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Saco-Indonesia.com - Sejak masih jejaka, Suno (58), warga Desa Karang Kedawang, Kecamatan Sooko, Kabupaten Mojokerto, Jawa Timur, sudah akrab dengan usaha persepatuan. Walau kala itu ”sekadar” sebagai tukang sol sepatu. Kini, ia menjadi salah satu pelaku usaha kecil dan menengah dengan produksi sampai 70 kodi sandal per hari.

Sebagai tukang sol sepatu, Suno yang memulai membuka usaha sendiri pembuatan sandal dengan merek Expo, enam tahun silam, telah malang melintang dari satu tempat kerja pembuatan sepatu ke tempat pembuatan sepatu lain.

”Awalnya saya bekerja menjadi tukang sol sepatu di Surabaya, tepatnya di Petemon, lalu pindah ke Rangkah, dan terakhir kerja di pabrik sepatu di Sukomanunggal,” katanya.

Suno adalah salah satu dari sekitar 1.300 pelaku usaha kecil dan menengah (UKM) di wilayah kerja Bank Tabungan Pensiunan Nasional (BTPN) Cabang Mojokerto yang menjadi nasabah sekaligus binaan bank ini.

Sejak tahun 2010 Suno mendapat kucuran kredit Rp 30 juta untuk tambahan modal sekaligus pengembangan usahanya. Setahun berikutnya, Suno kembali mendapat kucuran kredit Rp 60 juta. Pada 2012, dia mendapat kredit lagi sebesar Rp 98 juta.

”Sebelum kucuran kredit dari BTPN sampai tiga kali, modal awal untuk mulai membuka usaha sandal ini saya pinjam dari koperasi sebesar Rp 10 juta,” kata Suno.

Setelah menjadi binaan BTPN dan mendapat pelatihan, khususnya menyangkut manajemen keuangan dalam pengelolaan usaha kecil, usaha sandal Suno berkembang cepat.

Rugi

Suno bercerita, pada awal memulai usaha, dia sering menyerahkan pengerjaan pembuatan sandal kepada orang lain. ”Istilahnya, saya men- sub- kan pesanan itu kepada perajin sandal lain,” ujarnya.

Namun, hasilnya justru tak menguntungkan, bahkan Suno menelan kerugian. ”Saya sempat tak mengerjakan sendiri pesanan sandal itu. Hasilnya, dalam dua bulan saya rugi sekitar Rp 3,5 juta.”

Pengalaman pahit itulah yang memaksa Suno mengerjakan sendiri produk sandal Expo miliknya. Seiring berjalannya waktu, usahanya tumbuh dan berkembang. Pesanan dari pedagang grosir di Pasar Turi, Surabaya, misalnya, terus meningkat.

”Sekarang saya sudah bisa membayar orang. Di sini ada tujuh karyawan dari tukang sol, tukang kap, dan seorang sekretaris,” kata Suno.

Dibantu anaknya yang masih lajang, Sugianto, untuk memasarkan produknya, Suno bangga bisa memberikan lapangan pekerjaan kepada orang lain.

”Rata-rata setiap hari usaha saya ini bisa memproduksi 30 sampai 50 kodi sandal. Kalau pesanan sedang ramai, dalam sehari bisa mencapai 70 kodi. Kalau sudah begini, saya juga menyerahkan pengerjaan pembuatan sandal kepada enam tukang sol, tukang kap, dan tukang katokan di rumah. Mereka mengerjakan pesanan itu di rumah masing-masing, saya mengontrol hasilnya,” kata Suno.

Pedagang grosir

Sekarang, usaha skala kecil yang digeluti Suno dengan produk sandal untuk dewasa dan anak-anak serta sandal perempuan ini tak hanya dipasarkan di Surabaya dan sekitarnya, tetapi juga sudah sampai ke Tulungagung, Jawa Timur, hingga Solo, Jawa Tengah.

”Selain melayani pedagang bedak (eceran di pasar atau kaki lima), saya juga mendapat pesanan dari para pedagang grosir,” kata Suno.

Seminggu sekali ditemani Sugianto, salah satu anaknya, dengan mobil boks, Suno membawa ribuan pasang sandal menyusuri jalur tengah antara Jawa Timur dan Jawa Tengah.

Sebagai mitra usaha kecil dan menengah, BTPN Mojokerto telah menyalurkan kredit usaha kecil dan menengah sejak tahun 2009 hingga 2012. Kredit yang disalurkan itu mencapai lebih dari Rp 110 miliar.

”Ada 30 sampai 40 debitor UKM sepatu dan sandal yang menerima kucuran kredit kami, salah satunya yang berhasil, ya, usaha sandal milik Suno,” kata Mashudi, Area Daya Spesialis BTPN Cabang Mojokerto.

Suno mengakui, sebelum mendapat pelatihan manajemen keuangan dari BTPN, usahanya sekadar berjalan saja. Susno yang tak sempat menamatkan sekolah dasar (SD) itu sama sekali tak mempunyai pengetahuan soal pengelolaan keuangan usaha.

”Dulu, manajemennya campur aduk tidak karuan, tetapi sekarang pembukuan usaha ini sudah mulai rapi,” kata Suno.

Ketangguhan

Usaha sandal yang digeluti Suno adalah potret ketangguhan lapisan wong cilik yang berhasil dalam mengembangkan usaha. Walau dalam skala kecil, dia bisa memberikan sumber penghasilan dan penghidupan bagi orang lain.

”Saya masih punya impian untuk memiliki atau setidaknya membuka toko sandal dan sepatu di Pasar Klewer, Solo. Di toko itu tidak hanya menjual hasil produksi saya, tetapi juga hasil produksi perajin lain,” tutur Suno tentang harapannya.

”Keinginan saya ke depan menciptakan lebih banyak lagi lapangan kerja untuk orang-orang kecil dan susah,” katanya.

Soal keuntungan dari hasil usahanya itu, Suno mengaku masih sangat bergantung pada permintaan pasar, selain kelancaran pembayaran dari grosir ataupun pedagang bedak. ”Setidaknya dalam setahun saya masih bisa menikmati keuntungan bersih sekitar Rp 20 juta untuk ditabung. Itu kalau semuanya berjalan lancar. Namun, sering pembayarannya molor, bahkan ada yang bayar 50 persen di muka, sisanya baru dibayar satu-dua bulan,” tuturnya.

Suno, sang juragan sandal yang lahir di tanah Majapahit itu, kini bisa bernapas lega walau setiap hari harus berpikir keras untuk menjaga agar usahanya tetap berdenyut dalam situasi politik dan ekonomi yang kurang memihak kepada wong cilik ini.

 

Sumber : Kompas Cetak/Kompas.com
Editor :Liwon Maulana
Awalnya Tukang Sol Sepatu Kini Menjadi Produsen

BANDUNG, Saco- Indonesia.com — Kepala Polrestabes Bandung Kombes Abdul Rakhman Baso menegaskan, Sekte Seks Bebas yang belakangan ramai diberitakan di media massa tidak pernah ada.

Menurutnya, sekte tersebut hanya karangan yang dibuat salah satu tersangka berinisial GL, yang bermotif mencari keuntungan. Dia memeras salah seorang pegawai Perpustakaan Daerah (Perpusda) Kota Bandung berinisial PP atau GM.

"Setelah kita geledah tempat pembuatan surat palsu tersebut yang seolah-olah dibuat oleh salah satu dinas di Pemkot Bandung, diketahui ternyata palsu," kata Abdul saat ditemui seusai gelar perkara di Mapolrestabes Bandung Jalan Merdeka, Kota Bandung, Senin (3/6/2013).

Abdul menambahkan, surat palsu berisi perintah menjalankan ritual seks bebas yang ternyata diberi cap asli dari Perpusda Kota Bandung itu dibuat di dua warnet berbeda, yaitu warnet milik tersangka dan warnet milik rekan AS yang berlokasi di Jalan Caringin, Kota Bandung.

"Surat perintah itu dikerjakan di suatu tempat dengan menyuruh orang. Dan saksi yang kita periksa sebanyak 17 orang," imbuhnya.

Akibat terbitnya surat perintah palsu tersebut, Kepala Perpusda Kota Bandung Muhammad Anwar mengaku telah dicemarkan nama baiknya. Pasalnya, dalam surat tersebut terdapat tanda tangan miliknya. "Muhammad Anwar mengatakan tidak pernah menandatangani surat perintah tersebut. Surat perintah itu juga tidak pernah ada di register," paparnya.

Akibat aksi nekatnya itu, GL terancam hukuman lebih dari lima tahun penjara karena telah melanggar Pasal 263 dan atau 310, dan atau 311 KUHP.

 
Editor :Liwon Maulana
Sumber:Kompas.com
Telah Terungkap Misteri Sekte Seks Bebas di Bandung

Gantungan kayu adalah tambahan indah untuk lemari apapun. Mereka tampak besar, seragam dan efisien saat menggantung. Mereka dapat mengisi ruang lemari Anda dengan sempurna dan bahkan melindungi pakaian anda dari jamur dan jamur. Dengan begitu banyak pilihan di pasar saat ini, Anda mungkin bertanya-tanya mana kayu gantungan yang harus Anda pilih?
Ada beberapa jenis standar kayu yang digunakan untuk gantungan Kayu yang beredar saat ini dipasaran, masing- masing bisa datang dalam nuansa dan Finishing Warna yang berbeda, mari lihat lebih dekat pada fungsi dari setiap jenis kayu.
Pine akan menjadi salah satu pilihan Anda yang paling murah. Gantungan kayu Pinus memiliki tekstur kayu yang benar-benar bagus. Mereka adalah tahan lama dan kuat, tetapi mereka terbuat dari kayu lunak. Anda dapat mengharapkan beberapa penyok terjadi selama bertahun-tahun, tapi gantungan itu sendiri harus bertahan sangat lama. Gantungan kayu pinus biasanya ditawarkan dalam warna cahaya alami, atau mungkin dicat hitam atau putih. Gantungan pinus yang ringan dan dapat membuat tambahan yang bagus untuk lemari apapun.
Walnut gantungan kayu yang sangat bagus. Mereka biasanya datang dalam warna, coklat gelap kemerahan. Warna alami kenari sangat gelap dibandingkan kayu lainnya. Walnut adalah kayu padat yang tidak akan penyok atau mudah tergores. Mereka membuat gantungan sangat tahan lama dan indah yang yakin untuk canggih lemari Anda.
Cedar adalah salah satu gantungan sepanjang masa yang paling populer kayu, dan untuk alasan yang baik. Cedar adalah gantungan kayu merah yang indah. Mereka biasanya tidak dilapisi, bernoda atau dipernis. Hal ini karena kayu cedar memiliki banyak sifat yang membuatnya ideal untuk gantungan kayu. Cedar memiliki aroma yang alami mengusir ngengat. Ini adalah alternatif yang lebih aman untuk bola ngengat berbahaya. Cedar memiliki bau kayu yang menyenangkan bahwa banyak orang cinta. Tidak hanya menjaga pakaian Anda berbau segar, tapi cedar membantu untuk menghentikan pertumbuhan jamur dan jamur di lemari Anda. Jika Anda membeli gantungan kayu untuk lemari penyimpanan, seperti lemari mantel, maka Anda benar-benar harus mempertimbangkan gantungan kayu di lemari mereka.

Nilai Seni Pada Gantungan Baju kita akan melihat lebih dekat pada itu, dibuat dengan baik kayu gantungan pakaian adalah objek yang luar biasa dari kedua desain dan utilitas. Apa yang tampaknya menjadi objek yang tampaknya biasa sebenarnya dapat dianggap cukup sebuah penelitian di estetika, dengan kurva elegan dan satin finish halus. Bahkan, begitu banyak menakjubkan berkualitas tinggi keahlian masuk ke dalam pembuatan setiap gantungan pakaian yang benar-benar dapat setiap gantungan dikatakan sebuah karya seni dalam dirinya sendiri.
Alasan seperti tingkat tinggi keahlian adalah bahwa setiap gantungan kayu harus dibuat dengan standar yang sangat menuntut kualitas dalam rangka untuk itu untuk memiliki tingkat tinggi dari daya tahan. Ini adalah kasus fungsi formulir berikut: gantungan indahnya dapat diharapkan untuk melakukan serta terlihat.
Pertama-tama, kayu yang digunakan dalam gantungan baju harus kualitas tak tertandingi. Setiap bagian kayu harus diperiksa sangat hati-hati, memastikan bahwa kualitas yang melekat alami dari kekuatan dan daya tahan yang utuh. Serat dan Urat di gantungan baju kayu harus halus dan seragam, dengan sedikit sentuhan tidak tajam yang bisa merobek atau merusak setelan Pakaian. Kayu yang baik juga harus dikeringkan dan diperlakukan dengan baik sehingga memenangkan Kayu dari waktu ke waktu.
Kedua, setiap gantungan kayu harus hati-hati dipotong dan diukir ke dalam bentuk yang optimal yang diperlukan untuk jenis pakaian yang memang ditujukan. Hal ini tentu saja tidak ada prestasi kecil, seperti gantungan harus ringan dan seimbang, namun cukup kuat untuk membawa berat setelan penuh untuk waktu yang lama.
Terakhir, gantungan harus dilapisi dengan finishing yang melengkapi komposisi kayunya serta bahan pakaian yang akan datang ke dalam kontak dengan itu. Ada berbagai jenis tehnik pengecatan, semi-gloss, dan mengkilap, serta berbagai warna yang tersedia.
Ketika membeli gantungan baju kayu, memilih produk yang dirancang dengan baik yang tidak hanya terlihat baik tetapi juga akan melindungi pakaian Anda untuk waktu yang lama. Setelah semua, fungsi utama kayu gantungan pakaian adalah untuk membawa yang terbaik dari pakaian apapun, terlepas dari apakah itu di toko pakaian high-end atau dalam lemari lemari rendah hati.
Agen Hanger menawarkan Pembuatan Wooden Hangers dari kayu berkualitas tinggi produk gantungan baju, didukung pengalaman di bidang manufaktur kustom gantungan mewah. Unit Usaha kami juga mendistribusikan benda cantik siap pakai gantungan serta gantungan sepenuhnya disesuaikan agar sesuai dengan selera yang spesifik setiap klien.
Kunjungi http://agenhanger.wordpress.com

WOODEN HANGER

saco-inonesia.com, Bupati Tapanuli Tengah Raja Bonaran Situmeang telah mendatangi gedung Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK). Bonaran datang sekitar pukul 09.00 WIB dengan mengenakan batik cokelat.

Bonaran juga mengaku akan menjalani pemeriksaan sebagai saksi dalam kasus dugaan korupsi penanganan sengketa pilkada di Mahkamah Konstitusi. Menurutnya, dia juga tidak tahu sama sekali mengapa KPK memanggilnya.

"Nanti saya jelaskan habis diperiksa. Apa hubungannya dengan saya, juga  tidak tahu," ujarnya, Jumat (3/1).

Dia pun juga mengaku, tak tahu apakah Akil adalah hakim panel dalam sengketa yang ditanganinya pada 2011 lalu. Diketahui, kemenangan Bonaran dan pasangannya Syukran Jamilan Tanjung sempat digugat ke MK oleh lawannya.

"Saya tidak tahu apakah Akil Mochtar hakim panel (sidang) saya," imbuh mantan pengacara terpidana korupsi Anggodo Widjojo itu.

Bonaran juga juga sempat menjelaskan ketidakhadirannya ketika dipanggil 30 Desember lalu. "Saya juga tidak datang tanggal 30, baru saya terima undangannya 30 malam," katanya.

Saat ditanya apakah dirinya mengenal sosok Daryono dan Muhtar Ependy, yang disebut sebagai kaki tangan Akil, Bonaran juga mengaku tidak mengenal. "Saya tidak kenal sama sekali," tandasnya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

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Under Mr. Michelin’s leadership, which ended when he left the company in 2002, the Michelin Group became the world’s biggest tire maker, establishing a big presence in the United States and other major markets overseas.

François Michelin, Head of Tire Company, Dies at 88

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

Photo
 
Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

Photo
 
Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination

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As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

Continue reading the main story Video
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Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

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Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

Photo
 
President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

Obama Finds a Bolder Voice on Race Issues

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Since a white police officer, Darren Wilson fatally shot unarmed black teenager, Michael Brown, in a confrontation last August in Ferguson, Mo., there have been many other cases in which the police have shot and killed suspects, some of them unarmed. Mr. Brown's death set off protests throughout the country, pushing law enforcement into the spotlight and sparking a public debate on police tactics. Here is a selection of police shootings that have been reported by news organizations since Mr. Brown's death. In some cases, investigations are continuing.

Photo
 
 
The apartment complex northeast of Atlanta where Anthony Hill, 27, was fatally shot by a DeKalb County police officer. Credit Ben Gray/Atlanta Journal Constitution

Chamblee, Ga.
Fatal Police Shootings: Accounts Since Ferguson

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paket promo berangkat umrah mei di Susukan jakarta
paket berangkat umrah ramadhan di Balekambang jakarta
paket umroh juni di Pulo Gadung jakarta
biaya berangkat umroh februari di Utan Kayu Utara jakarta
promo umrah awal tahun di Pondok Bambu jakarta
paket berangkat umroh januari di Klender jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh februari bekasi barat
biaya umroh ramadhan di Jati jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah april di Bali Mester jakarta
harga paket berangkat umrah april tangerang
paket berangkat umrah januari di Klender jakarta
paket promo umrah desember di Cipayung jakarta
biaya umrah awal tahun di Pondok Kopi jakarta
promo umroh mei di Lubang Buaya jakarta
paket berangkat umroh akhir tahun di Kalisari jakarta
harga berangkat umroh maret di Pal Meriam jakarta
paket umrah mei di Batuampar jakarta
paket umroh januari di Setu jakarta
paket berangkat umrah ramadhan di Setu jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah april di Cipinang Cempedak jakarta
paket promo umroh juni bekasi timur
harga paket umroh ramadhan tangerang
harga paket berangkat umroh februari di Pisangan Timur jakarta
biaya paket umroh maret di Jatinegara jakarta
paket promo umrah februari di Batuampar jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah april di Cibubur jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah desember di Pondok Kopi jakarta
paket umroh januari di Pekayon jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh april di Ciracas jakarta
paket umrah mei tangerang