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Paket Umroh 2015

Biro Travel Umroh Jakarta Melayani Biaya Harga Paket Umroh Murah Promo Hemat dan Plus Turki Desember 2015 - Januari | Februari | Maret | April 2016. Paket Umroh 2015

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indikator Asam Basa

Telah disebutkan bahwa asam telah mempunyai rasa asam, sedangkan basa telah mempunyai rasa pahit. Namun begitu, tidak dianjurkan untuk dapat mengenali asam dan basa dengan, cara mencicipinya, sebab banyak diantaranya yang dapat merusak kulit (korosif) atau bahkan bersifat racun. Asam dan basa juga dapat dikenali dengan menggunakan zat indikator, yaitu zat yang telah meniberi warna berbeda dahlia) lingkungan asam dan lingkungan basa (zat yang warnanya dapat berubah saat berinteraksi atau bereaksi dengan senyawa asam maupun senyawa basa).

Dalam laboratorium kimia, indikator asam-basa yang biasa di gunakan adalah indikator buatan dan indikator alami, Berikut ini penjelasan tentang indikator asam-basa buatan dan indikator asam-basa alami.
Derajat keasaman (pH)

Indikator Tingkat Keasaman Suatu zat asam yang di masukkan ke dalam air akan dapat mengakibatkan bertambahnya ion hidrogen (H+) dalam air dan berkurangnya ion hidroksida (OH- ). Sedangkan pada basa, akan dapat terjadi sebaliknya. Zat basa yang dimasukkan ke dalam air akan dapat mengakibatkan bertambahnya ion hidroksida (OH- ) dan berkurangnya ion hidrogen (H+).

Jumlah ion H+ dan OH- di dalam air dapat di gunakan untuk dapat menentukan derajat keasaman atau kebasaan suatu zat. Semakin asam suatu zat, semakin banyak ion H+ dan semakin sedikit jumlah ion OH- di dalam air. Sebaliknya semakin basa suatu zat, semakin sedikit jumlah ion H+ dan semakin banyak ion OH- di dalam air.
Proses netralisasi

Apabila suatu larutan asam dengan larutan basa akan dicampurkan dalam suatu bejana, maka ion H+ (dari asam) akan bereaksi dengan ion OH- (dari 311 basa) membentuk air. Reaksi antara ion H+ dengan OH- tersebut juga dapat di tuliskan sebagai berikut. H+ + OH- air

ini karena selain air, basil reaksi antara asam dan basa adalah suatu zat yang bersifat netral, yaitu zat yang tidak bersifat asam maupun basa. Zat netral yang di maksudkan di sini adalah garam. Mengingat reaksi netralisasi juga dapat menghasilkan garam, maka reaksi ini juga di kenal dengan istilah reaksi penggaraman. Secara sederhana, reaksi netralisasi atau reaksi penggaraman juga dapat di tuliskan sebagai berikut.

Contoh sederhana dari reaksi penggaraman adalah reaksi antara asam klorida (HC1) dengan natrium hidroksida (NaOH), yang akan dapat membentuk natrium klorida NaCl (garam dapur) dan air. Pada dasarnya, reaksi penggaraman (netralisasi) juga sangat berguna bagi kehidupan manusia.

Reaksi netralisasi tidak hanya terbatas pada pembentukkan garam dan air. Dalam kehidupan sehari-hari banyak dijumpai prinsip atau reaksi netralisasi, termasuk dalam bidang kesehatan dan pertanian. Perhatikan contoh berikut ini : gas-gas sisa, baik yang berasal dari kendaraan bermotor atau pabrik, mengandung gas belerang dioksida dan nitrogen oksida.

Gas-gas ini akan dilepas ke udara sehingga menimbulkan polusi. Gas-gas tersebut juga akan larut dalam titik-titik air di awan sehingga membentuk larutan asam sulfat dan asam nitrat. Ketika terjadi hujan, larutan-larutan ini akan bercampur dan turun bersama hujan. Inilah yang dinamakan dengan hujan asam.

Hujan asam sangat merugikan manusia dan lingkungan. Berikut adalah dampak yang ditimbulkan oleh hujan asam:

    Hujan asam dapat menyebabkan matinya tumbuhan dan ikan. Asam yang telah terdapat dalam air hujan juga dapat bereaksi dengan mineral dalam tanah. Tumbuhan akan menjadi kekurangan mineral sehingga mati atau tidak tumbuh dengan baik. Hujan asam juga dapat melarutkan aluminium dari mineral dalam tanah dan bebatuan, kemudian menghanyutkannya ke sungai sehingga dapat meracuni ikan dan mahluk air lainnya.
    Hujan asam yang bereaksi dengan logam juga dapat merusak jembatan, mobil, kapal laut, dan rangka bangunan. Hujan asam juga dapat merusak bangunan (gedung/ rumah) yang terbuat dari batu kapur.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

INDIKATOR ASAM BASA

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Merawat tanaman bunga dalam pot

Tanaman hias dalam pot adalah pilihan yang sangat tepat bagi Anda yang telah memiliki luas taman terbatas. Rumah Anda akan makin sempurna dengan kehadiran tanaman tersebut. Hanya saja, merawat bunga dalam pot sangat berbeda dalam merawat tanaman di alam terbuka. Sebab dari segi media, ruang yang telah disediakan untuk tanaman hanya sebatas pada ukuran pot saja. Bagi Anda pecinta tanaman hias dalam pot, berikut ini kami akan berikan tips perawatannya:
Pertama, media tanam. Hindari dengan menggunakan media tanam hanya berupa tanah saja.  Namun gunakan juga media tanam campuran sesuai dengan jenis tanaman yang akan ditanam. Sebelum media tanam dimasukkan ke dalam pot, lapisi bagian bawahnya dengan menggunakan styrofoam. Styrofoam berfungsi untuk mengalirkan air sehingga mencegah air tergenang. Jika air tergenang, maka tanah menjadi padat.. Hal ini juga akan menyebabkan warna daun menjadi kuning, layu, atau bentuknya keriting.  Selain styrofoam, Anda juga bisa menggantikannya dengan sabut kelapa.
Kedua, cahaya matahari. Perhatikan jenis tanaman hias yang Anda tanam dalam pot. Apakah termasuk yang membutuhkan cahaya matahari langsung ataukah harus ditempatkan di lokasi yang teduh. Jika jenis tanaman hias tersebut membutuhkan cahaya matahari langsung, maka Anda harus rajin menaruhnya di tempat yang terkena cahaya matahari langsung. Sebaliknya jenis tanaman teduh, sekali waktu Anda perlu menaruhnya di luar agar mendapatkan cahaya matahari langsung. Yakni minimal sekali dalam lima hari. Khusus untuk tanaman buah dalam pot serta tanaman berbunga, Anda harus memastikan tanaman tersebut terkena cahaya matahari. Sebab bila pasokan cahaya matahari kurang, maka tanaman tadi tidak akan berbunga dan sulit berbuah.
Ketiga, ukuran pot. Seiring dengan pertumbuhannya, tanaman hias dalam pot juga akan terus membesar. Jika ukurannya semakin besar, maka Anda perlu memindahkannya ke dalam pot yang ukurannya lebih besar. Namun untuk tanaman bonsai, Anda tidak perlu mengganti media tanam maupu potnya. Anda cukup menghambat pertumbuhannya dengan rajin memotong batangnya. Dengan cara ini, tanaman juga akan tetap berukuran kerdil.
Keempat, membersihkan daun. Setiap dua minggu sekali Anda harus meluangkan waktu untuk dapat membersihkan setiap helai daun tanaman hias tersebut. Bila Anda rutin melakukannya, maka setiap helai daun tersebut akan nampak mengkilat, bersih, dan juga sehat. Pembersihan permukaan daun akan membantu kelancaran proses fotosintesis karena pori-pori daun lebih bersih. Proses pembersihan daun bisa menggunakan cairan khusus (semir daun). Namun jika Anda kesulitan mendapatkannya, Anda juga bisa menggunakan susu cair. Basahi permukaan lap dengan susu cair. Lalu gosok dengan lembut setiap helai daun dengan menggunakan lap tersebut.
Kelima, pemupukan. Untuk tanaman hias berbunga, Anda harus memberinya pupuk NPK setiap bulan sekali.
Keenam, hama dan penyakit. Serangan hama dan penyakit bisa ditanggulangi dengan penyemprotan insektisida.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

CARA MERAWAT BUNGA
Ikan mas merupakan jenis ikan konsumsi air tawar, berbadan memanjang pipih kesamping dan lunak. Ikan mas sudah dipelihara sejak tahun 475 sebelum masehi di Cina. Di Indonesia ikan mas mulai dipelihara sekitar tahun 1920. Ikan mas yang terdapat di Indonesia merupakan merupakan ikan mas yang dibawa dari Cina, Eropa, Taiwan dan Jepang. Ikan mas Punten dan Majalaya merupakan hasil seleksi di Indonesia. Sampai saat ini sudah terdapat 10 ikan mas yang dapat diidentifikasi berdasarkan karakteristik morfologisnya. Budidaya ikan mas telah berkembang pesat di kolam biasa, di sawah, waduk, sungai air deras, bahkan ada yang dipelihara dalam keramba di perairan umum Dalam ilmu taksonomi hewan, klasifikasi ikan mas adalah sebagai berikut: Kelas  : Osteichthyes Anak kelas : Actinopterygii Bangsa : Cypriniformes Suku  : Cyprinidae Marga  : Cyprinus Jenis  : Cyprinus carpio L. Saat ini ikan mas mempunyai banyak ras atau stain. Perbedaan sifat dan ciri dari ras disebabkan oleh adanya interaksi antara genotipe dan lingkungan kolam, musim dan cara pemeliharaan yang terlihat dari penampilan bentuk fisik, bentuk tubuh dan warnanya. Adapun ciri-ciri dari beberapa strain ikan mas adalah sebagai berikut: 1)Ikan mas punten: sisik berwarna hijau gelap; potongan badan paling pendek; bagian punggung tinggi melebar; mata agak menonjol; gerakannya gesit; perbandingan antara panjang badan dan tinggi badan antara 2,3:1. 2) Ikan mas majalaya: sisik berwarna hijau keabu-abuan dengan tepi sisik lebih gelap; punggung tinggi; badannya relatif pendek; gerakannya lamban, bila diberi makanan suka berenang di permukaan air; perbandingan panjang badan dengan tinggi badan antara 3,2:1. 3) Ikan mas si nyonya: sisik berwarna kuning muda; badan relatif panjang; mata pada ikan muda tidak menonjol, sedangkan ikan dewasa bermata sipit; gerakannya lamban, lebih suka berada di permukaan air; perbandingan panjang badan dengan tinggi badan antara 3,6:1. 4) Ikan mas taiwan: sisik berwarna hijau kekuning-kuningan; badan relatif panjang; penampang punggung membulat; mata agak menonjol; gerakan lebih gesit dan aktif; perbandingan panjang badan dengan tinggi badan antara 3,5:1. 5) Ikan mas koi: bentuk badan bulat panjang dan bersisisk penuh; warna sisik bermacam-macam seperti putih, kuning, merah menyala, atau kombinasi dari warna-warna tersebut. Beberapa ras koi adalah long tail Indonesian carp, long tail platinm nishikigoi, platinum nishikigoi, long tail shusui nishikigoi, shusi nishikigoi, kohaku hishikigoi, lonh tail hishikigoi, taishusanshoku nshikigoi dan long tail taishusanshoku nishikigoi. Budidaya Ikan Mas di Pandaisikek Budidaya ikan mas di Kenagaraian Pandaisikek masih menggunakan cara tradisonal. Dimana ikan dipelihara di kolam dengan berbagai ukuran sesuai ketersedian lahan. Biasanya kolam berada tidak jauh dari rumah pemilik.Usaha pemeliharan ikan hanya merupakan usaha sampingan, tidak di jumpai di Nagari ini masyarakat yang perekonimoannya ditopang sepenuhnya dari pembudidayaan ikan. Namun demikian pembudidayaan ikan cukup memberi konstribusi terhadap perekonomian pembudidaya karena dapat menghasilkan uang yang lumayan banyak pada sa’at tertentu atau saat panen. Pembudidayaan ikan ini tidak hanya terfokus pada ikan mas saja, dalam satu kolam bisa saja di jumpai jenis ikan lain seperti mujair/gurami, dan beberapa jenis ikan lainya. Ikan dipelihara secara alami yang mana tidak ada diberikan perlakuan khusus seperti pemberian pellet atau pemisahan bibit sesuai umur atau pertumbuhan. Makanan ikan bersumber dari sisa mencuci piring, ampas-ampas dapur, sayur rusak dari panen yang tidak memenuhi standar untuk di jual, kotoran manusia ( karena setip kolam di lengkapi dengan wc yang pembuangannya langsung ke kolam) dan jarang sekali pembudidaya yang member pellet untuk makan ikan peliharaanya. Akan tetapi harus di akui bahwa rasa daging ikan yang dipelihara dengan cara seperti ini jauh lebih enak dan lebih gurih ketimbang ikan yang diberi makan pellet. Air yang digunankan untuk menggenangi kolam bersumber dari air gunung, yaitu Gunung singgalang dan gunung Merapi ditambah dengan sumber dari mata air alam yang di Nagari Pandaisikek serta air buangan dari sawah penduduk. Tiap kolam mempunyai beberapa pembuangan air sesuai kondisi. Secara umum kolam mempunyai tiga pembuangan air. Pembuangan permukaan, bertujuan untuk menjaga ke stabilan tinggi air permukaan,agar  tidak terlalu tinggi dan tidak terlalu rendah. Permukaan air yang terlalu tinggi akan menyebabkan ikan gampang meloncat keluar kolam, sedangkan permukaan yang terlalau rendah akan menyebabkan ikan gampang di mangsa oleh hama seperti anjing dan kucing air (berang-berang). Pembuangan air yang kedua yaitu pembuangan air tengah , berada hampir mendekati dasar kolam, kira-kira se lutut dari dasar kolam. Pembuangan ini berguna untuk pengeringan kolam dan untuk mengurangi air kolam saat panen tiba. Pembuangan air yang ketiga terletak pada dasar kolam, ini berguna saat melakuan pembersihan dasar kolam ketika selesai panen. , menghanyut lumpur dan sampah sampah yang berada di dasar kolam. Panen dilakukan sekali dalam setahun, biasanya pada saat menjelang lebaran Idil Fitri, dimana pada saat itu permintaan pasar akan kebutuhan ikan sangat tinggi. Biasanya panen diserahkan kepada orang yang berprofesi sampingan sebagai tukang panen ikan. Tengah malam atau menjelang subuh tukang panen membuka tutup pembuangan air tengah dengan tujuan mengurangi air kolam sehingga yang tersisa hanya sebatas lutut, dengan demikian proses penangkapan ikan akan lebih mudah di lakukan. Pembuangan air tengah ini bisa dilakukan pengaturan agar air keluar  seimbang dengan air masuk. Setiap kolam memiliki kolam kecil yang terletak di punggang kolam atau posisinya berada sedikit di atas pembuangan air tengah, kolam kecil ini akan terlihat jika permukaan air sejajar dengan pembuangan air tengah. Fungsi kolam kecil ini adalah untuk menampung ikan kecil-kecil (anak ikan) yang dipisahkan saat panen. Panen dimulai setelah selesai sholat subuh atau kira-kira jam 5.30. Satu atau dua orang tukang panen masuk ke kolam dengan membawa alat panen yang disebut “tangguak”. Tangguak disisirkan ke kolam sehingga semua ikan berbagai jenis dan ukuran yang terkena akan masuk ke dalam tangguak. Kemudian tangguak yang sudah penuh ikan dibawa ke pinggir kolam dan selanjutnya dilakukan pemisahan ikan. Pemisahan dilakukan berdasarkan jenis ikan dan ukuran, ada ukuran besar dan ada ukuran sedang. Ikan yang kecil akan di masukan ke dalam kolam kecil (kolam penampung bibit)  yang sudah tersedia dan anak ikan ini akan dijadikan sebagai bibit untuk periode berikutnya. Proses ini dilakukan berulang-ulang sampai ikan yang ada dalam kolam habis. Setelah panen selesai, tahap selanjutnya adalah melakukan pembersihan kolam dari endapan lumpur dan sampah. Untuk itu perlu membuka tutup pembuangan dasar. Sebelum membuka tutup pembuangan dasar dipastikan dulu kalau debet air masuk cukup untuk menghanyutkan lumpur dan sampah. Dengan demikian proses pembuangan endapan lumpur akan lebih cepat dan mudah  dilakukan.  Setelah kolam bersih dari sampah dan endapan lumpur maka lobang pembuangan dasar dan lobang pembuangan tengah ditutup kembali dengan tujuan agar kolam terisi penuh lagi dengan air. Anak ikan (ikan bibit ) yang tadinya berada dalam kolam kecil penampung sementara, secara perlahan akan dapat berenang bebas sejalan dengan terendamnya kolam penampungan bibit tersebut. Jika bibit dirasa kurang dengan ukuran kolam yang ada maka dilakukan penaburan bibit tambahan yang di beli dari luar. Selesai sudah proses panen, pemilik kolam  menunggu sampai tahun depan hingga siap lagi untuk di panen.(EC-1266).MELIRIK BUDIDAYA IKAN DI PANDASIKEK

Pada umumnya, tiap osiloskop sudah dilengkapi sumber sinyal acuan untuk kalibrasi. Sebagai contoh, osiloskop GW tipe tertentu mempunyai acuan gelombang persegi dengan amplitudo 2V peak to peak dengan frekuensi 1 KHz.


Misalkan kanal 1 yang akan dikalibrasi, maka BNC probe dihubungkan ke terminal masukan kanal 1, seperti ditunjukkan pada gambar berikut:

 

Gambar di atas menggunakan probe 1X, dengan ujung probe yang merah dihubungkan ke terminal kalibrasi. Capit buaya yang hitam tidak perlu dihubungkan ke ground osiloskop karena sudah terhubung secara internal. Pada layar osiloskop akan nampak gelombang persegi. Atur tombol kontrol VOLTS/DIV dan TIME/DIV sampai diperoleh gambar yang jelas dengan amplitudo 2 V peak to peak dengan frekuensi 1 KHz., seperti ditunjukkan pada gambar berikut:

Gunakan tombol kontrol posisi vertikal V-pos untuk menggerakkan seluruh gambar dalam arah vertikal dan tombol horizontal H-pos untuk menggerakkan seluruh gambar dalam arah horizontal. Cara ini dilakukan agar letak gambar mudah dilihat dan dibaca.

KALIBRASI

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gita gutawa bukan permainan

UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?

What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.

Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.

 

 

Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.

In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.

“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”

He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.

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Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”

It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.

Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.

He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.

They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.

Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.

As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.

He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.

Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.

“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”

The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”

Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.

Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.

R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.

“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”

With Iran Talks, a Tangled Path to Ending Syria’s War

Mr. Bartoszewski was given honorary Israeli citizenship for his work to save Jews during World War II and later surprised even himself by being instrumental in reconciling Poland and Germany.

Wladyslaw Bartoszewski, 93, Dies; Polish Auschwitz Survivor Aided Jews

As governor, Mr. Walker alienated Republicans and his fellow Democrats, particularly the Democratic powerhouse Richard J. Daley, the mayor of Chicago.

Dan Walker, 92, Dies; Illinois Governor and Later a U.S. Prisoner

Hired in 1968, a year before their first season, Mr. Fanning spent 25 years with the team, managing them to their only playoff appearance in Canada.

Jim Fanning, 87, Dies; Lifted Baseball in Canada With Expos

The live music at the Vice Media party on Friday shook the room. Shane Smith, Vice’s chief executive, was standing near the stage — with a drink in his hand, pants sagging, tattoos showing — watching the rapper-cum-chef Action Bronson make pizzas.

The event was an after-party, a happy-hour bacchanal for the hundreds of guests who had come for Vice’s annual presentation to advertisers and agencies that afternoon, part of the annual frenzy for ad dollars called the Digital Content NewFronts. Mr. Smith had spoken there for all of five minutes before running a slam-bang highlight reel of the company’s shows that had titles like “Weediquette” and “Gaycation.”

In the last year, Vice has secured $500 million in financing and signed deals worth hundreds of millions of dollars with established media companies like HBO that are eager to engage the young viewers Vice attracts. Vice said it was now worth at least $4 billion, with nearly $1 billion in projected revenue for 2015. It is a long way from Vice’s humble start as a free magazine in 1994.

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At the Vice after-party, the rapper Action Bronson, a host of a Vice show, made a pizza. Credit Jesse Dittmar for The New York Times

But even as cash flows freely in Vice’s direction, the company is trying to keep its brash, insurgent image. At the party on Friday, it plied guests with beers and cocktails. Its apparently unrehearsed presentation to advertisers was peppered with expletives. At one point, the director Spike Jonze, a longtime Vice collaborator, asked on stage if Mr. Smith had been drinking.

“My assistant tried to cut me off,” Mr. Smith replied. “I’m on buzz control.”

Now, Vice is on the verge of getting its own cable channel, which would give the company a traditional outlet for its slate of non-news programming. If all goes as planned, A&E Networks, the television group owned by Hearst and Disney, will turn over its History Channel spinoff, H2, to Vice.

The deal’s announcement was expected last week, but not all of A&E’s distribution partners — the cable and satellite TV companies that carry the network’s channels — have signed off on the change, according to a person familiar with the negotiations who spoke on the condition of anonymity because the talks were private.

A cable channel would be a further step in a transformation for Vice, from bad-boy digital upstart to mainstream media company.

Keen for the core audience of young men who come to Vice, media giants like 21st Century Fox, Time Warner and Disney all showed interest in the company last year. Vice ultimately secured $500 million in financing from A&E Networks and Technology Crossover Ventures, a Silicon Valley venture capital firm that has invested in Facebook and Netflix.

Those investments valued Vice at more than $2.5 billion. (In 2013, Fox bought a 5 percent stake for $70 million.)

Then in March, HBO announced that it had signed a multiyear deal to broadcast a daily half-hour Vice newscast. Vice already produces a weekly newsmagazine show, called “Vice,” for the network. That show will extend its run through 2018, with an increase to 35 episodes a year, from 14.

Michael Lombardo, HBO’s president for programming, said when the deal was announced that it was “certainly one of our biggest investments with hours on the air.”

Vice, based in Brooklyn, also recently signed a multiyear $100 million deal with Rogers Communications, a Canadian media conglomerate, to produce original content for TV, smartphone and desktop viewers.

Vice’s finances are private, but according to an internal document reviewed by The New York Times and verified by a person familiar with the company’s financials, the company is on track to make about $915 million in revenue this year.

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Vice showed a highlight reel of its TV series at the NewFronts last week in New York. Credit Jesse Dittmar for The New York Times

It brought in $545 million in a strong first quarter, which included portions of the new HBO deal and the Rogers deal, according to the document. More of its revenue now comes from these types of content partnerships, compared with the branded content deals that made up much of its revenue a year ago, the company said.

Mr. Smith said the company was worth at least $4 billion. If the valuation gets much higher, he said he would consider taking the company public.

“I don’t care about money; we have plenty of money,” Mr. Smith, who is Vice’s biggest shareholder, said in an interview after the presentation on Friday. “I care about strategic deals.”

In the United States, Vice Media had 35.2 million unique visitors across its sites in March, according to comScore.

The third season of Vice’s weekly HBO show has averaged 1.8 million viewers per episode, including reruns, through April 12, according to Brad Adgate, the director of research at Horizon Media. (Vice said the show attracted three million weekly viewers when repeat broadcasts, online and on-demand viewings were included.)

For years, Mr. Smith has criticized traditional TV, calling it slow and unable to draw younger viewers. But if all the deals Vice has struck are to work out, Mr. Smith may have to play more by the rules of traditional media. James Murdoch, Rupert Murdoch’s son and a member of Vice’s board, was at the company’s presentation on Friday, as were other top media executives.

“They know they need people like me to help them, but they can’t get out of their own way,” Mr. Smith said in the interview Friday. “My only real frustration is we’re used to being incredibly dynamic, and they’re not incredibly dynamic.”

With its own television channel in the United States, Vice would have something it has long coveted even as traditional media companies are looking beyond TV. Last year, Vice’s deal with Time Warner failed in part because the two companies could not agree on how much control Vice would have over a 24-hour television network.

Vice said it intended to fill its new channel with non-news programming. The company plans to have sports shows, fashion shows, food shows and the “Gaycation” travel show with the actress Ellen Page. It is also in talks with Kanye West about a show.

It remains to be seen whether Vice’s audience will watch a traditional cable channel. Still, Vice has effectively presold all of the ad spots to two of the biggest advertising agencies for the first three years, Mr. Smith said.

In the meantime, Mr. Smith is enjoying Vice’s newfound role as a potential savior of traditional media companies.

“I’m a C.E.O. of a content company,” Mr. Smith said before he caught a flight to Las Vegas for the boxing match on Saturday between Floyd Mayweather Jr. and Manny Pacquiao. “If it stops being fun, then why are you doing it?”

As Vice Moves More to TV, It Tries to Keep Brash Voice

Mr. Miller, of the firm Weil, Gotshal & Manges, represented companies including Lehman Brothers, General Motors and American Airlines, and mentored many of the top Chapter 11 practitioners today.

Harvey R. Miller, Renowned Bankruptcy Lawyer, Dies at 82

Pronovost, who played for the Red Wings, was not a prolific scorer, but he was a consummate team player with bruising checks and fearless bursts up the ice that could puncture a defense.

Marcel Pronovost, 84, Dies; Hall of Famer Shared in Five N.H.L. Titles

From sea to shining sea, or at least from one side of the Hudson to the other, politicians you have barely heard of are being accused of wrongdoing. There were so many court proceedings involving public officials on Monday that it was hard to keep up.

In Newark, two underlings of Gov. Chris Christie were arraigned on charges that they were in on the truly deranged plot to block traffic leading onto the George Washington Bridge.

Ten miles away, in Lower Manhattan, Dean G. Skelos, the leader of the New York State Senate, and his son, Adam B. Skelos, were arrested by the Federal Bureau of Investigation on accusations of far more conventional political larceny, involving a job with a sewer company for the son and commissions on title insurance and bond work.

The younger man managed to receive a 150 percent pay increase from the sewer company even though, as he said on tape, he “literally knew nothing about water or, you know, any of that stuff,” according to a criminal complaint the United States attorney’s office filed.

The success of Adam Skelos, 32, was attributed by prosecutors to his father’s influence as the leader of the Senate and as a potentate among state Republicans. The indictment can also be read as one of those unfailingly sad tales of a father who cannot stop indulging a grown son. The senator himself is not alleged to have profited from the schemes, except by being relieved of the burden of underwriting Adam.

The bridge traffic caper is its own species of crazy; what distinguishes the charges against the two Skeloses is the apparent absence of a survival instinct. It is one thing not to know anything about water or that stuff. More remarkable, if true, is the fact that the sewer machinations continued even after the former New York Assembly speaker, Sheldon Silver, was charged in January with taking bribes disguised as fees.

It was by then common gossip in political and news media circles that Senator Skelos, a Republican, the counterpart in the Senate to Mr. Silver, a Democrat, in the Assembly, could be next in line for the criminal dock. “Stay tuned,” the United States attorney, Preet Bharara said, leaving not much to the imagination.

Even though the cat had been unmistakably belled, Skelos father and son continued to talk about how to advance the interests of the sewer company, though the son did begin to use a burner cellphone, the kind people pay for in cash, with no traceable contracts.

That was indeed prudent, as prosecutors had been wiretapping the cellphones of both men. But it would seem that the burner was of limited value, because by then the prosecutors had managed to secure the help of a business executive who agreed to record calls with the Skeloses. It would further seem that the business executive was more attentive to the perils of pending investigations than the politician.

Through the end of the New York State budget negotiations in March, the hopes of the younger Skelos rested on his father’s ability to devise legislation that would benefit the sewer company. That did not pan out. But Senator Skelos did boast that he had haggled with Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, a Democrat, in a successful effort to raise a $150 million allocation for Long Island to $550 million, for what the budget called “transformative economic development projects.” It included money for the kind of work done by the sewer company.

The lawyer for Adam Skelos said he was not guilty and would win in court. Senator Skelos issued a ringing declaration that he was unequivocally innocent.

THIS was also the approach taken in New Jersey by Bill Baroni, a man of great presence and eloquence who stopped outside the federal courthouse to note that he had taken risks as a Republican by bucking his party to support paid family leave, medical marijuana and marriage equality. “I would never risk my career, my job, my reputation for something like this,” Mr. Baroni said. “I am an innocent man.”

The lawyer for his co-defendant, Bridget Anne Kelly, the former deputy chief of staff to Mr. Christie, a Republican, said that she would strongly rebut the charges.

Perhaps they had nothing to do with the lane closings. But neither Mr. Baroni nor Ms. Kelly addressed the question of why they did not return repeated calls from the mayor of Fort Lee, N.J., begging them to stop the traffic tie-ups, over three days.

That silence was a low moment. But perhaps New York hit bottom faster. Senator Skelos, the prosecutors charged, arranged to meet Long Island politicians at the wake of Wenjian Liu, a New York City police officer shot dead in December, to press for payments to the company employing his son.

Sometimes it seems as though for some people, the only thing to be ashamed of is shame itself.

Finding Scandal in New York and New Jersey, but No Shame

WASHINGTON — During a training course on defending against knife attacks, a young Salt Lake City police officer asked a question: “How close can somebody get to me before I’m justified in using deadly force?”

Dennis Tueller, the instructor in that class more than three decades ago, decided to find out. In the fall of 1982, he performed a rudimentary series of tests and concluded that an armed attacker who bolted toward an officer could clear 21 feet in the time it took most officers to draw, aim and fire their weapon.

The next spring, Mr. Tueller published his findings in SWAT magazine and transformed police training in the United States. The “21-foot rule” became dogma. It has been taught in police academies around the country, accepted by courts and cited by officers to justify countless shootings, including recent episodes involving a homeless woodcarver in Seattle and a schizophrenic woman in San Francisco.

Now, amid the largest national debate over policing since the 1991 beating of Rodney King in Los Angeles, a small but vocal set of law enforcement officials are calling for a rethinking of the 21-foot rule and other axioms that have emphasized how to use force, not how to avoid it. Several big-city police departments are already re-examining when officers should chase people or draw their guns and when they should back away, wait or try to defuse the situation

Police Rethink Long Tradition on Using Force

Imagine an elite professional services firm with a high-performing, workaholic culture. Everyone is expected to turn on a dime to serve a client, travel at a moment’s notice, and be available pretty much every evening and weekend. It can make for a grueling work life, but at the highest levels of accounting, law, investment banking and consulting firms, it is just the way things are.

Except for one dirty little secret: Some of the people ostensibly turning in those 80- or 90-hour workweeks, particularly men, may just be faking it.

Many of them were, at least, at one elite consulting firm studied by Erin Reid, a professor at Boston University’s Questrom School of Business. It’s impossible to know if what she learned at that unidentified consulting firm applies across the world of work more broadly. But her research, published in the academic journal Organization Science, offers a way to understand how the professional world differs between men and women, and some of the ways a hard-charging culture that emphasizes long hours above all can make some companies worse off.

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Credit Peter Arkle

Ms. Reid interviewed more than 100 people in the American offices of a global consulting firm and had access to performance reviews and internal human resources documents. At the firm there was a strong culture around long hours and responding to clients promptly.

“When the client needs me to be somewhere, I just have to be there,” said one of the consultants Ms. Reid interviewed. “And if you can’t be there, it’s probably because you’ve got another client meeting at the same time. You know it’s tough to say I can’t be there because my son had a Cub Scout meeting.”

Some people fully embraced this culture and put in the long hours, and they tended to be top performers. Others openly pushed back against it, insisting upon lighter and more flexible work hours, or less travel; they were punished in their performance reviews.

The third group is most interesting. Some 31 percent of the men and 11 percent of the women whose records Ms. Reid examined managed to achieve the benefits of a more moderate work schedule without explicitly asking for it.

They made an effort to line up clients who were local, reducing the need for travel. When they skipped work to spend time with their children or spouse, they didn’t call attention to it. One team on which several members had small children agreed among themselves to cover for one another so that everyone could have more flexible hours.

A male junior manager described working to have repeat consulting engagements with a company near enough to his home that he could take care of it with day trips. “I try to head out by 5, get home at 5:30, have dinner, play with my daughter,” he said, adding that he generally kept weekend work down to two hours of catching up on email.

Despite the limited hours, he said: “I know what clients are expecting. So I deliver above that.” He received a high performance review and a promotion.

What is fascinating about the firm Ms. Reid studied is that these people, who in her terminology were “passing” as workaholics, received performance reviews that were as strong as their hyper-ambitious colleagues. For people who were good at faking it, there was no real damage done by their lighter workloads.

It calls to mind the episode of “Seinfeld” in which George Costanza leaves his car in the parking lot at Yankee Stadium, where he works, and gets a promotion because his boss sees the car and thinks he is getting to work earlier and staying later than anyone else. (The strategy goes awry for him, and is not recommended for any aspiring partners in a consulting firm.)

A second finding is that women, particularly those with young children, were much more likely to request greater flexibility through more formal means, such as returning from maternity leave with an explicitly reduced schedule. Men who requested a paternity leave seemed to be punished come review time, and so may have felt more need to take time to spend with their families through those unofficial methods.

The result of this is easy to see: Those specifically requesting a lighter workload, who were disproportionately women, suffered in their performance reviews; those who took a lighter workload more discreetly didn’t suffer. The maxim of “ask forgiveness, not permission” seemed to apply.

It would be dangerous to extrapolate too much from a study at one firm, but Ms. Reid said in an interview that since publishing a summary of her research in Harvard Business Review she has heard from people in a variety of industries describing the same dynamic.

High-octane professional service firms are that way for a reason, and no one would doubt that insane hours and lots of travel can be necessary if you’re a lawyer on the verge of a big trial, an accountant right before tax day or an investment banker advising on a huge merger.

But the fact that the consultants who quietly lightened their workload did just as well in their performance reviews as those who were truly working 80 or more hours a week suggests that in normal times, heavy workloads may be more about signaling devotion to a firm than really being more productive. The person working 80 hours isn’t necessarily serving clients any better than the person working 50.

In other words, maybe the real problem isn’t men faking greater devotion to their jobs. Maybe it’s that too many companies reward the wrong things, favoring the illusion of extraordinary effort over actual productivity.

How Some Men Fake an 80-Hour Workweek, and Why It Matters
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Many bodies prepared for cremation last week in Kathmandu were of young men from Gongabu, a common stopover for Nepali migrant workers headed overseas. Credit Daniel Berehulak for The New York Times

KATHMANDU, Nepal — When the dense pillar of smoke from cremations by the Bagmati River was thinning late last week, the bodies were all coming from Gongabu, a common stopover for Nepali migrant workers headed overseas, and they were all of young men.

Hindu custom dictates that funeral pyres should be lighted by the oldest son of the deceased, but these men were too young to have sons, so they were burned by their brothers or fathers. Sukla Lal, a maize farmer, made a 14-hour journey by bus to retrieve the body of his 19-year-old son, who had been on his way to the Persian Gulf to work as a laborer.

“He wanted to live in the countryside, but he was compelled to leave by poverty,” Mr. Lal said, gazing ahead steadily as his son’s remains smoldered. “He told me, ‘You can live on your land, and I will come up with money, and we will have a happy family.’ ”

Weeks will pass before the authorities can give a complete accounting of who died in the April 25 earthquake, but it is already clear that Nepal cannot afford the losses. The countryside was largely stripped of its healthy young men even before the quake, as they migrated in great waves — 1,500 a day by some estimates — to work as laborers in India, Malaysia or one of the gulf nations, leaving many small communities populated only by elderly parents, women and children. Economists say that at some times of the year, one-quarter of Nepal’s population is working outside the country.

Nepal’s Young Men, Lost to Migration, Then a Quake

Judge Patterson helped to protect the rights of Attica inmates after the prison riot in 1971 and later served on the Federal District Court in Manhattan.

Robert Patterson Jr., Lawyer and Judge Who Fought for the Accused, Dies at 91

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

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Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

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Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

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President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

Advertisement Politics Obama Finds a Bolder Voice on Race Issues

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

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Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

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Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

Photo
 
President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

Obama Finds a Bolder Voice on Race Issues
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