. He vomited on the pavement while his handlers flagged a taxi to St. Luke’s-Roosevelt Hospital. There, doctors induced a coma and removed part of his skull to drain fluids and ease the swelling.

Then came the stroke.

 

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A championship belt belonging to Abdusalamov and a card from one of his daughters. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

It is lunchtime now, and the aroma of puréed beef and potatoes lingers. So do the questions.

How will Mago and Baka pay the $2 million in medical bills they owe? What if their friend can no longer offer them this home? Will they win their lawsuits against the five ringside doctors, the referee, and a New York State boxing inspector? What about Mago’s future care?

Most of all: Is this it?

A napkin rests on Mago’s chest. As another spoonful of mush approaches, he opens his mouth, half-swallows, chokes, and coughs until it clears. Eh-eh-eh. Sometimes he turns bluish, but Baka never shows fear. Always happy for Mago.

Some days he is wheeled out for physical therapy or speech therapy. Today, two massage therapists come to knead his half-limp body like a pair of skilled corner men.

Soon, Mago will doze. Then his three daughters, ages 2, 6 and 9, will descend upon him to talk of their day. Not long ago, the oldest lugged his championship belt to school for a proud show-and-tell moment. Her classmates were amazed at the weight of it.

Then, tonight, there will be more puréed food and pulverized medication, more coughing, and more tender care from his wife, before sleep comes.

Goodbye, Mago.

He half-smiles, raises his one good hand, and forms a fist.

Meet Mago, Former Heavyweight

A lapsed seminarian, Mr. Chambers succeeded Saul Alinsky as leader of the social justice umbrella group Industrial Areas Foundation.

Edward Chambers, Early Leader in Community Organizing, Dies at 85

“It was really nice to play with other women and not have this underlying tone of being at each other’s throats.”

ay 4, 2015 ‘Game of Thrones’ Q&A: Keisha Castle-Hughes on the Tao of the Sand Snakes

Public perceptions of race relations in America have grown substantially more negative in the aftermath of the death of a young black man who was injured while in police custody in Baltimore and the subsequent unrest, far eclipsing the sentiment recorded in the wake of turmoil in Ferguson, Mo., last summer.

Americans are also increasingly likely to say that the police are more apt to use deadly force against a black person, the latest New York Times/CBS News poll finds.

The poll findings highlight the challenges for local leaders and police officials in trying to maintain order while sustaining faith in the criminal justice system in a racially polarized nation.

Sixty-one percent of Americans now say race relations in this country are generally bad. That figure is up sharply from 44 percent after the fatal police shooting of Michael Brown and the unrest that followed in Ferguson in August, and 43 percent in December. In a CBS News poll just two months ago, 38 percent said race relations were generally bad. Current views are by far the worst of Barack Obama’s presidency.

The negative sentiment is echoed by broad majorities of blacks and whites alike, a stark change from earlier this year, when 58 percent of blacks thought race relations were bad, but just 35 percent of whites agreed. In August, 48 percent of blacks and 41 percent of whites said they felt that way.

Looking ahead, 44 percent of Americans think race relations are worsening, up from 36 percent in December. Forty-one percent of blacks and 46 percent of whites think so. Pessimism among whites has increased 10 points since December.

Continue reading the main story
Do you think race relations in the United States are generally good or generally bad?
60
40
20
0
White
Black
May '14
May '15
Generally bad
Continue reading the main story
Do you think race relations in the United States are getting better, getting worse or staying about the same?
Getting worse
Staying the same
Getting better
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
44%
37
17
46
36
16
41
42
15

The poll finds that profound racial divisions in views of how the police use deadly force remain. Blacks are more than twice as likely to say police in most communities are more apt to use deadly force against a black person — 79 percent of blacks say so compared with 37 percent of whites. A slim majority of whites say race is not a factor in a police officer’s decision to use deadly force.

Overall, 44 percent of Americans say deadly force is more likely to be used against a black person, up from 37 percent in August and 40 percent in December.

Blacks also remain far more likely than whites to say they feel mostly anxious about the police in their community. Forty-two percent say so, while 51 percent feel mostly safe. Among whites, 8 in 10 feel mostly safe.

One proposal to address the matter — having on-duty police officers wear body cameras — receives overwhelming support. More than 9 in 10 whites and blacks alike favor it.

Continue reading the main story
How would you describe your feelings about the police in your community? Would you say they make you feel mostly safe or mostly anxious?
Mostly safe
Mostly anxious
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
75%
21
3
81
16
3
51
42
7
Continue reading the main story
In general, do you think the police in most communities are more likely to use deadly force against a black person, or more likely to use it against a white person, or don’t you think race affects police use of deadly force?
Police more likely to use deadly force against a black person
Police more likely to use deadly force against a white person
Race DOES NOT affect police use of deadly force
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
44%
37%
79%
2%
2%
1%
46%
53%
16%
9%
8%
4%
Continue reading the main story
Do you favor or oppose on-duty police officers wearing video cameras that would record events and actions as they occur?
Favor
Oppose
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
92%
93%
93%
6%
5%
5%
2%
2%
2%

Asked specifically about the situation in Baltimore, most Americans expressed at least some confidence that the investigation by local authorities would be conducted fairly. But while nearly two-thirds of whites think so, fewer than half of blacks agree. Still, more blacks are confident now than were in August regarding the investigation in Ferguson. On Friday, six members of the police force involved in the arrest of Mr. Gray were charged with serious offenses, including manslaughter. The poll was conducted Thursday through Sunday; results from before charges were announced are similar to those from after.

Reaction to the recent turmoil in Baltimore, however, is similar among blacks and whites. Most Americans, 61 percent, say the unrest after Mr. Gray’s death was not justified. That includes 64 percent of whites and 57 percent of blacks.

Continue reading the main story
As you may know, a Baltimore man, Freddie Gray, recently died after being in the custody of the Baltimore police. How much confidence do you have that the investigation by local authorities into this matter will be conducted fairly?
A lot
Some
Not much
None at all
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
29%
31
22
14
5
31
33
20
11
5
20
26
30
22
In general, do you think the unrest in Baltimore after the death of Freddie Gray was justified, or do you think the unrest was not justified?
Justified
Not justified
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
28%
61
11
26
64
11
37
57
6

Negative View of U.S. Race Relations Grows, Poll Finds

Mr. Alger, who served five terms from Texas, led Republican women in a confrontation with Lyndon B. Johnson that may have cost Richard M. Nixon the 1960 presidential election.

Bruce Alger, 96, Dies; Led ‘Mink Coat’ Protest Against Lyndon Johnson
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paket umroh maret di Cakung jakarta
paket umrah januari di Ciracas jakarta
promo umrah awal tahun di Cibubur jakarta
paket promo umroh mei di Pondok Kopi jakarta
paket berangkat umroh awal tahun di Duren Sawit jakarta
harga umrah juni di Pondok Kelapa jakarta
harga berangkat umroh awal tahun di Makasar jakarta
biaya paket umroh mei di Malaka Sari jakarta
promo berangkat umroh februari di Cipinang Muara jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah januari di Pekayon jakarta
biaya umroh april di Cililitan jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah februari di Rawa Terate jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh ramadhan di Jati jakarta
biaya paket umroh februari di Kelapa Dua Wetan jakarta
biaya paket umroh awal tahun bogor
paket promo berangkat umrah ramadhan tangerang
harga umroh mei di Ujung Menteng jakarta
harga paket umroh april di Pondok Bambu jakarta
paket promo umroh akhir tahun di Pal Meriam jakarta
harga umroh awal tahun di Pasar Rebo jakarta
paket berangkat umroh maret di Penggilingan jakarta
harga paket umrah akhir tahun di Kampung Tengah jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh mei di Pondok Bambu jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh april di Duren Sawit jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah januari di Kalisari jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh awal tahun di Batuampar jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh april di Pondok Ranggon jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh awal tahun di Jatinegara jakarta
promo umrah maret di Kebon Pala jakarta
paket berangkat umroh juni di Dukuh jakarta
paket promo umrah ramadhan di Duren Sawit jakarta
paket berangkat umrah maret di Malaka Sari jakarta
promo berangkat umroh januari di Cakung Barat jakarta
biaya umroh januari di Rambutan jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah akhir tahun di Kramat Jati jakarta
harga paket berangkat umrah awal tahun di Rawa Terate jakarta
harga berangkat umrah maret di Ciracas jakarta
paket umrah maret di Bali Mester jakarta
promo berangkat umrah januari bekasi utara
biaya paket berangkat umroh april di Malaka Sari jakarta
promo umroh juni di Pondok Ranggon jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh mei di Pinang Ranti jakarta
biaya umrah februari di Pulogebang jakarta
paket promo umrah akhir tahun di Bali Mester jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah akhir tahun di Malaka Jaya jakarta
promo berangkat umrah januari di Cibubur jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah februari tangerang
harga paket berangkat umroh akhir tahun di Cipinang Besar Utara jakarta
paket berangkat umrah desember di Cawang jakarta
promo berangkat umrah april di Cipinang Besar Utara jakarta
promo umroh desember di Rawa Terate jakarta
promo umrah akhir tahun di Batuampar jakarta
promo berangkat umrah awal tahun di Rawa Terate jakarta
promo berangkat umrah mei di Jati jakarta
harga paket berangkat umrah akhir tahun di Kayu Putih jakarta
paket promo umrah ramadhan di Cawang jakarta
promo umroh juni di Matraman jakarta
paket promo umrah mei di Jatinegara jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh mei di Ciracas jakarta
harga paket berangkat umrah mei di Pisangan Baru jakarta
biaya paket umrah akhir tahun di Kebon Manggis jakarta
harga paket umroh desember di Pisangan Timur jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah mei di Klender jakarta
biaya paket umrah juni di Pal Meriam jakarta
biaya paket umrah desember di Rawa Bunga jakarta
paket umrah maret di Pulo Gadung jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh januari di Lubang Buaya jakarta
harga umrah maret di Bali Mester jakarta