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saco-indonesia.com, Perjalanan KRL sejak pagi tadi telah mengalami kekacauan. Penyebabnya gangguan wesel (perpindahan rel) di Stasiun Gambir. Jarak tempuh yang biasanya cuma 45 menit, kini telah mencapai hingga 2 jam.

Gangguan yang terjadi sejak pukul 07.00 pagi WIB, Selasa (11/2). sejak Stasiun Depok Lama, jadwal keberangkatan juga sudah terlambat 30 menit. Beberapa rangkaian kereta bahkan juga tersendat-sendat.

Beberapa kali KRL terpaksa harus berhenti di antara dua stasiun seperti di Stasiun UI, Pasar Minggu, hingga Stasiun Tebet dan berlanjut hingga Stasiun Gondangdia.

Dewi yang berusia (25) tahun, penumpang yang naik dari Stasiun Bojong Gede pada pukul 07.30 pagi WIB, juga mengaku baru sampai di Stasiun Tebet dua jam kemudian. Padahal biasanya setiap hari jarak itu ditempuh antara 40-45 menit saja.

Demikian juga dengan Ratna, yang hingga pukul 10.30 WIB masih tertahan di dalam kereta. "Saya juga mau turun di Stasiun Gondangdia, dari Stasiun Pondok Cina tadi naik jam 8," ujarnya ketika dihubungi.

Para penumpang pun telah mengeluhkan informasi yang minim dari petugas PT KAI. "Kalau tahu lama begini, tadi turun naik taksi," cetus Ratna.

Selain jalur Bogor-Jakarta, gangguan wesel ini juga berdampak pada perjalanan KRL dari Bekasi.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

GANGGUAN WESEL DI GAMBIR, PENUMPANG BERDIRI DI KRL HINGGA 2 JAM

Kapolda Jawa Barat Irjen Mohammad Iriawan menegaskan pelaku penembak Briptu Nurul Affandi yakni berinisial KK dan S adalah spesialis pencurian sepeda motor (curanmor). Keduanya sudah sering keluar masuk penjara dalam kasus serupa.

"Pelaku berinisial KK yang ditangkap di Lampung Timur, Lampung pada Senin (27/1) subuh, perannya hanya sebatas joki atau yang membawa motor. Justru S lah sebagai pelaku utama dan yang hingga saat ini masih buron," kata Iriawan di Bogor, Selasa (28/1).

Lebih lanjut ia menjelaskan, KK ditangkap setelah pihaknya bersama Polda Jabar, Polda Metro, Polda Lampung, Polres Bogor dan Depok melakukan penyelidikan yang cukup lama.

"Saat ditangkap di rumahnya, kita juga berhasil mengamankan barang bukti 10 sepeda motor yang diduga hasil curian," katanya.

Saat ini pihaknya masih melakukan pengembangan, untuk mengejar pelaku utama berinisial S. "Untuk sementara tidak ada motif lain. Ini murni pencurian sepeda motor, karena pelaku kepergok hendak mencuri sepeda motor dan ditegur oleh korban," ungkapnya.

Iriawan menambahkan, tidak menutup kemungkinan ada pelaku lain dalam kasus penembakan ini. "Maka dari itu kita masih melakukan penyelidikan dan pengembangan. Tapi yang jelas pelaku ini adalah pernah masuk penjara atau residivis," katanya.

Seperti diberitakan sebelumnya, Briptu Nurul Affandi anggota Unit Reserse dan Kriminal Polsek Klapanunggal tewas ditembak saat mempergoki pelaku pencurian sepeda motor di samping warung gado-gado dekat PT Nippres, Jalan Raya Narogong, Klapanunggal, Kabupaten Bogor, Jumat (10/1).

PENEMBAK BRIPTU NURUL SPESIALIS CURANMOR

Elemen lampu pada taman sangat penting. Selain untuk memberi penerangan, lampu taman juga dapat mempercantik taman di malam hari. Umumnya di taman orang telah menggunakan lampu sorot untuk dapat memunculkan karakter tanaman dan bangunan di sekitarnya.

Untuk lampunya sendiri, upayakan memilih lampu non halogen. Pilihlah lampu hemat energi yang dirancang khusus untuk keperluan luar ruang (eksterior).

Ada baiknya, sebelum membeli lampu perhatikan Indeks Proteksi (IP) yang telah terdiri dari angka 2 digit. Angka yang tertulis di awal merupakan indikator perlindungan terhadap unsur-unsur solid. Batasanya dimulai dari angka 0 hingga 6. Sedangkan angka kedua telah mewakili indikator perlindungan terhadap benda cair. Batasannya dimulai dari angka 0 hingga 8. Semakin kecil kedua angka yang dicantumkan, berarti semakin kecil proteksinya. Misalnya IP 00, yang berarti lampu tidak memiliki proteksi.

Untuk lampu taman, sebaiknya gunakan lampu dengan IP 44. Ini berarti lampu tersebut telah memiliki perlindungan terhadap benda padat yang diameternya lebih dari 1 mm dan juga terlindung dari air yang disemprotkan dari segala arah.

Selain itu, yang harus Anda perhatikan adalah dimana seharusnya lampu itu harus ditempatkan agar sesuai dengan IP yang tercantum. Untuk lebih jelasnya, Anda dapat menanyakannya secara langsung pada pramuniaga yang menjualnya.

TIP AMAN MEMILIH LAMPU TAMAN

Saco-Indonesia.com - Seseorang yang berusaha menurunkan berat badan kerap menganggap diet sebagai proses yang menyengsarakan dan membosankan.

Padahal anggapan semacam ini tidak sepenuhnya benar. Keberhasilan menurunkan berat badan adalah tentang bagaimana Anda me-manage sikap mental Anda.

Selama Anda menjadikan setiap proses tersebut sebagai kebiasaan yang menyenangkan, maka keberhasilan mendapatkan berat badan ideal sudah ada di depan mata.

Bahkan, jika Anda memiliki hobi yang berhubungan dengan aktivitas fisik, maka hobi tersebut bisa Anda maksimalkan sebagai fun factor dalam mencapai berat badan ideal.

Berikut ini hobi atau aktivitas menyenangkan yang bisa Anda maksimalkan untuk mencapai berat badan ideal.

1. Jalan-jalan di sekitar blok
Saat Anda tidak berencana melakukan aktivitas yang jauh dari rumah, maka jalan-jalan atau jogging di sekitar komplek perumahan bisa menjadi pilihan yang tepat. Selain membakar kalori lebih banyak, jalan-jalan di sekitar rumah juga bisa meningkatkan hubungan sosial Anda dengan tetangga sekitar.

2. Bersepeda
Akhir-akhir ini, minat masyarakat terhadap olahraga bersepeda terus meningkat. Munculnya berbagai komunitas bersepeda adalah salah satu buktinya. Anda bisa bergabung dalam komunitas tersebut dan mengikuti setiap aktivitas yang diagendakan oleh komunitas tersebut.

Jika bergabung dengan komunitas bersepeda tidak membuat Anda tertarik, bersepeda sendiri juga bisa menjadi pilihan yang sehat. Selain meningkatkan pembakaran kalori, olahraga bersepeda erat hubungannya dengan peningkatan kebugaran kardiovaskular atau kesehatan pembuluh darah dan jantung, serta penurunan risiko penyakit jantung koroner.

3. Parkour & Freerun
Tidak hanya komunitas bersepeda, komunitas parkour dan freerun kini juga mulai mewabah. Pada prinsipnya parkour & freerun memiliki basic yang sama, yakni berpindah dari satu tempat ke tempat lain secara efektif dengan gerakan-gerakan akrobatik.

Latihan ini membutuhkan penguasaan teknik dan latihan yang cukup agar terhindar dari cedera. Meski tergolong ekstrem, latihan ini patut dicoba untuk menurunkan berat badan, meningkatkan kordinasi dan fleksibilitas tubuh.

4. Mendaki sambil menikmati pemandangan alam
Jika Anda menyukai pemadangan alam, pergilah mendaki ke tempat yang terletak tepat di bawah bukit dengan air terjun serta pemandangan yang menakjubkan. Selain efektif untuk mengusir stres, kegiatan ini baik untuk meningkatkan pembakaran kalori dan lemak tubuh Anda.

5. Berenang
Jika berenang di kolam umum membuat Anda jenuh, cobalah pergi ke danau, sungai, atau pantai yang memiliki air jernih dan aman dari binatang buas. Berenang di tempat-tempat yang tersedia di alam bebas akan membangkitkan kembali semangat dan mood Anda untuk meraih berat badan ideal.

6. Belanja ke Pasar
Pasar tradisional bagi beberapa orang dapat dianggap sebagai tempat yang penuh inspirasi. Anda dapat menemukan buah dan sayuran terbaik serta banyak makanan sehat menakjubkan lainnya. Anda dapat pergi ke sana dan berjalan kaki mengelilingi pasar saat berbelanja.

Jangan lupa untuk mengimbangi aktivitas menyenangkan di atas dengan pola makan rendah lemak dan tinggi protein. Good luck!

 

 

Editor :Liwon Maulana
6 Hobi Asik Melangsingkan Tubuh

HAJI BAGI WANITA YANG SEDANG HAIDH

Oleh
Ad-Daimah Lil IftaAl-Lajnah

Pertanyaan
Ad-Daimah Lil IftaAl-Lajnah ditanya : Apa hukum wanita muslimah yang haidh dalam hari-hari hajinya, apakah sah hajinya sebab demikian itu ?

Jawaban
Jika seorang wanita haidh dalam hari-hari hajinya maka hendaklah dia melakukan apa yang dilakukan orang-orang yang sedang haji selain thawaf dan sa'i hingga dia suci. Jika dia telah suci dan mandi maka dia thawaf dan sa'i. Jika seorang wanita haidh dan tidak tersisa dari amal-amalan haji selain thawaf wada', maka ketika pulang dia tidak wajib membayar kifarat apa pun karena thawaf wada tidak wajib bagi dia dan hajinya sah. Sebagaimana landasan dasar tersebut adalah.

[a]. Hadits yang diriwayatkan dari Abdullah bin Abbas Radhiallahu 'anhu bahwa Rasulullah Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam bersabda.

"Artinya : Wanita yang nifas dan haidh jika keduanya datang ke miqat maka keduanya mandi dan berihram dan melaksanakan semua manasik haji selain thawaf di Baitullah" [Hadits Riwayat Ahmad dan Abu Dawud]

[b]. Dalam hadits shahih disebutkan riwayat dari Aisyah Radhiallahu 'anha, bahwa dia haidh sebelum melaksanakan manasik umrah, maka Nabi Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam memerintahkan kepadanya untuk ihram haji selain thawaf di Baitullah hingga dia suci. Juga diperintahkannya melakukan apa yang dilakukan orang yang haji dan memasukkan ihram kepada umrah.

[c]. Imam Bukhari meriwayatkan hadits Aisyah Radhiallahu 'anha.

"Artinya : Bhawa Shafiyah istri Nabi Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam haidh, lalu dia menyampaikan hal itu kepada Rasulullah Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam, maka beliau bersabda : 'Apakah dia menahan kita (dari pulang)'. dia berkata : 'Sesungguhnya dia telah thawaf ifadhah'. Nabi Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam bersabda : 'Jika demikian maka tidak'". [Hadits Riwayat Bukhari, Muslim dan yang lainnya]

Dalam riwayat lain disebutkan, bahwa 'Aisyah berkata : "Shafiyah haidh setelah thawaf ifadhah. Aku sebutkan haidhnya kepada Rasulullah Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam. Maka Rasulullah Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam bersabda : "Apakah dia menahan (kepulangan) kita ?" Saya berkata : "Wahai Rasulullah, sesungguhnya dia telah thawaf ifadhah di Baitullah kemudian dia haidh setelah ifadhah". Maka Rasulullah Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam bersabda : "Karena itu hendaklah dia (ikut) pulang !" [Hadits Riwayat Bukhari, Muslim, dan yang lainnya]

WANITA HAIDH KETIKA IHRAM TIDAK BOLEH SHALAT


Oleh
Syaikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Baz

Pertanyaan
Syaikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Baz ditanya : Bagaimana shalat dua rakaat ihram bagi wanita yang haidh ?

Jawaban
Wanita yang sedang haidh tidak boleh shalat dua raka'at ihram, bahkan dia ihram dengan tanpa shalat. Sebab shalat haram bagi wanita yang haid. Terlebih shalat dua rakaat ihram hukumnya sunnah menurut jumhur ulama, bahkan sebagian ulama menilainya tidak termasuk sunnah karena tidak terdapat dalil khusus. Sedangkan jumhur yang menilainya sunnah adalah karena berpedoman kepada hadits Nabi Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam bersabda.

"Artinya : Allah berfirman : "Shalatlah kamu di lembah yang diberkahi ini dan katakanlah : "Umrah dalam haji" [Hadits Riwayat Ahmad, Bukhari, dan Abu Dawud]

Maksudnya, di lembah al-Atiq dalam haji wada'. Juga terdapat riwayat dari seorang sahabat Nabi Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam shalat kemudian ihram. Maka jumhur ulama menyatakan bahwa ihram setelah sunnah, baik shalat wajib atau sunnah. Karena wanita yang haidh dan nifas haram mendirikan shalat, maka keduanya ihram tanpa shalat dan tidak meng-qadha' shalatnya (dua ra'kaat ihram).

HAIDH ATAU NIFAS SETELAH IHRAM

Oleh
Syaikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Baz

Pertanyaan
Syaikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Baz ditanya : Jika seorang wanita haidh atau nifas setelah ihram, apakah sah jika dia thawaf dia Baitullah, atau apakah yang dia harus lakukan, dan apakah dia wajib thawaf wada.?

Jawaban
Wanita yang nifas atau haidh ketika kedatangannya untuk umrah maka dia hendaknya menunggu sampai suci. Jika telah suci, dia thawaf, sa'i dan memotong rambut, maka sempurnakanlah umrahnya. Tapi jika datangnya haidh atau nifas setelah umrah atau setelah ihram haji pada hari ke 8 Dzulhijjah, maka dia melakukan manasik haji, yaitu wukuf di 'Arafah, mabit di Muzdalifah, melontar tiga jumrah di Mina, dan lain-lain seperti talbiyah dan dzikir. Lalu ketika dia telah suci, dia thawaf dan sa'i untuk hajinya. Namun jika wanita haidh atau nifas setelah thawaf dan sa'i dan sebelum thawaf wada' maka gugur darinya thawaf wada'. Sebab wanita yang haidh atau nifas tidak wajib thawaf wada'.


Disalin dari buku Fatwa-Fatwa Haji dan Umrah oleh Ulama-Ulama Besar Saudi Arabia, penysusun Muhammad bin Abdul Aziz Al-Musnad, terbitan Pustaka Imam Asy-Syafi'i, hal. 130-134, penerjemah H.Asmuni Solihan Zamaksyari Lc]

Baca Artikel Lainnya : BAJU UNTUK UMRAH

 

NAIK HAJI BAGI WANITA HAIDH

With 12 tournament victories in his career, Mr. Peete was the most successful black professional golfer before Tiger Woods.

Calvin Peete, 71, a Racial Pioneer on the PGA Tour, Is Dead

Over the last five years or so, it seemed there was little that Dean G. Skelos, the majority leader of the New York Senate, would not do for his son.

He pressed a powerful real estate executive to provide commissions to his son, a 32-year-old title insurance salesman, according to a federal criminal complaint. He helped get him a job at an environmental company and employed his influence to help the company get government work. He used his office to push natural gas drilling regulations that would have increased his son’s commissions.

He even tried to direct part of a $5.4 billion state budget windfall to fund government contracts that the company was seeking. And when the company was close to securing a storm-water contract from Nassau County, the senator, through an intermediary, pressured the company to pay his son more — or risk having the senator subvert the bid.

The criminal complaint, unsealed on Monday, lays out corruption charges against Senator Skelos and his son, Adam B. Skelos, the latest scandal to seize Albany, and potentially alter its power structure.

Photo
 
Preet Bharara, the United States attorney in Manhattan, discussed the case involving Dean G. Skelos and his son, Adam. Credit Eduardo Munoz/Reuters

The repeated and diverse efforts by Senator Skelos, a Long Island Republican, to use what prosecutors said was his political influence to find work, or at least income, for his son could send both men to federal prison. If they are convicted of all six charges against them, they face up to 20 years in prison for each of four of the six counts and up to 10 years for the remaining two.

Senator Kenneth P. LaValle, of Long Island, who serves as chairman of the Republican conference, emerged from a closed-door meeting Monday night to say that conference members agreed that Mr. Skelos should be benefited the “presumption of innocence,” and would stay in his leadership role.

“The leader has indicated he would like to remain as leader,” said Mr. LaValle, “and he has the support of the conference.” The case against Mr. Skelos and his son grew out of a broader inquiry into political corruption by the United States attorney for the Southern District of New York, Preet Bharara, that has already changed the face of the state capital. It is based in part, according to the six-count complaint, on conversations secretly recorded by one of two cooperating witnesses, and wiretaps on the cellphones of the senator and his son. Those recordings revealed that both men were concerned about electronic surveillance, and illustrated the son’s unsuccessful efforts to thwart it.

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Adam Skelos took to using a “burner” phone, the complaint says, and told his father he wanted them to speak through a FaceTime video call in an apparent effort to avoid detection. They also used coded language at times.

At one point, Adam Skelos was recorded telling a Senate staff member of his frustration in not being able to speak openly to his father on the phone, noting that he could not “just send smoke signals or a little pigeon” carrying a message.

The 43-page complaint, sworn out by Paul M. Takla, a special agent for the Federal Bureau of Investigation, outlines a five-year scheme to “monetize” the senator’s official position; it also lays bare the extent to which a father sought to use his position to help his son.

The charges accuse the two men of extorting payments through a real estate developer, Glenwood Management, based on Long Island, and the environmental company, AbTech Industries, in Scottsdale, Ariz., with the expectation that the money paid to Adam Skelos — nearly $220,000 in total — would influence his father’s actions.

Glenwood, one of the state’s most prolific campaign donors, had ties to AbTech through investments in the environmental firm’s parent company by Glenwood’s founding family and a senior executive.

The accusations in the complaint portray Senator Skelos as a man who, when it came to his son, was not shy about twisting arms, even in situations that might give other arm-twisters pause.

Seeking to help his son, Senator Skelos turned to the executive at Glenwood, which develops rental apartments in New York City and has much at stake when it comes to real estate legislation in Albany. The senator urged him to direct business to his son, who sold title insurance.

After much prodding, the executive, Charles C. Dorego, engineered a $20,000 payment to Adam Skelos from a title insurance company even though he did no work for the money. But far more lucrative was a consultant position that Mr. Dorego arranged for Adam Skelos at AbTech, which seeks government contracts to treat storm water. (Mr. Dorego is not identified by name in the complaint, but referred to only as CW-1, for Cooperating Witness 1.)

Senator Skelos appeared to take an active interest in his son’s new line of work. Adam Skelos sent him several drafts of his consulting agreement with AbTech, the complaint says, as well as the final deal that was struck.

“Mazel tov,” his father replied.

Senator Skelos sent relevant news articles to his son, including one about a sewage leak near Albany. When AbTech wanted to seek government contracts after Hurricane Sandy, the senator got on a conference call with his son and an AbTech executive, Bjornulf White, and offered advice. (Like Mr. Dorego, Mr. White is not named in the complaint, but referred to as CW-2.)

The assistance paid off: With the senator’s help, AbTech secured a contract worth up to $12 million from Nassau County, a big break for a struggling small business.

But the money was slow to materialize. The senator expressed impatience with county officials.

Adam Skelos, in a phone call with Mr. White in late December, suggested that his father would seek to punish the county. “I tell you this, the state is not going to do a [expletive] thing for the county,” he said.

Three days later, Senator Skelos pressed his case with the Nassau County executive, Edward P. Mangano, a fellow Republican. “Somebody feels like they’re just getting jerked around the last two years,” the senator said, referring to his son in what the complaint described as “coded language.”

The next day, the senator pursued the matter, as he and Mr. Mangano attended a wake for a slain New York City police officer. Senator Skelos then reassured his son, who called him while he was still at the wake. “All claims that are in will be taken care of,” the senator said.

AbTech’s fortunes appeared to weigh on his son. At one point in January, Adam Skelos told his father that if the company did not succeed, he would “lose the ability to pay for things.”

Making matters worse, in recent months, Senator Skelos and his son appeared to grow wary about who was watching them. In addition to making calls on the burner phone, Adam Skelos said he used the FaceTime video calling “because that doesn’t show up on the phone bill,” as he told Mr. White.

In late February, Adam Skelos arranged a pair of meetings between Mr. White and state senators; AbTech needed to win state legislation that would allow its contract to move beyond its initial stages. But Senator Skelos deemed the plan too risky and caused one of the meetings to be canceled.

In another recorded call, Adam Skelos, promising to be “very, very vague” on the phone, urged his father to allow the meeting. The senator offered a warning. “Right now we are in dangerous times, Adam,” he told him.

A month later, in another phone call that was recorded by the authorities, Adam Skelos complained that his father could not give him “real advice” about AbTech while the two men were speaking over the telephone.

“You can’t talk normally,” he told his father, “because it’s like [expletive] Preet Bharara is listening to every [expletive] phone call. It’s just [expletive] frustrating.”

“It is,” his father agreed.

Dean Skelos, Albany Senate Leader, Aided Son at All Costs, U.S. Says

WASHINGTON — During a training course on defending against knife attacks, a young Salt Lake City police officer asked a question: “How close can somebody get to me before I’m justified in using deadly force?”

Dennis Tueller, the instructor in that class more than three decades ago, decided to find out. In the fall of 1982, he performed a rudimentary series of tests and concluded that an armed attacker who bolted toward an officer could clear 21 feet in the time it took most officers to draw, aim and fire their weapon.

The next spring, Mr. Tueller published his findings in SWAT magazine and transformed police training in the United States. The “21-foot rule” became dogma. It has been taught in police academies around the country, accepted by courts and cited by officers to justify countless shootings, including recent episodes involving a homeless woodcarver in Seattle and a schizophrenic woman in San Francisco.

Now, amid the largest national debate over policing since the 1991 beating of Rodney King in Los Angeles, a small but vocal set of law enforcement officials are calling for a rethinking of the 21-foot rule and other axioms that have emphasized how to use force, not how to avoid it. Several big-city police departments are already re-examining when officers should chase people or draw their guns and when they should back away, wait or try to defuse the situation

Police Rethink Long Tradition on Using Force

Ms. Rendell was a prolific writer of intricately plotted mystery novels that combined psychological insight, social conscience and teeth-chattering terror.

Ruth Rendell, Novelist Who Thrilled and Educated, Dies at 85

From sea to shining sea, or at least from one side of the Hudson to the other, politicians you have barely heard of are being accused of wrongdoing. There were so many court proceedings involving public officials on Monday that it was hard to keep up.

In Newark, two underlings of Gov. Chris Christie were arraigned on charges that they were in on the truly deranged plot to block traffic leading onto the George Washington Bridge.

Ten miles away, in Lower Manhattan, Dean G. Skelos, the leader of the New York State Senate, and his son, Adam B. Skelos, were arrested by the Federal Bureau of Investigation on accusations of far more conventional political larceny, involving a job with a sewer company for the son and commissions on title insurance and bond work.

The younger man managed to receive a 150 percent pay increase from the sewer company even though, as he said on tape, he “literally knew nothing about water or, you know, any of that stuff,” according to a criminal complaint the United States attorney’s office filed.

The success of Adam Skelos, 32, was attributed by prosecutors to his father’s influence as the leader of the Senate and as a potentate among state Republicans. The indictment can also be read as one of those unfailingly sad tales of a father who cannot stop indulging a grown son. The senator himself is not alleged to have profited from the schemes, except by being relieved of the burden of underwriting Adam.

The bridge traffic caper is its own species of crazy; what distinguishes the charges against the two Skeloses is the apparent absence of a survival instinct. It is one thing not to know anything about water or that stuff. More remarkable, if true, is the fact that the sewer machinations continued even after the former New York Assembly speaker, Sheldon Silver, was charged in January with taking bribes disguised as fees.

It was by then common gossip in political and news media circles that Senator Skelos, a Republican, the counterpart in the Senate to Mr. Silver, a Democrat, in the Assembly, could be next in line for the criminal dock. “Stay tuned,” the United States attorney, Preet Bharara said, leaving not much to the imagination.

Even though the cat had been unmistakably belled, Skelos father and son continued to talk about how to advance the interests of the sewer company, though the son did begin to use a burner cellphone, the kind people pay for in cash, with no traceable contracts.

That was indeed prudent, as prosecutors had been wiretapping the cellphones of both men. But it would seem that the burner was of limited value, because by then the prosecutors had managed to secure the help of a business executive who agreed to record calls with the Skeloses. It would further seem that the business executive was more attentive to the perils of pending investigations than the politician.

Through the end of the New York State budget negotiations in March, the hopes of the younger Skelos rested on his father’s ability to devise legislation that would benefit the sewer company. That did not pan out. But Senator Skelos did boast that he had haggled with Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, a Democrat, in a successful effort to raise a $150 million allocation for Long Island to $550 million, for what the budget called “transformative economic development projects.” It included money for the kind of work done by the sewer company.

The lawyer for Adam Skelos said he was not guilty and would win in court. Senator Skelos issued a ringing declaration that he was unequivocally innocent.

THIS was also the approach taken in New Jersey by Bill Baroni, a man of great presence and eloquence who stopped outside the federal courthouse to note that he had taken risks as a Republican by bucking his party to support paid family leave, medical marijuana and marriage equality. “I would never risk my career, my job, my reputation for something like this,” Mr. Baroni said. “I am an innocent man.”

The lawyer for his co-defendant, Bridget Anne Kelly, the former deputy chief of staff to Mr. Christie, a Republican, said that she would strongly rebut the charges.

Perhaps they had nothing to do with the lane closings. But neither Mr. Baroni nor Ms. Kelly addressed the question of why they did not return repeated calls from the mayor of Fort Lee, N.J., begging them to stop the traffic tie-ups, over three days.

That silence was a low moment. But perhaps New York hit bottom faster. Senator Skelos, the prosecutors charged, arranged to meet Long Island politicians at the wake of Wenjian Liu, a New York City police officer shot dead in December, to press for payments to the company employing his son.

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BALTIMORE — In the afternoons, the streets of Locust Point are clean and nearly silent. In front of the rowhouses, potted plants rest next to steps of brick or concrete. There is a shopping center nearby with restaurants, and a grocery store filled with fresh foods.

And the National Guard and the police are largely absent. So, too, residents say, are worries about what happened a few miles away on April 27 when, in a space of hours, parts of this city became riot zones.

“They’re not our reality,” Ashley Fowler, 30, said on Monday at the restaurant where she works. “They’re not what we’re living right now. We live in, not to be racist, white America.”

As Baltimore considers its way forward after the violent unrest brought by the death of Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old black man who died of injuries he suffered while in police custody, residents in its predominantly white neighborhoods acknowledge that they are sometimes struggling to understand what beyond Mr. Gray’s death spurred the turmoil here. For many, the poverty and troubled schools of gritty West Baltimore are distant troubles, glimpsed only when they pass through the area on their way somewhere else.

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Officers blocked traffic at Pennsylvania and West North Avenues after reports that a gun was discharged in the area. Credit Drew Angerer for The New York Times

And so neighborhoods of Baltimore are facing altogether different reckonings after Mr. Gray’s death. In mostly black communities like Sandtown-Winchester, where some of the most destructive rioting played out last week, residents are hoping businesses will reopen and that the police will change their strategies. But in mostly white areas like Canton and Locust Point, some residents wonder what role, if any, they should play in reimagining stretches of Baltimore where they do not live.

“Most of the people are kind of at a loss as to what they’re supposed to do,” said Dr. Richard Lamb, a dentist who has practiced in the same Locust Point office for nearly 39 years. “I listen to the news reports. I listen to the clergymen. I listen to the facts of the rampant unemployment and the lack of opportunities in the area. Listen, I pay my taxes. Exactly what can I do?”

And in Canton, where the restaurants have clever names like Nacho Mama’s and Holy Crepe Bakery and Café, Sara Bahr said solutions seemed out of reach for a proudly liberal city.

“I can only imagine how frustrated they must be,” said Ms. Bahr, 36, a nurse who was out with her 3-year-old daughter, Sally. “I just wish I knew how to solve poverty. I don’t know what to do to make it better.”

The day of unrest and the overwhelmingly peaceful demonstrations that followed led to hundreds of arrests, often for violations of the curfew imposed on the city for five consecutive nights while National Guard soldiers patrolled the streets. Although there were isolated instances of trouble in Canton, the neighborhood association said on its website, many parts of southeast Baltimore were physically untouched by the tumult.

Tensions in the city bubbled anew on Monday after reports that the police had wounded a black man in Northwest Baltimore. The authorities denied those reports and sent officers to talk with the crowds that gathered while other officers clutching shields blocked traffic at Pennsylvania and West North Avenues.

Lt. Col. Melvin Russell, a community police officer, said officers had stopped a man suspected of carrying a handgun and that “one of those rounds was spent.”

Colonel Russell said officers had not opened fire, “so we couldn’t have shot him.”

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Lambi Vasilakopoulos, right, who runs a casual restaurant in Canton, said he was incensed by last week's looting and predicted tensions would worsen. Credit Drew Angerer for The New York Times

The colonel said the man had not been injured but was taken to a hospital as a precaution. Nearby, many people stood in disbelief, despite the efforts by the authorities to quash reports they described as “unfounded.”

Monday’s episode was a brief moment in a larger drama that has yielded anger and confusion. Although many people said they were familiar with accounts of the police harassing or intimidating residents, many in Canton and Locust Point said they had never experienced it themselves. When they watched the unrest, which many protesters said was fueled by feelings that they lived only on Baltimore’s margins, even those like Ms. Bahr who were pained by what they saw said they could scarcely comprehend the emotions associated with it.

But others, like Lambi Vasilakopoulos, who runs a casual restaurant in Canton, said they were incensed by what unfolded last week.

“What happened wasn’t called for. Protests are one thing; looting is another thing,” he said, adding, “We’re very frustrated because we’re the ones who are going to pay for this.”

There were pockets of optimism, though, that Baltimore would enter a period of reconciliation.

“I’m just hoping for peace,” Natalie Boies, 53, said in front of the Locust Point home where she has lived for 50 years. “Learn to love each other; be patient with each other; find justice; and care.”

A skeptical Mr. Vasilakopoulos predicted tensions would worsen.

“It cannot be fixed,” he said. “It’s going to get worse. Why? Because people don’t obey the laws. They don’t want to obey them.”

But there were few fears that the violence that plagued West Baltimore last week would play out on these relaxed streets. The authorities, Ms. Fowler said, would make sure of that.

“They kept us safe here,” she said. “I didn’t feel uncomfortable when I was in my house three blocks away from here. I knew I was going to be O.K. because I knew they weren’t going to let anyone come and loot our properties or our businesses or burn our cars.”

Baltimore Residents Away From Turmoil Consider Their Role

The 6-foot-10 Phillips played alongside the 6-11 Rick Robey on the Wildcats team that won the 1978 N.C.A.A. men’s basketball title.

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WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

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Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’

WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).

The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.

Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”

Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.

Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.

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Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk. Credit Joe Raedle/Getty Images

“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”

We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.

Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”

Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.

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Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.

And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.

That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.

With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.

On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”

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Who Is Running for President (and Who’s Not)?

Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.

This is intentional, Republican operatives said.

In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.

“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.

But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”

Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.

“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.

Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.

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But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.

Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.

Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”

Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.

Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.

But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.

The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.

“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.

There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.

“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”

G.O.P. Hopefuls Now Aiming to Woo the Middle Class
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