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Meski saat ini sudah banyak buku-buku digital, buku konvensional tak lantas kehilangan peminat. Sebagian besar menyukai buku konvensional, dengan kertas yang nyata, bau yang khas serta ilustrasi yang indah, bukan teks digital yang tersimpan dalam ebook reader nan pipih.
Karena itu, usaha jual beli buku bekas masih memiliki pasar tersendiri yang lumayan prospektif  jika ditekuni.  Asalkan Anda gemar membaca dan menyukai buku, menjalankan usaha jual buku bekas bisa jadi ladang pencaharian sekaligus hobi yang menghasilkan uang.
Untuk memulai usaha jual buku bekas, Anda harus memahami kebutuhan pasar.  Ada yang membeli buku bekas karena murahnya, namun tidak sedikit yang bersedia membayar mahal buat sebuah buku bekas yang usang, asal ada nilai sejarahnya. Untuk itu lah Anda harus memahami produk yang Anda jual sekaligus pasar yang Anda sasar. Menetapkan tujuan merupakan dasar paling penting dalam bisnis apapun, tidak terkecuali jual beli buku bekas.

Apabila Anda memutuskan untuk membuka usaha jual buku bekas untuk memenuhi kebutuhan pasar akan buku murah, maka sebaiknya Anda menghubungi penerbit. Setiap tahunnya, selalu ada buku-buku yang harus dilepas penerbit dengan harga sangat murah akibat terbatasnya gudang penyimpanan. Biasanya penerbit mendapatkan buku-buku retur dari toko buku. Penerbit besar biasanya menerima buku retur dalam jangka waktu 3-6 bulan. Karena itu, periksa kapan jadwal penerbit menerima returan atau kembalian buku-buku mereka. Harganya bisa 25- 30% saja dari harga bandrol. Jadi Anda bisa menjualnya kembali dengan diskon 40-50% dan masih mendapatkan untung.
Mau lebih murah? Beli saja sekaligus dalam jumlah banyak. Yusuf Agency, misalnya, selalu sukses dengan gelaran buku murah di setiap bazaar dan pameran buku akibat strategi ini. Mereka biasa membeli buku dalam jumlah sangat besar, misalnya 1 truk, yang kemudian dijual eceran dengan murah kepada masyarakat. Strategi ini membutuhkan dana tidak sedikit. Namun jika Anda punya modal lumayan, sebaiknya coba cara ini.
Anda juga bisa menghubungi sekolah atau perusahaan-perusahaan. Biasanya mereka juga mendaurulang koleksi buku perpustakaan. Cara lain, hubungi orang-orang yang pindah tempat tinggal ke luar negeri. Misalnya ekspatriat yang sudah habis masa kerjanya di Indonesia dan kembali ke negara asal. Buku-buku koleksi mereka biasanya ditinggalkan begitu saja. Lumayan kan buat koleksi awal jasa jual buku bekas?

PERSIAPAN MEMBUKA USAHA JUAL BUKU BEKAS

saco-indonesia.com,

Merangkai bunga juga dapat menjadi hobi alternatif untuk dapat mengisi waktu lowong

Memanfaatkan waktu yang senjang dengan kegiatan merangkai bunga telah menjadi salah satu pilihan yang sangat menarik. Walaupun kaum sosialita di jaman sekarang ini tidak begitu tertarik dengan kreasi merangkai bunga, namun bukan berarti kegiatan ini sudah ketinggalan gaya.

Kegiatan merangkai bunga juga dapat menjadi salah satu hobi yang sangat menarik dan juga bisa menghasilkan alias menjadi sumber rejeki, tidak sedikit orang yang telah membutuhkan jasa merangkai bunga, baik perangkai bungan untuk hiasan di atas meja, hingga menghias dekorasi ruangan untuk sebuah acara.

Bunga memang telah menjadi instrumen pelengkap yang sempurna untuk dapat memberikan kesan indah, berkarakter dan damai untuk segala kondisi, misalnya di ruang tamu anda, telah menyediakan beberapa vas bungan hasil kreasi sendiri tentu akan dapat menyenangkan pandangan.

Nah, bagi yang berminat untuk dapat mempraktekkannya, berikut ini akan kami sajikan beberapa cara dan teknik dalam merangkai bunga;


1. Menyiapkan dan Memotong Bagian Bunga

Persiapkanlah bunga yang akan dirangkai dan pastikan bahwa setiap bunga tersebut juga sudah Anda potong setidaknya pada bagian pangkal daun. Hal ini telah memungkinkan agar daun tersebut tidak mengganggu air di vas, sehingga membantu untuk menjaga dapat bunga untuk tetap segar. Potonglah bagian bunga dengan cara miring ke atas atau kebawah, hal ini juga memungkinkan agar bunga akan menerima nutrisi yang cukup.


2. Memilih Vas Bunga yang Tepat

Bunga dengan ukuran yang lebih kecil cenderung akan terlihat menarik ketika dengan menggunakan vas pendek dan agak besar. Sementara bunga dengan ukuran lebih besar akan terlihat lebih elegan dengan menggunakan vas yang lebih tinggi. Tetapi dalam hal ini Anda masih tetap dapat memotong bagian bunga dengan panjang yang sesuai seperti selera Anda.


3. Membersihkan Vas Rangkaian Bunga

Pastikan vas yang akan Anda gunakan telah dibersihkan dari residu dengan cara dibilas. Jika Anda menggunakan vas yang terbuat dari kaca, maka Anda juga dapat menambahkan berbagai media didalamnya, seperti pasir, kerikil, atau manik-manik kaca pada bagian bawah vas. Hal ini telah dilakukan untuk dapat membantu mendukung bagian batang bunga dan juga untuk dapat memberikan nuansa yang menarik dari hasil pengaturan rangkaian bunga yang akan dibuat.


4. Mengisi Vas Dengan Air Bersuhu Kamar

Upayakan untuk dapat mengisi vas dengan air yang hangat, atau paling tidak bersuhu kamar. Hal ini dimaksudkan agar bunga yang masih kuncup cepat mekar, serta tetap segar dan tahan lama.


5. Menata Bunga Sesuai Ukurannya

Dalam menata bunga, maka upayakanlah agar bunga yang lebih besar dan lebih dominan harus yang paling pertama menjadi proritas untuk di rangkai. Cobalah untuk dapat menempatkan bunga-bunga di sudut yang berbeda untuk dapat membuat sebagian besar dari bentuk masing-masing dan memberikan pengaturan terlihat seimbang. Anda kemudian harus menambahkan bunga-bunga kecil dan akhirnya dedaunan untuk dapat mengisi kesenjangan dan menonjolkan perpaduan warna dari pengaturan tersebut.

Itulah tahapan-tahapan cara merangkai bunga yang bisa Anda implementasikan untuk dapat memperindah suasana ruangan rumah Anda.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

CARA MERANGKAI BUNGA

Jika kita membutuhkan besi beton, dan mencari penjual besi beton, tentu lumrah jika kita membandingkan harganya dari berbagai agen, distributor atau pabrik. Dengan mengisi form yang ada disini, Anda juga bisa mendapatkan harga terbaru besi beton polos dan besi beton ulir.

Daftar harga yang pernah dibagikan di website ini, tentu saja adalah harga pada saat daftar tersebut dipublikasikan. Sedangkan harga besi beton, sebagaimana komoditi yang lainnya, tentu harganya selalu berubah dari waktu ke waktu. Untuk itu update harga terbaru perlu diinformasikan via email. Data yang Anda masukkan ke dalam form tersebut hanya digunakan untuk dapat membuat penawaran besi beton sesuai yang Anda minta, tidak akan dipergunakan untuk kepentingan yang lain.
 
Untuk bisa mendapatkan penawaran resmi harga besi beton, sebaiknya Anda bukan saja melengkapi data Anda dan email yang falid, namun juga melengkapi dengan masing-masing ukuran beserta jumlahnya.

Ukuran dan jumlah masing-masing sesuai kebutuhan Anda, bisa Anda tuliskan di kolom pesan.

Harga besi beton telah ditentukan oleh harga bahan baku, ongkos produksi, angkutan, dan perbandingan antara permintaan dan persediaan. Harga bahan baku sering berubah, yang menjadi bahan baku produksi besi beton adalah billet, dan yang telah menjadi bahan baku produk billet adalah scrap atau besi tua. Semua produk terbut adalah komoditi yang fluktuasi harganya sangat tinggi. Ongkos produksi banyak dipengaruhi oleh efisiensi pabrik dalam proses produksi. Harga proses produksi banyak dipengaruhi oleh harga listrik, bahan bakar, harga spare part, dan tenaga kerja. Semua itu juga memberikan harga yang berubah-ubah setiap waktu.

Berikutnya angkutan juga telah memberikan pengaruh nilai atau harga besi beton cukup signifikan. Sebagai produk yang besar dan berat, ongkos pengiriman besi beton dari pabrik, ke distributor hingga ke lokasi proyek, memberikan pengaruh yang besar pula.

Sebagaimana semua produk di pasaran, perbandingan antaranya ketersediaan produk dengan banyaknya permintaan, sangat mempengaruhi harga. Jika permintaan naik, tentu harga biasanya juga ikut naik. Jika permintaan produk turun, harga juga biasanya ikut turun. Berkaitan juga dengan pasokan dari pabrik-pabrik yang ada, juga mungkin adanya import. Jika pasokan sangat banyak, bahkan mungkin melebihi permintaan, bisa jadi harga besi beton akan turun, demikian juga sebaliknya, jika pasokan berkurang, mungkin harga akan naik.

Harga besi beton, sering dicari oleh pelaku pasar, yang berhubungan dengan besi beton. Marketing pabrik besi beton, distributor besi beton, juga kontraktor, dan masyarakat konsumen.

 

HARGA BESI BETON
Wakil Gubernur DKI Jakarta Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok) telah berencana akan mengubah sistem pengangkutan sampah di DKI Jakarta. Perubahan sistem tersebut juga akan diubah dari skema waktu menjadi skema putaran atau rit. Ahok juga mengaku telah menegur Kepala Dinas Kebersihan DKI Jakarta Saptastri Ediningtyas untuk dapat merubah sistem pengangkutan sampah. Sebab, banyak sampah-sampah di Jakarta yang diletakkan di badan jalan dan menimbulkan bau tidak sedap di wilayah tersebut. "Banyak yang enggak jalan truk sampah kita. Saya tanya, mau ngapain gitu lho. Terus alasannya kita masih terikat aturan sewa mobil per delapan jam, sehingga hanya ngangkut satu rit. Saya bilang ubah saja dong. Mana bisa pakai jam, pakai rit saja biar lebih simpel. Jadi per rit bayar berapa, tinggal dihitung saja nantinya," ujar Ahok di Balai Kota, Selasa (11/3). Ahok menegaskan, penerapan skema rit tersebut akan dilakukan pada April 2014 mendatang. Menurut Ahok, Pemprov DKI Jakarta bakal rugi apabila menggunakan sistem yang lama. Lantaran, sampah yang diangkut setiap hari berjumlah sangat kecil dibanding jumlah sampah yang dibuang warga setiap harinya. "Jadi ada kesengajaan pembiaran sistem yang lama yang dia bikin. Jadi kerja kita lama. Alat berat kita sudah kerja nol koma sekian jam sudah ngangkut penuh pergi, tidak balik lagi. Kan lucu. Memang tidak bisa pakai truk kita. Tadi baru saya tegur (Kadis Kebersihan). Dia harus bisa datain mana daerah-daerahnya. Biar tidak ada semacam kesengajaan," katanya. Mantan Bupati Belitung Timur ini mempersilakan perusahaan swasta yang mengangkut sampah di DKI Jakarta untuk mengadu ke Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah (DPRD) DKI Jakarta. "Itu hak mereka, kita tidak mau kontraknya pakai ton. Kita inginnya pakai rit. Itu juga DPRD yang ngatur kok. Pakai rit, pakai jam. Terserah saja lah, gugat saja. Namanya saja kontrak harus ada kewajiban," katanya.MULAI APRIL, PENGANGKUTAN SAMPAH DI DKI PAKAI SISTEM RIT

Cara menghitung berat besi beton (polos):
Diameter x Diameter x Panjang x 0,006165

(diameter dalam satuan milimeter, panjang dalam satuan meter)

0,006165 dari:

3,14 / 4  x 7854 / 1000000

3,14 adalah PI
4 (hitung volume tabung atau luas lingkaran) karena yang dikuadratkan diameter, maka dibagi 2 kuadart = 4
7854 adalah berat jenis baja (kg per meter kubik)
1000000 karena diameternya dalam milimeter ke meter kuadrat (1000 kuadrat)


.

Besi beton polos tidak bisa benar-benar bulat, karena proses rolling mill memang karakternya seperti itu. Besi (baja) bulat hasil dari mesin bubut saja, ada toleransinya, apalagi hasil penggilingan. Untuk itu, biasanya, untuk mendapatkan diameter besi beton, diukur beberapa kali, dan hasilnya dirata-rata.

Cara menghitung besi beton polos tersebut tidak berlaku untuk menghitung berat besi ulir (sirip). Diameter dalam besi beton ulir tidak bisa biasanya tidak persis sama untuk hasil pada ukuran tertentu, karena tebal dan kedalaman ulirnya tidak sama, tergantung pembuatan matrasnya (calibernya).

Untuk menghitung berat besi kotak (nako / virkan):

Diameter x Diameter x Panjang x 0,007854

Angka (nilai) 0,007854 adalah berat jenis baja (kg per meter kubik) dibagi 1000000 karena diameternya dalam milimeter ke meter kuadrat (1000 kuadrat)

CARA MENGHITUNG BERAT BESI BETON POLOS

The magical quality Mr. Lesnie created in shooting the “Babe” films caught the eye of the director Peter Jackson, who chose him to film the fantasy epic.

Andrew Lesnie, Cinematographer of ‘Lord of the Rings,’ Dies at 59

Mr. King sang for the Drifters and found success as a solo performer with hits like “Spanish Harlem.”

Ben E. King, Soulful Singer of ‘Stand by Me,’ Dies at 76

Imagine an elite professional services firm with a high-performing, workaholic culture. Everyone is expected to turn on a dime to serve a client, travel at a moment’s notice, and be available pretty much every evening and weekend. It can make for a grueling work life, but at the highest levels of accounting, law, investment banking and consulting firms, it is just the way things are.

Except for one dirty little secret: Some of the people ostensibly turning in those 80- or 90-hour workweeks, particularly men, may just be faking it.

Many of them were, at least, at one elite consulting firm studied by Erin Reid, a professor at Boston University’s Questrom School of Business. It’s impossible to know if what she learned at that unidentified consulting firm applies across the world of work more broadly. But her research, published in the academic journal Organization Science, offers a way to understand how the professional world differs between men and women, and some of the ways a hard-charging culture that emphasizes long hours above all can make some companies worse off.

Photo
 
Credit Peter Arkle

Ms. Reid interviewed more than 100 people in the American offices of a global consulting firm and had access to performance reviews and internal human resources documents. At the firm there was a strong culture around long hours and responding to clients promptly.

“When the client needs me to be somewhere, I just have to be there,” said one of the consultants Ms. Reid interviewed. “And if you can’t be there, it’s probably because you’ve got another client meeting at the same time. You know it’s tough to say I can’t be there because my son had a Cub Scout meeting.”

Some people fully embraced this culture and put in the long hours, and they tended to be top performers. Others openly pushed back against it, insisting upon lighter and more flexible work hours, or less travel; they were punished in their performance reviews.

The third group is most interesting. Some 31 percent of the men and 11 percent of the women whose records Ms. Reid examined managed to achieve the benefits of a more moderate work schedule without explicitly asking for it.

They made an effort to line up clients who were local, reducing the need for travel. When they skipped work to spend time with their children or spouse, they didn’t call attention to it. One team on which several members had small children agreed among themselves to cover for one another so that everyone could have more flexible hours.

A male junior manager described working to have repeat consulting engagements with a company near enough to his home that he could take care of it with day trips. “I try to head out by 5, get home at 5:30, have dinner, play with my daughter,” he said, adding that he generally kept weekend work down to two hours of catching up on email.

Despite the limited hours, he said: “I know what clients are expecting. So I deliver above that.” He received a high performance review and a promotion.

What is fascinating about the firm Ms. Reid studied is that these people, who in her terminology were “passing” as workaholics, received performance reviews that were as strong as their hyper-ambitious colleagues. For people who were good at faking it, there was no real damage done by their lighter workloads.

It calls to mind the episode of “Seinfeld” in which George Costanza leaves his car in the parking lot at Yankee Stadium, where he works, and gets a promotion because his boss sees the car and thinks he is getting to work earlier and staying later than anyone else. (The strategy goes awry for him, and is not recommended for any aspiring partners in a consulting firm.)

A second finding is that women, particularly those with young children, were much more likely to request greater flexibility through more formal means, such as returning from maternity leave with an explicitly reduced schedule. Men who requested a paternity leave seemed to be punished come review time, and so may have felt more need to take time to spend with their families through those unofficial methods.

The result of this is easy to see: Those specifically requesting a lighter workload, who were disproportionately women, suffered in their performance reviews; those who took a lighter workload more discreetly didn’t suffer. The maxim of “ask forgiveness, not permission” seemed to apply.

It would be dangerous to extrapolate too much from a study at one firm, but Ms. Reid said in an interview that since publishing a summary of her research in Harvard Business Review she has heard from people in a variety of industries describing the same dynamic.

High-octane professional service firms are that way for a reason, and no one would doubt that insane hours and lots of travel can be necessary if you’re a lawyer on the verge of a big trial, an accountant right before tax day or an investment banker advising on a huge merger.

But the fact that the consultants who quietly lightened their workload did just as well in their performance reviews as those who were truly working 80 or more hours a week suggests that in normal times, heavy workloads may be more about signaling devotion to a firm than really being more productive. The person working 80 hours isn’t necessarily serving clients any better than the person working 50.

In other words, maybe the real problem isn’t men faking greater devotion to their jobs. Maybe it’s that too many companies reward the wrong things, favoring the illusion of extraordinary effort over actual productivity.

How Some Men Fake an 80-Hour Workweek, and Why It Matters

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

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Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

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Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

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President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

Obama Finds a Bolder Voice on Race Issues
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Many bodies prepared for cremation last week in Kathmandu were of young men from Gongabu, a common stopover for Nepali migrant workers headed overseas. Credit Daniel Berehulak for The New York Times

KATHMANDU, Nepal — When the dense pillar of smoke from cremations by the Bagmati River was thinning late last week, the bodies were all coming from Gongabu, a common stopover for Nepali migrant workers headed overseas, and they were all of young men.

Hindu custom dictates that funeral pyres should be lighted by the oldest son of the deceased, but these men were too young to have sons, so they were burned by their brothers or fathers. Sukla Lal, a maize farmer, made a 14-hour journey by bus to retrieve the body of his 19-year-old son, who had been on his way to the Persian Gulf to work as a laborer.

“He wanted to live in the countryside, but he was compelled to leave by poverty,” Mr. Lal said, gazing ahead steadily as his son’s remains smoldered. “He told me, ‘You can live on your land, and I will come up with money, and we will have a happy family.’ ”

Weeks will pass before the authorities can give a complete accounting of who died in the April 25 earthquake, but it is already clear that Nepal cannot afford the losses. The countryside was largely stripped of its healthy young men even before the quake, as they migrated in great waves — 1,500 a day by some estimates — to work as laborers in India, Malaysia or one of the gulf nations, leaving many small communities populated only by elderly parents, women and children. Economists say that at some times of the year, one-quarter of Nepal’s population is working outside the country.

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BALTIMORE — In the afternoons, the streets of Locust Point are clean and nearly silent. In front of the rowhouses, potted plants rest next to steps of brick or concrete. There is a shopping center nearby with restaurants, and a grocery store filled with fresh foods.

And the National Guard and the police are largely absent. So, too, residents say, are worries about what happened a few miles away on April 27 when, in a space of hours, parts of this city became riot zones.

“They’re not our reality,” Ashley Fowler, 30, said on Monday at the restaurant where she works. “They’re not what we’re living right now. We live in, not to be racist, white America.”

As Baltimore considers its way forward after the violent unrest brought by the death of Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old black man who died of injuries he suffered while in police custody, residents in its predominantly white neighborhoods acknowledge that they are sometimes struggling to understand what beyond Mr. Gray’s death spurred the turmoil here. For many, the poverty and troubled schools of gritty West Baltimore are distant troubles, glimpsed only when they pass through the area on their way somewhere else.

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Officers blocked traffic at Pennsylvania and West North Avenues after reports that a gun was discharged in the area. Credit Drew Angerer for The New York Times

And so neighborhoods of Baltimore are facing altogether different reckonings after Mr. Gray’s death. In mostly black communities like Sandtown-Winchester, where some of the most destructive rioting played out last week, residents are hoping businesses will reopen and that the police will change their strategies. But in mostly white areas like Canton and Locust Point, some residents wonder what role, if any, they should play in reimagining stretches of Baltimore where they do not live.

“Most of the people are kind of at a loss as to what they’re supposed to do,” said Dr. Richard Lamb, a dentist who has practiced in the same Locust Point office for nearly 39 years. “I listen to the news reports. I listen to the clergymen. I listen to the facts of the rampant unemployment and the lack of opportunities in the area. Listen, I pay my taxes. Exactly what can I do?”

And in Canton, where the restaurants have clever names like Nacho Mama’s and Holy Crepe Bakery and Café, Sara Bahr said solutions seemed out of reach for a proudly liberal city.

“I can only imagine how frustrated they must be,” said Ms. Bahr, 36, a nurse who was out with her 3-year-old daughter, Sally. “I just wish I knew how to solve poverty. I don’t know what to do to make it better.”

The day of unrest and the overwhelmingly peaceful demonstrations that followed led to hundreds of arrests, often for violations of the curfew imposed on the city for five consecutive nights while National Guard soldiers patrolled the streets. Although there were isolated instances of trouble in Canton, the neighborhood association said on its website, many parts of southeast Baltimore were physically untouched by the tumult.

Tensions in the city bubbled anew on Monday after reports that the police had wounded a black man in Northwest Baltimore. The authorities denied those reports and sent officers to talk with the crowds that gathered while other officers clutching shields blocked traffic at Pennsylvania and West North Avenues.

Lt. Col. Melvin Russell, a community police officer, said officers had stopped a man suspected of carrying a handgun and that “one of those rounds was spent.”

Colonel Russell said officers had not opened fire, “so we couldn’t have shot him.”

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Lambi Vasilakopoulos, right, who runs a casual restaurant in Canton, said he was incensed by last week's looting and predicted tensions would worsen. Credit Drew Angerer for The New York Times

The colonel said the man had not been injured but was taken to a hospital as a precaution. Nearby, many people stood in disbelief, despite the efforts by the authorities to quash reports they described as “unfounded.”

Monday’s episode was a brief moment in a larger drama that has yielded anger and confusion. Although many people said they were familiar with accounts of the police harassing or intimidating residents, many in Canton and Locust Point said they had never experienced it themselves. When they watched the unrest, which many protesters said was fueled by feelings that they lived only on Baltimore’s margins, even those like Ms. Bahr who were pained by what they saw said they could scarcely comprehend the emotions associated with it.

But others, like Lambi Vasilakopoulos, who runs a casual restaurant in Canton, said they were incensed by what unfolded last week.

“What happened wasn’t called for. Protests are one thing; looting is another thing,” he said, adding, “We’re very frustrated because we’re the ones who are going to pay for this.”

There were pockets of optimism, though, that Baltimore would enter a period of reconciliation.

“I’m just hoping for peace,” Natalie Boies, 53, said in front of the Locust Point home where she has lived for 50 years. “Learn to love each other; be patient with each other; find justice; and care.”

A skeptical Mr. Vasilakopoulos predicted tensions would worsen.

“It cannot be fixed,” he said. “It’s going to get worse. Why? Because people don’t obey the laws. They don’t want to obey them.”

But there were few fears that the violence that plagued West Baltimore last week would play out on these relaxed streets. The authorities, Ms. Fowler said, would make sure of that.

“They kept us safe here,” she said. “I didn’t feel uncomfortable when I was in my house three blocks away from here. I knew I was going to be O.K. because I knew they weren’t going to let anyone come and loot our properties or our businesses or burn our cars.”

Baltimore Residents Away From Turmoil Consider Their Role

HOBART, Tasmania — Few places seem out of reach for China’s leader, Xi Jinping, who has traveled from European capitals to obscure Pacific and Caribbean islands in pursuit of his nation’s strategic interests.

So perhaps it was not surprising when he turned up last fall in this city on the edge of the Southern Ocean to put down a long-distance marker in another faraway region, Antarctica, 2,000 miles south of this Australian port.

Standing on the deck of an icebreaker that ferries Chinese scientists from this last stop before the frozen continent, Mr. Xi pledged that China would continue to expand in one of the few places on earth that remain unexploited by humans.

He signed a five-year accord with the Australian government that allows Chinese vessels and, in the future, aircraft to resupply for fuel and food before heading south. That will help secure easier access to a region that is believed to have vast oil and mineral resources; huge quantities of high-protein sea life; and for times of possible future dire need, fresh water contained in icebergs.

It was not until 1985, about seven decades after Robert Scott and Roald Amundsen raced to the South Pole, that a team representing Beijing hoisted the Chinese flag over the nation’s first Antarctic research base, the Great Wall Station on King George Island.

But now China seems determined to catch up. As it has bolstered spending on Antarctic research, and as the early explorers, especially the United States and Australia, confront stagnant budgets, there is growing concern about its intentions.

China’s operations on the continent — it opened its fourth research station last year, chose a site for a fifth, and is investing in a second icebreaker and new ice-capable planes and helicopters — are already the fastest growing of the 52 signatories to the Antarctic Treaty. That gentlemen’s agreement reached in 1959 bans military activity on the continent and aims to preserve it as one of the world’s last wildernesses; a related pact prohibits mining.

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But Mr. Xi’s visit was another sign that China is positioning itself to take advantage of the continent’s resource potential when the treaty expires in 2048 — or in the event that it is ripped up before, Chinese and Australian experts say.

“So far, our research is natural-science based, but we know there is more and more concern about resource security,” said Yang Huigen, director general of the Polar Research Institute of China, who accompanied Mr. Xi last November on his visit to Hobart and stood with him on the icebreaker, Xue Long, or Snow Dragon.

With that in mind, the polar institute recently opened a new division devoted to the study of resources, law, geopolitics and governance in Antarctica and the Arctic, Mr. Yang said.

Australia, a strategic ally of the United States that has strong economic relations with China, is watching China’s buildup in the Antarctic with a mix of gratitude — China’s presence offers support for Australia’s Antarctic science program, which is short of cash — and wariness.

“We should have no illusions about the deeper agenda — one that has not even been agreed to by Chinese scientists but is driven by Xi, and most likely his successors,” said Peter Jennings, executive director of the Australian Strategic Policy Institute and a former senior official in the Australian Department of Defense.

“This is part of a broader pattern of a mercantilist approach all around the world,” Mr. Jennings added. “A big driver of Chinese policy is to secure long-term energy supply and food supply.”

That approach was evident last month when a large Chinese agriculture enterprise announced an expansion of its fishing operations around Antarctica to catch more krill — small, protein-rich crustaceans that are abundant in Antarctic waters.

“The Antarctic is a treasure house for all human beings, and China should go there and share,” Liu Shenli, the chairman of the China National Agricultural Development Group, told China Daily, a state-owned newspaper. China would aim to fish up to two million tons of krill a year, he said, a substantial increase from what it currently harvests.

Because sovereignty over Antarctica is unclear, nations have sought to strengthen their claims over the ice-covered land by building research bases and naming geographic features. China’s fifth station will put it within reach of the six American facilities, and ahead of Australia’s three.

Chinese mappers have also given Chinese names to more than 300 sites, compared with the thousands of locations on the continent with English names.

In the unspoken competition for Antarctica’s future, scientific achievement can also translate into influence. Chinese scientists are driving to be the first to drill and recover an ice core containing tiny air bubbles that provide a record of climate change stretching as far back as 1.5 million years. It is an expensive and delicate effort at which others, including the European Union and Australia, have failed.

In a breakthrough a decade ago, European scientists extracted an ice core nearly two miles long that revealed 800,000 years of climate history. But finding an ice core going back further would allow scientists to examine a change in the earth’s climate cycles believed to have occurred 900,000 to 1.2 million years ago.

China is betting it has found the best location to drill, at an area called Dome A, or Dome Argus, the highest point on the East Antarctic Ice Sheet. Though it is considered one of the coldest places on the planet, with temperatures of 130 degrees below zero Fahrenheit, a Chinese expedition explored the area in 2005 and established a research station in 2009.

“The international community has drilled in lots of places, but no luck so far,” said Xiao Cunde, a member of the first party to reach the site and the deputy director of the Institute for Climate Change at the Chinese Academy of Meteorological Sciences. “We think at Dome A we will have a straight shot at the one-million-year ice core.”

Mr. Xiao said China had already begun drilling and hoped to find what scientists are looking for in four to five years.

To support its Antarctic aspirations, China is building a sophisticated $300 million icebreaker that is expected to be ready in a few years, said Xia Limin, deputy director of the Chinese Arctic and Antarctic Administration in Beijing. It has also bought a high-tech fixed-wing aircraft, outfitted in the United States, for taking sensitive scientific soundings from the ice.

China has chosen the site for its fifth research station at Inexpressible Island, named by a group of British explorers who were stranded at the desolate site in 1912 and survived the winter by excavating a small ice cave.

Mr. Xia said the inhospitable spot was ideal because China did not have a presence in that part of Antarctica, and because the rocky site did not have much snow, making it relatively cheap to build there.

Anne-Marie Brady, a professor of political science at the University of Canterbury in New Zealand and the author of a soon-to-be-released book, “China as a Polar Great Power,” said Chinese scientists also believed they had a good chance of finding mineral and energy resources near the site.

“China is playing a long game in Antarctica and keeping other states guessing about its true intentions and interests are part of its poker hand,” she said. But she noted that China’s interest in finding minerals was presented “loud and clear to domestic audiences” as the main reason it was investing in Antarctica.

Because commercial drilling is banned, estimates of energy and mineral resources in Antarctica rely on remote sensing data and comparisons with similar geological environments elsewhere, said Millard F. Coffin, executive director of the Institute for Marine and Antarctic Studies in Hobart.

But the difficulty of extraction in such severe conditions and uncertainty about future commodity prices make it unlikely that China or any country would defy the ban on mining anytime soon.

Tourism, however, is already booming. Travelers from China are still a relatively small contingent in the Antarctic compared with the more than 13,000 Americans who visited in 2013, and as yet there are no licensed Chinese tour operators.

But that is about to change, said Anthony Bergin, deputy director of the Australian Strategic Policy Institute. “I understand very soon there will be Chinese tourists on Chinese vessels with all-Chinese crew in the Antarctic,” he said.

 

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