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Sangat kurang lengkap jika seseorang yang menjajakan barang dagangannya melalui internt tetapi tidak memahami tehnik Cara Meningkatkan Penjualan Online yang jitu. Supaya hal ini jangan sampai terjadi pada anda, berikut kami akan membagikan sebuah trik bagaimana Cara Meningkatkan Penjualan Online yang paling jitu dan paling ampuh dan layak untuk dicoba. Bintaro Xchange Mall yang di bangun tepat disisi jalan tol Bintaro - Pondok Indah telah memberikan warna tersendiri bagi sang Ibu Kota khususnya Bintaro Jaya. Dibangun dengan konsep yang mengacu pada life style center dengan interactive green area telah menjadikan Bintaro Xchange Mall sebagai Mall di Jakarta yang bersahabat dengan lingkungan.

Bintaro Xchange Mall merupakan sebuah ikon gaya hidup dan belanja di kawasan Bintaro Jaya. Walaupun salah satu Mall di Jakarta ini belum lama di launching, namun berkat managemen yang solid dengan menyajikan apapun kebutuhan para pengunjungnya untuk membuat mereka senyaman mungkin, telah menjadikan salah satu Mall di Jakarta ini menjadi tempat berkunjung paling pavorit di kawasan selatan Jakarta.

Bintaro Xchange Mall ini merupakan Mall di Jakarta yang ramah terhadap lingkungan. Sehingga tentu saja memberikan efek nyaman bagi para pengunjung dan para penghuni kawasan Bintaro Jaya. Area taman yang hijau dan arena ice skating untuk anda yang ingin mencoba permainan di atas salju yang terhampar luas.

Ada cukup banyak Mall di Jakarta, dan baru-baru ini di kawasan Bintaro Jaya yakni sebelah selatan Jakarta telah di luncurkan sebuah Mall yang bakal menjadi pavorit untuk di kunjungi setiap akhir pekan bahkan setiap hari sekalipun, karena anda tidak akan pernah merasa bosan untuk selalu berkunjung ke Bintaro Xchange Mall ini.

Bintaro Xchange Mall ini merupakan sebuah Mall yang di bangun dengan konsep moderen namun etap mengedepankan Green Area, yang itu artinya akan sangat berpengaruh untuk kesehatan para pengunjungnya juga untuk kawasan di sekitar Mall di Jakarta yang satu ini.

Mungkin anda pernah berjalan-jalan di salah atu Mall di Jakarta? Tentu saja bukan? Dan apa yang anda rasakan? Relatif, masing-masing mempunyai kesan yang berbeda ketika mengunjungi suatu temtap. Bukankah demikian? Namun demikian apakah anda sudah pernah mengunjungi Mall di Jakarta yang satu ini? Dimana? Itu loh salah satu mall di Bintaro Jaya yang baru saja diluncurkan beberapa waktu yang lau, oh Bintaro Xchange Mall maksudnya? Betul sekali kawan, cobalah di suatu waktu mengunjunginya dan anda akan mendapatkan layanan yang memanjakan di Mall di Jakarta yang atu ini.

Demikian sedikit informasi dari kami seputar Bintaro Jaya Xchange Mall pusat lifestyle dan belanja terbaru di selatan Jakarta, semoga berguna dan sampai jumpa kembali di berbagai info lainnya. Jangan lupa untuk singgah di pusat bisnis pulsa di Indonesia. Terimakasih.

MALL DI JAKARTA, BINTARO XCHANGE MALL, PUSAT LIFESTYLE DAN BELANJA TERBARU DI SELATAN JAKARTA

Kami telah menyediakan sewa mobil Bali murah, menawarkan penyewaan kendaraan dengan harga yang kompetitif dan selalu mengutamakan kualitas pelayanan dan kondisi mobil yang disewakan. Kami telah menyediakan sewa Toyota Avanza, sewa Toyota Alphard, sewa Suzuki APV, sewa Daihatsu dan masih banyak yang lainnya. Untuk meliat jenis-jenis rent car yang kami sediakan, dapat di lihat di sini pilihan mobil rent car di Bali. sewa mobil bali

Jika anda berlibur ataupun melakukan bisnis, rental kendaraan atau rent car untuk transfortasi anda, adalah cara terbaik yang bisa anda pilih untuk mobilitas anda. Sekarang perusahaan penyewaan kendaraan, banyak terdapat di pulau ini. Menawarkan harga rental kendaraan murah dengan banyak tipe paket, hal ini juga akan memudahkan anda untuk dapat memilih dan mendapatkan harga murah untuk sewa mobil Bali dengan sopir atau sopir sendiri.

Wira car rental Bali, selalu mengutamakan kondisi kendaraan dan pelayanan dari supir, demi kenyamanan dan keamanan anda selama menyewa kendaraan kami. Semua kendaran rental kami, telah terlindungi oleh asuransi yang mengcover semua resiko. Untuk lebih jelas mengenai biaya klaim asuransi sewa kendaraan.

Begitu banyak jasa peyewaan kendaraan yang tersedia di internet, menawarkan harga murah untuk sewa mobil dengan sopir di Bali, mungkin anda tahu, harga tidak pernah bisa berbohong. Apakah anda akan percaya dengan kualitas yang mereka sediakan dan apakah semuanya tertanggung oleh asuransi kecelakaan? Maka perusahan rent car kami selalu menekankan terhadap kualitas pelayanan, karena kami tahu, kepuasan pelanggan adalah media promosi gratis yang paling terbaik.

Sewa mobil Bali, penyewaan mobil baru tahun pembuatan 2013. APV Luxury, Toyota Avanza, Alphard, Fortuner, Karimun, Estilo Rp.165.000 / 24 jam.

Kami juga telah menyediakan pelayanan sewa mobil Bali seperti:

Rental mobil harian, dengan supir atau tanpa supir. Penyewaan harian kendaraan tanpa supir, kami hitung selama 24 jam, sewa mobil dengan supir di Bali minimal 10 jam/hari.

Rental mobil mingguan dan bulanan, waktu minimal penyewaan yaitu 7 x 24 jam tanpa supir, maksimum peyewaan kendaraan selama satu bulan. Rental jenis ini telah memungkinkan dengan supir, jika pelanggan menginginkan.

Kami telah melayani antar jemput kendaraan rental di airport, hotel, villa dan rumah, tanpa biaya tambahan. Kami selalu siap melayani permintaan anda untuk sewa kendaraan murah dan rental kendaraan mewah.

Selain menyediakan jasa Bali sewa mobil, kami juga telah menyediakan Bali tour murah untuk setiap pelanggan kami yang menginginkan paket tour ke Bali dengan harga murah. Harga paket tour murah yang kami tawarkan tentunya tanpa mengabaikan kualitas layanan dan kenyamanan dari pelanggan kami. Banyak pilihan dari paket tour murah ke Bali yang kami sediakan untuk anda pilih. Semua paket wisata yang kami sediakan termasuk kendaraan, supir, tiket masuk ke objek wisata di Bali, biaya makan siang dan makan malam.

SEWA MOBIL BALI

Saco-Indonesia.com - Di jaman yang serba modern dan orang-orangnya memiliki aktivitas segunung seperti saat ini, hal-hal yang praktis menjadi yang paling dicari untuk memenuhi kebutuhan. Salah satunya ditunjukkan dengan semakin banyaknya produk-produk instan, terutama dalam hal makanan dan minuman.

Tak hanya vitamin yang dikemas praktis dalam bentuk suplemen, minuman seperti jus buah pun telah banyak diproduksi dalam kemasan. Hal ini tentu memudahkan karena tak membuat orang repot membuat jus buah sendiri dan bisa dikonsumsi sambil mengerjakan hal lainnya.

Namun, di balik semua kepraktisan yang ditawarkan oleh produk-produk minuman jus buah, apakah jus dalam kemasan tersebut cukup sehat untuk dikonsumsi? Kita tahu bahwa semua makanan kemasan pasti mengandung bahan pengawet. Bagaimana kita mengetahui bahwa jus tersebut dibuat dari buah asli dan nutrisi di dalamnya masih utuh?

Boldsky (18/03) memberikan beberapa cara untuk membantu Anda menentukan apakah jus buah kemasan yang Anda beli di swalayan cukup sehat untuk dikonsumsi dan membandingkannya dengan jus buah asli, berikut ini.

1. Baca labelnya
Semua jus buah kemasan pasti memiliki gambar buah-buahan segar di kemasannya. Namun jangan tertipu dengan gambar yang mengundang selera itu. Anda hanya perlu menemukan tulisan dalam kemasan tersebut. Pastikan dalam kemasan tersebut tertulis jelas "jus buah" dan bukannya "minuman buah." Jika yang Anda beli bertuliskan "minuman buah" sudah jelas yang ada di dalamnya bukan jus buah yang Anda harapkan.

2. Baca komposisi
Apa yang diharapkan seseorang ketika membeli jus buah kemasan? Mereka tentu berharap di dalamnya terdapat jus buah. Namun sayangnya tak semua jus buah kemasan semacam itu. Yang ada di dalamnya adalah air, konsentrat buah, dan penambah rasa yang akan memberikan rasa buah yang Anda inginkan. Belum lagi ditambah dengan mineral dan vitamin, serta tambahan pemanis buatan, sirup gula, dan pengawet.

3. Bandingkan rasa
Indera perasa manusia tak bisa berbohong. Lakukan tes sederhana untuk membandingkan rasa jus buah sungguhan yang Anda buat sendiri dengan jus buah kemasan yang Anda beli. Anda akan menyadari perbedaan rasa dari keduanya. Tinggal pilih mana yang paling Anda sukai.

4. Bandingkan masa kedaluwarsa
Berapa lama jus buah segar bisa bertahan lama? Tak lebih dari beberapa jam atau seharian. Bahkan faktanya, jus buah segar harus segera diminum dalam hitungan menit agar mendapatkan manfaat optimal di dalamnya. Sementara itu, jus buah kemasan bisa bertahan hingga sembilan bulan sampai satu tahun. Apakah mungkin jus buah kemasan ini asli? Anda sudah tahu jawabannya.

5. Cari bulir buah di dalamnya
Salah satu keunggulan jus buah yang asli adalah dari bulir buah yang ada di dalamnya. Tak ada jus buah kemasan yang mengandung bulir buah lebih banyak dari jus buah asli. Proses pengemasan jus buah akan mengambil semua manfaat kesehatan yang ada di dalamnya. Yang tersisa hanya kalori dan gula.

Poin-poin di atas sangat jelas dan bersifat mendasar. Semua orang tentu bisa mengerti mengapa jus buah kemasan tak lebih sehat dibandingkan dengan jus buah asli. Jika menginginkan manfaat terbaik dari buah, lebih baik pilih jus buah segar yang asli dibandingkan dengan kemasan. Akan lebih baik lagi jika Anda makan buah secara utuh, karena menjadikannya jus akan mengurangi nutrisi dan vitamin di dalamnya.

Editor : Maulana Lee

Sumber : kompas.com

Benarkah jus buah dalam kemasan menyehatkan?

Di dalam olah data baik secara manual maupun dengan komputerisasi terdiri dari tiga tahapan dasar yaitu input, proses, output. Dan tiga tahapan dasar tersebut dapat dikembangkan menjadi :

a. Orginating-recording (pencatatan)
tahapan ini berhubungan dengan proses pengumpulan data yang biasanya merupakan proses pencatatan (recording) data ke dokumen dasar atau formulir.

B. Classifiying (klasifikasi)
tahapan ini memberikan identitas atau pengklasifikasian dalam data yang akan diolah, apakah identifikasi tersebut dilakukan untuk satu kelompok atau beberapa kelompok dari data yang nantinya merupakan karakteristik dari data yang bersangkutan

c. Sorting (penyusunan)
setelah data–data yang akan diolah diberikan identifikasi seperti diatas, maka data tersebut mungkin perlu diatur atau disusun sedemikian rupa, contohnya urutkan menurut kode klasifikasinya

d. Calculating (perhitungan)
disini data dimanipulasi seperti pelaksanaan perhitungan– perhitungan atau disebut calculating

e. Summarizing (penyusunan laporan)
untuk memungkinkan dilakukan analisa terhadap data atau informasi yang dihasilkan, diperlukan penyimpulan atau pembuatan rekapitulasi laporan sesuai dengan keinginan pemakai informasi

f. Storing (penyimpanan)
storing atau penyimpanan data dan informasi yang sejenis ke dalam file untuk referensi dimasa yang akan datang perlu dilakukan. Dan media penyimpanan ada beberapa macam, disesuaikan dengan metode dan peralatan yang dipakai dalam sistem pengolahan data, seperti disk, kartu, dokumen

g. Retrieving (pencarian)
di dalam file yang disimpan, pencarian data atau retrieving biasa digunakan dengan cara penyimpanannya, terutama jika pengolahan datanya menggunakan komputer

h. Communicating (komunikasi )
dalam proses olah data menjadi informasi, sampai informasi tersebut dipakai oleh user. Diperlukan suatu komunikasi sehinnga mempermudah proses pengolahan data menjadi informasi

i. Reproducing (penggandaan )
untuk pengamanan apabila data hilang atau rusak, juga untuk keperluan perusahaan lainnya bisa dilakukan dengan penggandaan dengan menggunakan mesin photocopy, disk, magnetic tape

 

CARA OLAH DATA YANG TEPAT
Mendapatkan Backlink Hingga 1,953,125 backlinkBacklink yang banyak dan peringkat pagerank yang tinggi merupakan Impian semua pemilik situs website, Dengan Backlink dan pagerank yang tinggi menunjukkan akan kesuksesan seseorang terhadap pengelolaan suatu situs. Untuk mendapatkan backlink yang banyak dan PageRank yang besar merupakan pekerjaan mudah juga sekaligus susah untuk di lakukan. Kita mesti menerapkan teknik SEO dalam melakukan hal tersebut. Berikut adalah suatu tips untuk meningkatkan trafik ranking suatu situs.

 


Hanya tinggal copy link yang berada di bawah ini dengan syarat menghapus link pada peringkat 1 dari daftar, lalu pindahkan yang tadinya nomor 2 menjadi nomor 1, nomor 3 menjadi nomor 2, nomor 4 menjadi nomor 3, dst. Kemudian masukan link blog anda sendiri pada urutan paling bawah (nomor 10),Seperti berikut :

1.Yahoo
2.YouTube
3.Facebook
4.Google
5.Tusfiles
6.Heck.in
7.Mywapblog.com
8.Rastaman Teknologi
9.Saco Indoneisia

10. Moro Sakato

 

 

Hingga hasilnya menjadi berikut ini : 

 


1.Yahoo
2.YouTube
3.Facebook
4.Google
5.Tusfiles
6.Heck.in
7.Mywapblog.com
8.Rastaman Teknologi
9.Saco Indoneisia
10. “Situsanda

Berikut ini cara perhitungan backlink yang akan didapat untuk suatu situs yang melakukan hal ini.Mengajak lima orang untuk mengcopy Artikel di posting situs lain maka jumlah backlink yang akan didapat adalah sebagai berikut:

  • Posisi 10, jumlah backlink = 1
  • Posisi 9, jumlah backlink = 5
  • Posisi 8, jumlah backlink = 25
  • Posisi 7, jumlah backlink = 125
  • Posisi 6, jumlah backlink = 625
  • Posisi 5, jumlah backlink = 3,125
  • Posisi 4, jumlah backlink =15,625
  • Posisi 3, jumlah backlink = 78,125
  • Posisi 2, jumlah backlink = 390,625
  • Posisi 1, jumlah backlink = 1,953,125

 Dari sisi SEO sudah mendapatkan 1,953,125 backlink gratis dan ini sangat besar pengaruhnya terhadap Trafik suatu situs serta Meningkatnya Pagerank suatu situs! Dan jika pengunjung downline mengklik link Sobat maka Sobat juga mendapat traffik tambahan.

Cara ini sebenarnya merupakan cara lama, namun masih sangat bermanfaat, dan masih sering dilakukan oleh para pakar SEO.


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BACKLINK BERKUALITAS DI BEKASI

As governor, Mr. Walker alienated Republicans and his fellow Democrats, particularly the Democratic powerhouse Richard J. Daley, the mayor of Chicago.

Dan Walker, 92, Dies; Illinois Governor and Later a U.S. Prisoner
Joseph Lechleider

Mr. Lechleider helped invent DSL technology, which enabled phone companies to offer high-speed web access over their infrastructure of copper wires.

Joseph Lechleider, a Father of the DSL Internet Technology, Dies at 82

Over the last five years or so, it seemed there was little that Dean G. Skelos, the majority leader of the New York Senate, would not do for his son.

He pressed a powerful real estate executive to provide commissions to his son, a 32-year-old title insurance salesman, according to a federal criminal complaint. He helped get him a job at an environmental company and employed his influence to help the company get government work. He used his office to push natural gas drilling regulations that would have increased his son’s commissions.

He even tried to direct part of a $5.4 billion state budget windfall to fund government contracts that the company was seeking. And when the company was close to securing a storm-water contract from Nassau County, the senator, through an intermediary, pressured the company to pay his son more — or risk having the senator subvert the bid.

The criminal complaint, unsealed on Monday, lays out corruption charges against Senator Skelos and his son, Adam B. Skelos, the latest scandal to seize Albany, and potentially alter its power structure.

Photo
 
Preet Bharara, the United States attorney in Manhattan, discussed the case involving Dean G. Skelos and his son, Adam. Credit Eduardo Munoz/Reuters

The repeated and diverse efforts by Senator Skelos, a Long Island Republican, to use what prosecutors said was his political influence to find work, or at least income, for his son could send both men to federal prison. If they are convicted of all six charges against them, they face up to 20 years in prison for each of four of the six counts and up to 10 years for the remaining two.

Senator Kenneth P. LaValle, of Long Island, who serves as chairman of the Republican conference, emerged from a closed-door meeting Monday night to say that conference members agreed that Mr. Skelos should be benefited the “presumption of innocence,” and would stay in his leadership role.

“The leader has indicated he would like to remain as leader,” said Mr. LaValle, “and he has the support of the conference.” The case against Mr. Skelos and his son grew out of a broader inquiry into political corruption by the United States attorney for the Southern District of New York, Preet Bharara, that has already changed the face of the state capital. It is based in part, according to the six-count complaint, on conversations secretly recorded by one of two cooperating witnesses, and wiretaps on the cellphones of the senator and his son. Those recordings revealed that both men were concerned about electronic surveillance, and illustrated the son’s unsuccessful efforts to thwart it.

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Adam Skelos took to using a “burner” phone, the complaint says, and told his father he wanted them to speak through a FaceTime video call in an apparent effort to avoid detection. They also used coded language at times.

At one point, Adam Skelos was recorded telling a Senate staff member of his frustration in not being able to speak openly to his father on the phone, noting that he could not “just send smoke signals or a little pigeon” carrying a message.

The 43-page complaint, sworn out by Paul M. Takla, a special agent for the Federal Bureau of Investigation, outlines a five-year scheme to “monetize” the senator’s official position; it also lays bare the extent to which a father sought to use his position to help his son.

The charges accuse the two men of extorting payments through a real estate developer, Glenwood Management, based on Long Island, and the environmental company, AbTech Industries, in Scottsdale, Ariz., with the expectation that the money paid to Adam Skelos — nearly $220,000 in total — would influence his father’s actions.

Glenwood, one of the state’s most prolific campaign donors, had ties to AbTech through investments in the environmental firm’s parent company by Glenwood’s founding family and a senior executive.

The accusations in the complaint portray Senator Skelos as a man who, when it came to his son, was not shy about twisting arms, even in situations that might give other arm-twisters pause.

Seeking to help his son, Senator Skelos turned to the executive at Glenwood, which develops rental apartments in New York City and has much at stake when it comes to real estate legislation in Albany. The senator urged him to direct business to his son, who sold title insurance.

After much prodding, the executive, Charles C. Dorego, engineered a $20,000 payment to Adam Skelos from a title insurance company even though he did no work for the money. But far more lucrative was a consultant position that Mr. Dorego arranged for Adam Skelos at AbTech, which seeks government contracts to treat storm water. (Mr. Dorego is not identified by name in the complaint, but referred to only as CW-1, for Cooperating Witness 1.)

Senator Skelos appeared to take an active interest in his son’s new line of work. Adam Skelos sent him several drafts of his consulting agreement with AbTech, the complaint says, as well as the final deal that was struck.

“Mazel tov,” his father replied.

Senator Skelos sent relevant news articles to his son, including one about a sewage leak near Albany. When AbTech wanted to seek government contracts after Hurricane Sandy, the senator got on a conference call with his son and an AbTech executive, Bjornulf White, and offered advice. (Like Mr. Dorego, Mr. White is not named in the complaint, but referred to as CW-2.)

The assistance paid off: With the senator’s help, AbTech secured a contract worth up to $12 million from Nassau County, a big break for a struggling small business.

But the money was slow to materialize. The senator expressed impatience with county officials.

Adam Skelos, in a phone call with Mr. White in late December, suggested that his father would seek to punish the county. “I tell you this, the state is not going to do a [expletive] thing for the county,” he said.

Three days later, Senator Skelos pressed his case with the Nassau County executive, Edward P. Mangano, a fellow Republican. “Somebody feels like they’re just getting jerked around the last two years,” the senator said, referring to his son in what the complaint described as “coded language.”

The next day, the senator pursued the matter, as he and Mr. Mangano attended a wake for a slain New York City police officer. Senator Skelos then reassured his son, who called him while he was still at the wake. “All claims that are in will be taken care of,” the senator said.

AbTech’s fortunes appeared to weigh on his son. At one point in January, Adam Skelos told his father that if the company did not succeed, he would “lose the ability to pay for things.”

Making matters worse, in recent months, Senator Skelos and his son appeared to grow wary about who was watching them. In addition to making calls on the burner phone, Adam Skelos said he used the FaceTime video calling “because that doesn’t show up on the phone bill,” as he told Mr. White.

In late February, Adam Skelos arranged a pair of meetings between Mr. White and state senators; AbTech needed to win state legislation that would allow its contract to move beyond its initial stages. But Senator Skelos deemed the plan too risky and caused one of the meetings to be canceled.

In another recorded call, Adam Skelos, promising to be “very, very vague” on the phone, urged his father to allow the meeting. The senator offered a warning. “Right now we are in dangerous times, Adam,” he told him.

A month later, in another phone call that was recorded by the authorities, Adam Skelos complained that his father could not give him “real advice” about AbTech while the two men were speaking over the telephone.

“You can’t talk normally,” he told his father, “because it’s like [expletive] Preet Bharara is listening to every [expletive] phone call. It’s just [expletive] frustrating.”

“It is,” his father agreed.

Dean Skelos, Albany Senate Leader, Aided Son at All Costs, U.S. Says

“It was really nice to play with other women and not have this underlying tone of being at each other’s throats.”

ay 4, 2015 ‘Game of Thrones’ Q&A: Keisha Castle-Hughes on the Tao of the Sand Snakes

With 12 tournament victories in his career, Mr. Peete was the most successful black professional golfer before Tiger Woods.

Calvin Peete, 71, a Racial Pioneer on the PGA Tour, Is Dead

Hired in 1968, a year before their first season, Mr. Fanning spent 25 years with the team, managing them to their only playoff appearance in Canada.

Jim Fanning, 87, Dies; Lifted Baseball in Canada With Expos

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination
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Many bodies prepared for cremation last week in Kathmandu were of young men from Gongabu, a common stopover for Nepali migrant workers headed overseas. Credit Daniel Berehulak for The New York Times

KATHMANDU, Nepal — When the dense pillar of smoke from cremations by the Bagmati River was thinning late last week, the bodies were all coming from Gongabu, a common stopover for Nepali migrant workers headed overseas, and they were all of young men.

Hindu custom dictates that funeral pyres should be lighted by the oldest son of the deceased, but these men were too young to have sons, so they were burned by their brothers or fathers. Sukla Lal, a maize farmer, made a 14-hour journey by bus to retrieve the body of his 19-year-old son, who had been on his way to the Persian Gulf to work as a laborer.

“He wanted to live in the countryside, but he was compelled to leave by poverty,” Mr. Lal said, gazing ahead steadily as his son’s remains smoldered. “He told me, ‘You can live on your land, and I will come up with money, and we will have a happy family.’ ”

Weeks will pass before the authorities can give a complete accounting of who died in the April 25 earthquake, but it is already clear that Nepal cannot afford the losses. The countryside was largely stripped of its healthy young men even before the quake, as they migrated in great waves — 1,500 a day by some estimates — to work as laborers in India, Malaysia or one of the gulf nations, leaving many small communities populated only by elderly parents, women and children. Economists say that at some times of the year, one-quarter of Nepal’s population is working outside the country.

Nepal’s Young Men, Lost to Migration, Then a Quake

Ms. Rendell was a prolific writer of intricately plotted mystery novels that combined psychological insight, social conscience and teeth-chattering terror.

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Mr. Fox, known for his well-honed countrified voice, wrote about things dear to South Carolina and won over Yankee critics.

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Though Robin and Joan Rolfs owned two rare talking dolls manufactured by Thomas Edison’s phonograph company in 1890, they did not dare play the wax cylinder records tucked inside each one.

The Rolfses, longtime collectors of Edison phonographs, knew that if they turned the cranks on the dolls’ backs, the steel phonograph needle might damage or destroy the grooves of the hollow, ring-shaped cylinder. And so for years, the dolls sat side by side inside a display cabinet, bearers of a message from the dawn of sound recording that nobody could hear.

In 1890, Edison’s dolls were a flop; production lasted only six weeks. Children found them difficult to operate and more scary than cuddly. The recordings inside, which featured snippets of nursery rhymes, wore out quickly.

Yet sound historians say the cylinders were the first entertainment records ever made, and the young girls hired to recite the rhymes were the world’s first recording artists.

Year after year, the Rolfses asked experts if there might be a safe way to play the recordings. Then a government laboratory developed a method to play fragile records without touching them.

Audio

The technique relies on a microscope to create images of the grooves in exquisite detail. A computer approximates — with great accuracy — the sounds that would have been created by a needle moving through those grooves.

In 2014, the technology was made available for the first time outside the laboratory.

“The fear all along is that we don’t want to damage these records. We don’t want to put a stylus on them,” said Jerry Fabris, the curator of the Thomas Edison Historical Park in West Orange, N.J. “Now we have the technology to play them safely.”

Last month, the Historical Park posted online three never-before-heard Edison doll recordings, including the two from the Rolfses’ collection. “There are probably more out there, and we’re hoping people will now get them digitized,” Mr. Fabris said.

The technology, which is known as Irene (Image, Reconstruct, Erase Noise, Etc.), was developed by the particle physicist Carl Haber and the engineer Earl Cornell at Lawrence Berkeley. Irene extracts sound from cylinder and disk records. It can also reconstruct audio from recordings so badly damaged they were deemed unplayable.

“We are now hearing sounds from history that I did not expect to hear in my lifetime,” Mr. Fabris said.

The Rolfses said they were not sure what to expect in August when they carefully packed their two Edison doll cylinders, still attached to their motors, and drove from their home in Hortonville, Wis., to the National Document Conservation Center in Andover, Mass. The center had recently acquired Irene technology.

Audio

Cylinders carry sound in a spiral groove cut by a phonograph recording needle that vibrates up and down, creating a surface made of tiny hills and valleys. In the Irene set-up, a microscope perched above the shaft takes thousands of high-resolution images of small sections of the grooves.

Stitched together, the images provide a topographic map of the cylinder’s surface, charting changes in depth as small as one five-hundredth the thickness of a human hair. Pitch, volume and timbre are all encoded in the hills and valleys and the speed at which the record is played.

At the conservation center, the preservation specialist Mason Vander Lugt attached one of the cylinders to the end of a rotating shaft. Huddled around a computer screen, the Rolfses first saw the wiggly waveform generated by Irene. Then came the digital audio. The words were at first indistinct, but as Mr. Lugt filtered out more of the noise, the rhyme became clearer.

“That was the Eureka moment,” Mr. Rolfs said.

In 1890, a girl in Edison’s laboratory had recited:

There was a little girl,

And she had a little curl

Audio

Right in the middle of her forehead.

When she was good,

She was very, very good.

But when she was bad, she was horrid.

Recently, the conservation center turned up another surprise.

In 2010, the Woody Guthrie Foundation received 18 oversize phonograph disks from an anonymous donor. No one knew if any of the dirt-stained recordings featured Guthrie, but Tiffany Colannino, then the foundation’s archivist, had stored them unplayed until she heard about Irene.

Last fall, the center extracted audio from one of the records, labeled “Jam Session 9” and emailed the digital file to Ms. Colannino.

“I was just sitting in my dining room, and the next thing I know, I’m hearing Woody,” she said. In between solo performances of “Ladies Auxiliary,” “Jesus Christ,” and “Dead or Alive,” Guthrie tells jokes, offers some back story, and makes the audience laugh. “It is quintessential Guthrie,” Ms. Colannino said.

The Rolfses’ dolls are back in the display cabinet in Wisconsin. But with audio stored on several computers, they now have a permanent voice.

Ghostly Voices From Thomas Edison’s Dolls Can Now Be Heard

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Take the Money and Run

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biaya umroh april di Dukuh jakarta
harga paket berangkat umrah mei di Batuampar jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah awal tahun di Kramat Jati jakarta
paket berangkat umroh april di Ciracas jakarta
paket berangkat umroh maret di Pondok Kelapa jakarta
promo berangkat umroh awal tahun di Kampung Baru jakarta
promo umroh februari di Lubang Buaya jakarta
promo umrah juni di Malaka Jaya jakarta
biaya berangkat umroh juni di Makasar jakarta
paket umroh akhir tahun di Kelapa Dua Wetan jakarta
harga paket umrah awal tahun di Bambu Apus jakarta
paket berangkat umroh juni di Cipinang Besar Utara jakarta
harga berangkat umroh april di Pinang Ranti jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh januari di Cakung Barat jakarta
promo umroh ramadhan di Klender jakarta
biaya paket umrah februari di Cipayung jakarta
biaya umrah akhir tahun di Munjul jakarta
biaya umroh mei di Cibubur jakarta
paket promo umroh mei di Pondok Kopi jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah awal tahun di Duren Sawit jakarta
harga berangkat umroh awal tahun di Cilangkap jakarta
harga paket umroh ramadhan di Kebon Pala jakarta
biaya paket umroh januari bekasi barat
promo berangkat umroh juni bekasi barat
biaya berangkat umrah juni di Pinang Ranti jakarta
harga berangkat umroh ramadhan di Cakung Timur jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh april bekasi selatan
paket berangkat umrah juni di Pulogebang jakarta
biaya umrah ramadhan di Pisangan Timur jakarta
paket umrah februari di Ciracas jakarta
harga berangkat umroh mei di Kampung Baru jakarta
paket berangkat umroh ramadhan di Cipinang Cempedak jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh maret di Makasar jakarta
harga umrah desember di Jatinegara jakarta
promo umroh juni di Dukuh jakarta
harga berangkat umroh awal tahun di Rambutan jakarta
promo umrah juni di Susukan jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh maret di Pinang Ranti jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh mei di Pisangan Baru jakarta
paket promo umrah awal tahun di Klender jakarta
paket promo umrah januari di Cililitan jakarta
paket berangkat umroh awal tahun di Pondok Kelapa jakarta
harga umroh akhir tahun di Kampung Tengah jakarta
biaya umrah maret bekasi utara
biaya paket umrah maret di Utan Kayu Selatan jakarta
biaya paket umroh desember di Ciracas jakarta
harga paket umroh akhir tahun di Rawamangun jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah awal tahun di Ceger jakarta
biaya berangkat umroh desember di Pondok Kelapa jakarta
harga paket berangkat umrah awal tahun di Cakung jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh januari di Malaka Sari jakarta
harga paket umroh juni di Jatinegara jakarta
biaya umrah akhir tahun di Cipinang jakarta
paket umroh maret di Pondok Kelapa jakarta
biaya paket umrah maret di Makasar jakarta
biaya paket umrah april di Setu jakarta
paket umrah januari di Setu jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh maret di Cipinang Cempedak jakarta
harga umrah maret di Makasar jakarta
harga umrah mei di Cipinang Besar Utara jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah februari di Batuampar jakarta
paket umroh januari di Cipinang Melayu jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh mei di Malaka Sari jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh januari di Rawamangun jakarta
harga umrah mei di Kayu Putih jakarta
paket promo umroh juni bogor
harga paket berangkat umrah mei di Cakung jakarta