PAKET UMROH BULAN FEBRUARI MARET APRIL MEI 2018




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 Tips Komunikasi
Bagaimana cara berkomunikasi dengan keluarga di tanah air ketika Anda tengah beribadah haji dan umrah? Berikut tips yang pasti berguna:

Dari Arab Saudi ke Indonesia

    Menggunakan Sambungan Langsung Internasional (tanpa operator) dari Arab Saudi ke Indonesia:
    00 62 + KODE KOTA + nomor yang dituju
    Dari kamar hotel harus menambah nomor depan (prefix number) yang berbeda untuk tiap hotel.
    Menggunakan sambungan telepon Indonesia Direct (collect call) dari Arab Saudi ke Indonesia:
    1 800 62 langsung terhubung dengan operator telepon di Indonesia yang kemudian akan menghubungi nomor yang dikehendaki.
    Menggunakan handphone
    01 016966 + no. handphone yang dituju (tanpa angka 0 di depannya)
    Menggunakan SMS, langsung saja seperti SMS di tanah air.

Dari Indonesia ke Arab Saudi

    Menggunakan Sambungan Langsung Internasional (tanpa operator)
    001 966 + KODE KOTA + nomor yang dituju
    Kode kota di Arab Saudi:
    Makkah: 2
    Madinah: 4
    Jeddah: 2
    Menggunakan operator 101
    Menggunakan sambungan handphone, langsung tekan nomor yang dituju seperti menelpon dengan handphone di tanah air.
    Menggunakan SMS, langsung saja seperti SMS di tanah air.

Sumber : http://birohajidanumrah.blogspot.com

Baca Artikel Lainnya : AMALAN YANG SETARA DENGAN HAJI DAN UMRAH

 

TIPS KOMUNIKASI KETIKA IBADAH HAJI DAN UMRAH

JAKARTA, Saco-Indonesia.com — Wakil Ketua Fraksi Partai Keadilan Sejahtera Ecky Awal Mucharram membenarkan pertemuan antara pemerintah dan pimpinan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat pada Senin (3/6/2013) pagi ini membahas tentang rencana kenaikan harga bahan bakar minyak (BBM). Ecky menuturkan bahwa pertemuan dilakukan atas permintaan pemerintah.

"Itu permintaan pemerintah untuk lobi pimpinan. Ini rapat konsultasi tentang APBN-P 2013, ada sesuatu yang harus disinkronkan mungkin," ucap Ecky di Kompleks Parlemen, Senin (3/6/2013).

Ecky mengaku hingga saat ini memang masih banyak fraksi yang menolak rencana kenaikan harga BBM. Salah satunya adalah PKS.

"PKS melihat dinamika politik yang ada sehingga PKS menolak kenaikan BBM," imbuh anggota Komisi XI dari Fraksi PKS itu.

Ecky mengungkapkan, PKS menolak lantaran masih ada hal-hal yang perlu diperbaiki sebelum harga BBM dinaikkan. Ia mencontohkan seperti kebijakan energi alternatif yang perlu diperbaiki.

Seperti diberitakan, para pejabat di sektor keuangan RI mendadak datang ke DPR RI untuk bertemu pimpinan, Senin pagi. Pertemuan diduga membahas tentang rencana memasukkan dana kompensasi dalam rancangan Anggaran Pendapatan dan Belanja Negara Perubahan (RAPBN-P).

Beberapa di antara yang hadir yakni Menteri Koordinator Perekonomian Hatta Rajasa, Menteri Keuangan Chatib Basri, Kepala Bappenas Armida Alisjahbana, Wakil Menteri Keuangan Mahendra Siregar, dan Kepala Badan Kebijakan Fiskal Kemenkeu Bambang Brodjonegoro.

Pemerintah berencana menaikkan harga BBM pada awal Juni 2013. Namun, rencana itu akhirnya ditunda hingga minggu ketiga bulan Juni 2013. Pemerintah dan DPR hingga kini masih menggodok rencana memasukkan dana bantuan langsung sementara masyarakat (BLSM) ke dalam kerangka APBN-P yang nilainya sekitar Rp 11,6 triliun.

 
Editor :Liwon Maulana
Sumber:Kompas.com
PKS: Pemerintah Ingin Meloobi Pimpinan DPR soal BBM

- Haji adalah salah satu rukun Islam yang lima. Menunaikan ibadah haji adalah bentuk ritual tahunan bagi kaum muslim yang mampu secara material, fisik, maupun keilmuan dengan berkunjung ke beberapa tempat di Arab Saudi dan melaksanakan beberapa kegiatan pada satu waktu yang telah ditentukan yaitu pada bulan Dzulhijjah.

Secara estimologi (bahasa), Haji berarti niat (Al Qasdu), sedangkan menurut syara’ berarti Niat menuju Baitul Haram dengan amal-amal yang khusus.Temat-tempat tertentu yang dimaksud dalam definisi diatas adalah selain Ka’bah dan Mas’a (tempat sa’i), juga Padang Arafah (tempat wukuf), Muzdalifah (tempat mabit), dan Mina (tempat melontar jumroh).

Sedangkan yang dimaksud dengan waktu tertentu adalah bulan-bulan haji yaitu dimulai dari Syawal sampai sepuluh hari pertama bulan Dzulhijjah. Amalan ibadah tertentu ialah thawaf, sa’i, wukuf, mazbit di Muzdalifah, melontar jumroh, dan mabit di Mina.

Pengertian Umroh

Umrah adalah berkunjung ke Ka’bah untuk melakukan serangkaian ibadah dengan syarat-syarat yang telah ditetapkan. Umroh disunahkan bagi muslim yang mampu. Umroh dapat dilakukan kapan saja, kecuali pada hari Arafah yaitu tgl 10 Zulhijah dan hari-hari Tasyrik yaitu tgl 11,12,13 Zulhijah. Melaksanakan Umroh pada bulan Ramadhan sama nilainya dengan melakukan Ibadah Haji (Hadits Muslim) [Kembali ke Menu]

Jenis-jenis Haji

Haji Ifrad, artinya menyendiri

Pelaksanaan ibadah haji disebut ifrad jika sesorang melaksanakan ibadah haji dan umroh dilaksanakan secara sendiri-sendiri, dengan mendahulukan ibadah haji. Artinya, ketika calon jamaah haji mengenakan pakaian ihram di miqat-nya, hanya berniat melaksanakan ibadah haji. Jika ibadah hajinya sudah selesai, maka orang tersebut mengenakan ihram kembali untuk melaksanakan ibadah umroh.

Haji Tamattu’, artinya bersenang-senang

Pelaksanaan ibadah haji disebut Tamattu’ jika seseorang melaksanakan ibadah umroh dan Haji di bulan haji yang sama dengan mendahulukan ibadah Umroh. Artinya, ketika seseorang mengenakan pakaian ihram di miqat-nya, hanya berniat melaksanakan ibadah Umroh. Jika ibadah Umrohnya sudah selesai, maka orang tersebut mengenakan ihram kembali untuk melaksanakan ibadah Haji.

Tamattu’ dapat juga berarti melaksanakan ibadah Umroh dan Haji didalam bulan-bulan serta didalam tahun yang sama, tanpa terlebih dahulu pulang ke negeri asal.

Haji Qiran, artinya menggabungkan

Pelaksanaan ibadah Haji disebut Qiran jika seseorang melaksanakan ibadah Haji dan Umroh disatukan atau menyekaliguskan berihram untuk melaksanakan ibadah haji dan umrah. Haji Qiran dilakukan dengan tetap berpakaian ihram sejak miqat makani dan melaksanakan semua rukun dan wajib haji sampai selesai, meskipun mungkin akan memakan waktu lama. [Kembali ke Menu]

Rukun dan Wajib Haji

Rukun haji :

    Ihram
    Thawaf Ziyarah (disebut juga dengan Thawaf Ifadhah)
    Sa’ie
    Wuquf di padang Arafah

Apabila salah satu rukun haji di atas tidak dilaksanakan maka hajinya batal. Sedangkan Abu Hanifah berpendapat bahwa rukun haji hanya ada 2 yaitu: Wuquf dan Thawaf. Ihram dan Sa’I tidak dimasukkan ke dalam rukun karena menurut beliau, ihram adalah syarat sah haji dan sa’I adalah yang wajib dilakukan dalam haji (wajib haji). Sementara Imam syafi’ie berpendapat bahwa rukun haji ada 6 yaitu: Ihram, Thawaf, Sa’ie, Wuquf, Mencukur rambut, dan Tertib berurutan).(Kitabul Fiqh Ala Madzhabil Arba’ah 1/578).

Wajib Haji

    Iharam dimulai dari miqat yang telah ditentukan
    Wuquf di Arafah sampai matahari tenggelam
    Mabit di Mina
    Mabit di Muzdalifah hingga lewat setengah malam
    Melempar jumrah
    Mencukur rambut
    Tawaf Wada’

Syarat-syarat Wajib Haji

    Islam
    Berakal
    Baligh
    Mampu

[Kembali ke Menu]

Mewakilkan Seseorang Untuk Berhaji

Tidak boleh bagi seseorang berhaji untuk orang lain kecuali setelah ia berhaji untuk dirinya sendiri. Rasulullah bersabda: Berhajilah untuk dirimu sendiri, kemudian engkau berhaji untuknya. [Kembali ke Menu]

Haji Bagi Anak-anak yang belum Baligh

Tidaklah wajib bagi anak-anak untuk berhaji kecuali ia telah baligh. Namun jika ia telah berhaji maka hajinya sah sebagaimana yang telah diriwayatkan Ibnu Abbas ra bahwa Rasulullah r berjumpa dengan seorang berkendaraan dikawasan Ar-Rauha beliau bersabda: Siapakah kalian? Mereka menjawab: Kami orang-orang muslim, mereka balik bertanya: Siapa anda? Beliau menjawab: Saya Rasul Allah. Lalu ada seorang anak gadis yang masih kecil bertanya: Apakh ini yang disebut haji? Beliau menjawab: Ya dan bagimu pahala (HR. Ahmad, Muslim, Abu Daud, dan An Nasa dishahihkan oleh At Tirmidzi). [Kembali ke Menu]

Rangkaian Ibadah Haji dan Umroh:

Rangkaian kegiatan ibadah Haji

    Sebelum tanggal 8 Dzulhijjah, calon jamaah haji mulai berbondong untuk melaksanakan Tawaf Haji di Masjid Al Haram, Makkah.
    Calon jamaah haji memakai pakaian Ihram (dua lembar kain tanpa jahitan sebagai pakaian haji), sesuai miqatnya, kemudian berniat haji, dan membaca bacaan Talbiyah, yaitu mengucapkan Labbaikallahumma labbaik labbaika laa syarika laka labbaik. Innal hamda wan ni’mata laka wal mulk laa syarika laka..
    Tanggal 9 Dzulhijjah, pagi harinya semua calon jamaah haji menuju ke padang Arafah untuk menjalankan ibadah wukuf. Kemudian jamaah melaksanakan ibadah Wukuf, yaitu berdiam diri dan berdoa di padang Arafah hingga Maghrib datang.
    Tanggal 9 Dzulhijjah malam, jamaah menuju ke Muzdalifah untuk mabbit (bermalam) dan mengambil batu untuk melontar jumroh secukupnya.
    Tanggal 9 Dzulhijjah tengah malam (setelah mabbit) jamaah meneruskan perjalanan ke Mina untuk melaksanakan ibadah melontar Jumroh
    Tanggal 10 Dzulhijjah, jamaah melaksanakan ibadah melempar Jumroh sebanyak tujuh kali ke Jumroh Aqobah sebagai simbolisasi mengusir setan. Dilanjutkan dengan tahalul yaitu mencukur rambut atau sebagian rambut.
    Jika jamaah mengambil nafar awal maka dapat dilanjutkan perjalanan ke Masjidil Haram untuk Tawaf Haji (menyelesaikan Haji)
    Sedangkan jika mengambil nafar akhir jamaah tetap tinggal di Mina dan dilanjutkan dengan melontar jumroh sambungan (Ula dan Wustha).
    Tanggal 11 Dzulhijjah, melempar jumrah sambungan (Ula) di tugu pertama, tugu kedua, dan tugu ketiga.
    Tanggal 12 Dzulhijjah, melempar jumrah sambungan (Ula) di tugu pertama, tugu kedua, dan tugu ketiga.
    Jamaah haji kembali ke Makkah untuk melaksanakan Thawaf Wada’ (Thawaf perpisahan) sebelum pulang ke negara masing-masing

[Kembali ke Menu]

Rangkaian Kegiatan Ibadah Umrah

    Diawali dengan mandi besar (janabah) sebelum ihram untuk umrah.
    mengenakan pakaian ihram. Untuk lelaki 2 kain yang dijadikan sarung dan selendang, sedangkan untuk wanita memakai pakaian apa saja yang menutup aurat tanpa ada hiasannya dan tidak memakai cadar atau sarung tangan.
    Niat umrah dalam hati dan mengucapkan Labbaika ‘umrotan atau Labbaikallahumma bi’umrotin. Kemudian bertalbiyah dengan dikeraskan suaranya bagi laki-laki dan cukup dengan suara yang didengar orang yang ada di sampingnya bagi wanita, yaitu mengucapkan Labbaikallahumma labbaik labbaika laa syarika laka labbaik. Innal hamda wan ni’mata laka wal mulk laa syarika laka.
    Sesampai Masjidil Haram menuju ka’bah, lakukan thawaf sebanyak 7 kali putaran.3 putaran pertama jalan cepat dan sisanya jalan biasa. Thowaf diawali dan diakhiri di hajar aswad dan ka’bah dijadikan berada di sebelah kiri. Setiap putaran menuju hajar aswad sambil menyentuhnya dengan tangan kanan dan menciumnya jika mampu dan mengucapkan Bismillahi wallahu akbar. Jika tidak bisa menyentuh dan menciumya, maka cukup memberi isyarat dan berkata Allahu akbar.
    Shalat 2 raka’at di belakang maqam Ibrahim jika bisa atau di tempat lainnya di masjidil haram dengan membaca surat Al-Kafirun pada raka’at pertama dan Al-Ikhlas pada raka’at kedua.
    Selanjutnya Sa’i dengan naik ke bukit Shofa dan menghadap kiblat sambil mengangkat kedua tangan dan mengucapkan Innash shofa wal marwata min sya’aairillah. Abda’u bima bada’allahu bihi (Aku memulai dengan apa yang Allah memulainya). Kemudian bertakbir 3 kali tanpa memberi isyarat dan mengucapkan Laa ilaha illallahu wahdahu laa syarika lahu. Lahul mulku wa lahul hamdu wahuwa ‘alaa kulli syai’in qodiir. Laa ilaha illallahu wahdahu anjaza wa’dahu wa shodaqo ‘abdahu wa hazamal ahzaaba wahdahu 3x. Kemudian berdoa sekehendaknya. Sa’i dilakukan sebanyak 7 kali dengan hitungan berangkat satu kali dan kembalinya dihitung satu kali, diawali di bukit Shofa dan diakhiri di bukit Marwah.
    Mencukur rambut kepala bagi lelaki dan memotongnya sebatas ujung jari bagi wanita.
    Ibadah Umroh selesai

[Kembali ke Menu]

Persiapan Ibadah Haji

Beberapa hal yang perlu dipersiapkan sebelum menunaikan ibadah Haji

    Membersihkan diri dari dosa dan kesalahan baik langsung kepada Allah SWT. maupun kepada sesama manusia.
    Karena ibadah Haji adalah ibadah fisik, maka perlu mempersiapkan mental untuk mengikuti seluruh rangkaian ibadah haji yang memerlukan stamina tinggi, keikhlasan dan kepasrahan kepada Allah SWT.
    Mempersiapkan biaya, baik selama dalam perjalanan haji, maupun untuk nafkah keluarg yang ditinggalkan.
    Melaksanakan kewajiban-kewajiban yang berhubungan dengan harta kekayaan, seperti zakat, nadzar, hutang, infaq dan shadaqah.
    Melaksanakan janji yang pernah diucapkan.
    Menyelesaikan segala urusan yang berhubungan dengan keluarga yang akan ditinggalkan.7. Memohon do’a restu kepada kedua orang tua (jika masih hidup)
    Mempersiapkan ilmu dan pengetahuan agama, dan mengikuti kegiatan manasik haji.
    Mempersiapkan obat-obatan pribadi selama menjalankan ibadah haji.
    Mempersiapkan beberapa perlengkapan untuk keperluan selama perjalanan ibadah Haji:

Perlengkapan Pria

    Kain Ihram dua stel
    Baju sehari-hari secukupnya
    Ikat pinggang
    Keperluan mandi

Perlengkapan Wanita

    Mukena minimal 2 buah
    Pakaian ihram (rok putih dan mukena atas putih) 2 set
    Pakaian sehari-hari secukupnya
    Kaos kaki secukupnya

Perlengkapan untuk Pria dan Wanita

    Pakaian penghangat
    Selimut
    Sandal jepit
    Sepatu sandal atau sendal gunung
    Obat-obatan pribadi
    Gunting kecil utk Tahallul
    Payung
    Senter kecil (untuk penerangan saat mengambil batu di Musdalifah)
    Kantong kecil untuk menyimpan batu kerikil persiapan melempar jumroh
    Kantong sandal untuk tempat sandal saat di Masjid
    Pelembab atau cream, gunakan untuk tangan dan kaki
    Biaya untuk dam, kurban dsb.

[Kembali ke Menu]

Lokasi Utama Ibadah Haji dan Umroh

Makkah Al Mukaromah

Di kota Makkah Al-Mukaromah inilah terdapat Masjidil Haram yang didalamnya terdapat Ka’bah yang merupakan kiblat ibadah umat Islam sedunia. Dalam rangkaian perjalanan ibadah haji, Makkah menjadi tempat pembuka dan penutup ibadah haji.

Padang Arafah

Padang Arafah terdapat di sebelah timur Kota Makkah. Padang Arafah dikenal sebagai tempat pusatnya haji, sebagai tempat pelaksanaan ibadah wukuf yang merupakan rukun haji. Di Padang Arafah juga terdapat Jabal Rahmah tempat pertama kali pertemuan Nabi Adam dan Hawa. Di luar musim haji, daerah ini tidak dipakai.

Kota Muzdalifah

Kota ini tidak jauh dari kota Mina dan Arafah Mota Muzdalifah merupakan tempat jamaah calon haji melakukan Mabit (bermalam) dan mengambil batu untuk melontar Jumroh di Kota Mina.

Kota Mina
Kota Mina merupakan tempat berdirinya tugu (jumrah), yaitu tempat pelaksanaan melontarkan batu ke tugu (jumrah) sebagai simbolisasi tindakan nabi Ibrahim ketika mengusir setan. Disana terdapat tiga jumrah yaitu jumrah Aqabah, Jumrah Ula, dan Jumrah Wustha.

Sumber : http://berumrah-berhaji.blogspot.com

Baca Artikel Lainnya : IBADAH HAJI ADALAH IBADAH YANG MULTI DIMENSI

MAKNA IBADAH HAJI DAN UMRAH

saco-indonesia.com, Satu rumah di Perumahan Mega Sentul  Blok Alamada Jl. Aster, RT.002/08, Desa Pasir Laja, Kecamatan Sukaraja, Rabu malam telah digerebek oleh Tim Densus 88 Anti Teror.  Dalam penggrebekan tersebut seorang anggota yang terduga teroris jaringan Abu Roban telah diamankan bersama tiga penghuni lainnya

Terduga teroris itu Saduloh Rojak yang berusia 40 tahun, sebagai pemilik rumah, sedangkan tiga lainnya  Sibgotulloh,19, Achmad Jayabrata,22, dan Sayan Hibatulloh,19 adalah tamunya saat penggerebekan berlangsung. Selain itu  tim Densus juga telah   menyita cairan bahan kimia seember seberat 25 kg, pistol air softgun, senjata tajam dan senjata yang berbentuk pulpen serta sejumlah buku jihad.

Ketua RW 08 Desa Pasir Laja Nurrahman, telah mengatakan tidak ada perlawanan saat  penggerebekan. terjadi  “Sekitar pkl.18:30, lima anggota Densus 88 tersebut datang ke rumah saya dan meyerahkan surat izin penangkapan di Blok Alamada Jl. Aster,” katanya.

Menurutnya, penggrebekan tersebut telah berlangung sangat cepat dan Tim Densus telah membawa sejumlah barang bukti dari rumah Saduloh Rojak. “Usai mengerebek rumah Saduloh di Blok Alamada, Tim Densus juga telah menggerebek rumah istri keduanya di  RT.003/05 di perumahan yang sama. Tim Densus juga sempat memeriksa Ny. Sifa, istri pertama Saduloh,” katanya.

Dia juga telah menyebutkan, selama ini Saduloh juga jarang bergaul, tapi rajin salat di majid di  dalam kompleks. “Tapi belakangan ini dia jarang salat ke masjid. Kami tidak tahu pasti pekerjaanya, dia juga sering berangkat kerja pagi, siang dan malam. Tidak seperti pegawai biasa yang berangkat pagi dan pulang sore atau malam,” katanya.

Editor : Dian Sukmawati

TERDUGA TERORIS DI BOGOR DITNGKAP OLEH DENSUS 88

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Disamping itu, Karena semakin banyaknya kebutuhan transportasi untuk operational kantor dan pribadi, kami Sifadiafira Rent a Car bergerak dibidang jasa transportasi menyediakan dan menyewakan macam2 merk mobil : Toyota Kijang, Suzuki APV, Honda dll. Smua rata-rata diatas tahun 2000, untuk menunjang kebutuhan transportasi anda, dengan harga yang terjangkau.

 

TEMPAT NYA SEWA MOBIL MURAH DI JAKARTA

Ms. Plisetskaya, renowned for her fluidity of movement, expressive acting and willful personality, danced on the Bolshoi stage well into her 60s, but her life was shadowed by Stalinism.

Maya Plisetskaya, Ballerina Who Embodied Bolshoi, Dies at 89

UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?

What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.

Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.

 

 

Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.

In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.

“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”

He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.

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Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”

It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.

Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.

He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.

They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.

Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.

As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.

He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.

Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.

“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”

The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”

Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.

Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.

R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.

“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”

With Iran Talks, a Tangled Path to Ending Syria’s War
Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”
Todd Heisler/The New York Times

Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’

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A lapsed seminarian, Mr. Chambers succeeded Saul Alinsky as leader of the social justice umbrella group Industrial Areas Foundation.

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ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

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HOBART, Tasmania — Few places seem out of reach for China’s leader, Xi Jinping, who has traveled from European capitals to obscure Pacific and Caribbean islands in pursuit of his nation’s strategic interests.

So perhaps it was not surprising when he turned up last fall in this city on the edge of the Southern Ocean to put down a long-distance marker in another faraway region, Antarctica, 2,000 miles south of this Australian port.

Standing on the deck of an icebreaker that ferries Chinese scientists from this last stop before the frozen continent, Mr. Xi pledged that China would continue to expand in one of the few places on earth that remain unexploited by humans.

He signed a five-year accord with the Australian government that allows Chinese vessels and, in the future, aircraft to resupply for fuel and food before heading south. That will help secure easier access to a region that is believed to have vast oil and mineral resources; huge quantities of high-protein sea life; and for times of possible future dire need, fresh water contained in icebergs.

It was not until 1985, about seven decades after Robert Scott and Roald Amundsen raced to the South Pole, that a team representing Beijing hoisted the Chinese flag over the nation’s first Antarctic research base, the Great Wall Station on King George Island.

But now China seems determined to catch up. As it has bolstered spending on Antarctic research, and as the early explorers, especially the United States and Australia, confront stagnant budgets, there is growing concern about its intentions.

China’s operations on the continent — it opened its fourth research station last year, chose a site for a fifth, and is investing in a second icebreaker and new ice-capable planes and helicopters — are already the fastest growing of the 52 signatories to the Antarctic Treaty. That gentlemen’s agreement reached in 1959 bans military activity on the continent and aims to preserve it as one of the world’s last wildernesses; a related pact prohibits mining.

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But Mr. Xi’s visit was another sign that China is positioning itself to take advantage of the continent’s resource potential when the treaty expires in 2048 — or in the event that it is ripped up before, Chinese and Australian experts say.

“So far, our research is natural-science based, but we know there is more and more concern about resource security,” said Yang Huigen, director general of the Polar Research Institute of China, who accompanied Mr. Xi last November on his visit to Hobart and stood with him on the icebreaker, Xue Long, or Snow Dragon.

With that in mind, the polar institute recently opened a new division devoted to the study of resources, law, geopolitics and governance in Antarctica and the Arctic, Mr. Yang said.

Australia, a strategic ally of the United States that has strong economic relations with China, is watching China’s buildup in the Antarctic with a mix of gratitude — China’s presence offers support for Australia’s Antarctic science program, which is short of cash — and wariness.

“We should have no illusions about the deeper agenda — one that has not even been agreed to by Chinese scientists but is driven by Xi, and most likely his successors,” said Peter Jennings, executive director of the Australian Strategic Policy Institute and a former senior official in the Australian Department of Defense.

“This is part of a broader pattern of a mercantilist approach all around the world,” Mr. Jennings added. “A big driver of Chinese policy is to secure long-term energy supply and food supply.”

That approach was evident last month when a large Chinese agriculture enterprise announced an expansion of its fishing operations around Antarctica to catch more krill — small, protein-rich crustaceans that are abundant in Antarctic waters.

“The Antarctic is a treasure house for all human beings, and China should go there and share,” Liu Shenli, the chairman of the China National Agricultural Development Group, told China Daily, a state-owned newspaper. China would aim to fish up to two million tons of krill a year, he said, a substantial increase from what it currently harvests.

Because sovereignty over Antarctica is unclear, nations have sought to strengthen their claims over the ice-covered land by building research bases and naming geographic features. China’s fifth station will put it within reach of the six American facilities, and ahead of Australia’s three.

Chinese mappers have also given Chinese names to more than 300 sites, compared with the thousands of locations on the continent with English names.

In the unspoken competition for Antarctica’s future, scientific achievement can also translate into influence. Chinese scientists are driving to be the first to drill and recover an ice core containing tiny air bubbles that provide a record of climate change stretching as far back as 1.5 million years. It is an expensive and delicate effort at which others, including the European Union and Australia, have failed.

In a breakthrough a decade ago, European scientists extracted an ice core nearly two miles long that revealed 800,000 years of climate history. But finding an ice core going back further would allow scientists to examine a change in the earth’s climate cycles believed to have occurred 900,000 to 1.2 million years ago.

China is betting it has found the best location to drill, at an area called Dome A, or Dome Argus, the highest point on the East Antarctic Ice Sheet. Though it is considered one of the coldest places on the planet, with temperatures of 130 degrees below zero Fahrenheit, a Chinese expedition explored the area in 2005 and established a research station in 2009.

“The international community has drilled in lots of places, but no luck so far,” said Xiao Cunde, a member of the first party to reach the site and the deputy director of the Institute for Climate Change at the Chinese Academy of Meteorological Sciences. “We think at Dome A we will have a straight shot at the one-million-year ice core.”

Mr. Xiao said China had already begun drilling and hoped to find what scientists are looking for in four to five years.

To support its Antarctic aspirations, China is building a sophisticated $300 million icebreaker that is expected to be ready in a few years, said Xia Limin, deputy director of the Chinese Arctic and Antarctic Administration in Beijing. It has also bought a high-tech fixed-wing aircraft, outfitted in the United States, for taking sensitive scientific soundings from the ice.

China has chosen the site for its fifth research station at Inexpressible Island, named by a group of British explorers who were stranded at the desolate site in 1912 and survived the winter by excavating a small ice cave.

Mr. Xia said the inhospitable spot was ideal because China did not have a presence in that part of Antarctica, and because the rocky site did not have much snow, making it relatively cheap to build there.

Anne-Marie Brady, a professor of political science at the University of Canterbury in New Zealand and the author of a soon-to-be-released book, “China as a Polar Great Power,” said Chinese scientists also believed they had a good chance of finding mineral and energy resources near the site.

“China is playing a long game in Antarctica and keeping other states guessing about its true intentions and interests are part of its poker hand,” she said. But she noted that China’s interest in finding minerals was presented “loud and clear to domestic audiences” as the main reason it was investing in Antarctica.

Because commercial drilling is banned, estimates of energy and mineral resources in Antarctica rely on remote sensing data and comparisons with similar geological environments elsewhere, said Millard F. Coffin, executive director of the Institute for Marine and Antarctic Studies in Hobart.

But the difficulty of extraction in such severe conditions and uncertainty about future commodity prices make it unlikely that China or any country would defy the ban on mining anytime soon.

Tourism, however, is already booming. Travelers from China are still a relatively small contingent in the Antarctic compared with the more than 13,000 Americans who visited in 2013, and as yet there are no licensed Chinese tour operators.

But that is about to change, said Anthony Bergin, deputy director of the Australian Strategic Policy Institute. “I understand very soon there will be Chinese tourists on Chinese vessels with all-Chinese crew in the Antarctic,” he said.

 

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Cher and Marc Jacobs

WASHINGTON — A decade after emergency trailers meant to shelter Hurricane Katrina victims instead caused burning eyes, sore throats and other more serious ailments, the Environmental Protection Agency is on the verge of regulating the culprit: formaldehyde, a chemical that can be found in commonplace things like clothes and furniture.

But an unusual assortment of players, including furniture makers, the Chinese government, Republicans from states with a large base of furniture manufacturing and even some Democrats who championed early regulatory efforts, have questioned the E.P.A. proposal. The sustained opposition has held sway, as the agency is now preparing to ease key testing requirements before it releases the landmark federal health standard.

The E.P.A.’s five-year effort to adopt this rule offers another example of how industry opposition can delay and hamper attempts by the federal government to issue regulations, even to control substances known to be harmful to human health.

Continue reading the main story
 

Document: The Formaldehyde Fight

Formaldehyde is a known carcinogen that can also cause respiratory ailments like asthma, but the potential of long-term exposure to cause cancers like myeloid leukemia is less well understood.

The E.P.A.’s decision would be the first time that the federal government has regulated formaldehyde inside most American homes.

“The stakes are high for public health,” said Tom Neltner, senior adviser for regulatory affairs at the National Center for Healthy Housing, who has closely monitored the debate over the rules. “What we can’t have here is an outcome that fails to confront the health threat we all know exists.”

The proposal would not ban formaldehyde — commonly used as an ingredient in wood glue in furniture and flooring — but it would impose rules that prevent dangerous levels of the chemical’s vapors from those products, and would set testing standards to ensure that products sold in the United States comply with those limits. The debate has sharpened in the face of growing concern about the safety of formaldehyde-treated flooring imported from Asia, especially China.

What is certain is that a lot of money is at stake: American companies sell billions of dollars’ worth of wood products each year that contain formaldehyde, and some argue that the proposed regulation would impose unfair costs and restrictions.

Determined to block the agency’s rule as proposed, these industry players have turned to the White House, members of Congress and top E.P.A. officials, pressing them to roll back the testing requirements in particular, calling them redundant and too expensive.

“There are potentially over a million manufacturing jobs that will be impacted if the proposed rule is finalized without changes,” wrote Bill Perdue, the chief lobbyist at the American Home Furnishings Alliance, a leading critic of the testing requirements in the proposed regulation, in one letter to the E.P.A.

Industry opposition helped create an odd alignment of forces working to thwart the rule. The White House moved to strike out key aspects of the proposal. Subsequent appeals for more changes were voiced by players as varied as Senator Barbara Boxer, Democrat of California, and Senator Roger Wicker, Republican of Mississippi, as well as furniture industry lobbyists.

Hurricane Katrina in 2005 helped ignite the public debate over formaldehyde, after the deadly storm destroyed or damaged hundreds of thousands of homes along the Gulf of Mexico, forcing families into temporary trailers provided by the Federal Emergency Management Agency.

The displaced storm victims quickly began reporting respiratory problems, burning eyes and other issues, and tests then confirmed high levels of formaldehyde fumes leaking into the air inside the trailers, which in many cases had been hastily constructed.

Public health advocates petitioned the E.P.A. to issue limits on formaldehyde in building materials and furniture used in homes, given that limits already existed for exposure in workplaces. But three years after the storm, only California had issued such limits.

Industry groups like the American Chemistry Council have repeatedly challenged the science linking formaldehyde to cancer, a position championed by David Vitter, the Republican senator from Louisiana, who is a major recipient of chemical industry campaign contributions, and whom environmental groups have mockingly nicknamed “Senator Formaldehyde.”

Continue reading the main story

Formaldehyde in Laminate Flooring

In laminate flooring, formaldehyde is used as a bonding agent in the fiberboard (or other composite wood) core layer and may also be used in glues that bind layers together. Concerns were raised in March when certain laminate flooring imported from China was reported to contain levels of formaldehyde far exceeding the limit permitted by California.

Typical

laminate

flooring

CLEAR FINISH LAYER

Often made of melamine resin

PATTERN LAYER

Paper printed to resemble wood,

or a thin wood veneer

GLUE

Layers may be bound using

formaldehyde-based glues

CORE LAYER

Fiberboard or other

composite, formed using

formaldehyde-based adhesives

BASE LAYER

Moisture-resistant vapor barrier

What is formaldehyde?

Formaldehyde is a common chemical used in many industrial and household products as an adhesive, bonding agent or preservative. It is classified as a volatile organic compound. The term volatile means that, at room temperature, formaldehyde will vaporize, or become a gas. Products made with formaldehyde tend to release this gas into the air. If breathed in large quantities, it may cause health problems.

WHERE IT IS COMMONLY FOUND

POTENTIAL HEALTH RISKS

Pressed-wood and composite wood products

Wallpaper and paints

Spray foam insulation used in construction

Commercial wood floor finishes

Crease-resistant fabrics

In cigarette smoke, or in the fumes from combustion of other materials, including wood, oil and gasoline.

Exposure to formaldehyde in sufficient amounts may cause eye, throat or skin irritation, allergic reactions, and respiratory problems like coughing, wheezing or asthma.

Long-term exposure to high levels has been associated with cancer in humans and laboratory animals.

Exposure to formaldehyde may affect some people more severely than others.

By 2010, public health advocates and some industry groups secured bipartisan support in Congress for legislation that ordered the E.P.A. to issue federal rules that largely mirrored California’s restrictions. At the time, concerns were rising over the growing number of lower-priced furniture imports from Asia that might include contaminated products, while also hurting sales of American-made products.

Maneuvering began almost immediately after the E.P.A. prepared draft rules to formally enact the new standards.

White House records show at least five meetings in mid-2012 with industry executives — kitchen cabinet makers, chemical manufacturers, furniture trade associations and their lobbyists, like Brock R. Landry, of the Venable law firm. These parties, along with Senator Vitter’s office, appealed to top administration officials, asking them to intervene to roll back the E.P.A. proposal.

The White House Office of Management and Budget, which reviews major federal regulations before they are adopted, apparently agreed. After the White House review, the E.P.A. “redlined” many of the estimates of the monetary benefits that would be gained by reductions in related health ailments, like asthma and fertility issues, documents reviewed by The New York Times show.

As a result, the estimated benefit of the proposed rule dropped to $48 million a year, from as much as $278 million a year. The much-reduced amount deeply weakened the agency’s justification for the sometimes costly new testing that would be required under the new rules, a federal official involved in the effort said.

“It’s a redlining blood bath,” said Lisa Heinzerling, a Georgetown University Law School professor and a former E.P.A. official, using the Washington phrase to describe when language is stricken from a proposed rule. “Almost the entire discussion of these potential benefits was excised.”

Senator Vitter’s staff was pleased.

“That’s a huge difference,” said Luke Bolar, a spokesman for Mr. Vitter, of the reduced estimated financial benefits, saying the change was “clearly highlighting more mismanagement” at the E.P.A.

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The review’s outcome galvanized opponents in the furniture industry. They then targeted a provision that mandated new testing of laminated wood, a cheaper alternative to hardwood. (The California standard on which the law was based did not require such testing.)

But E.P.A. scientists had concluded that these laminate products — millions of which are sold annually in the United States — posed a particular risk. They said that when thin layers of wood, also known as laminate or veneer, are added to furniture or flooring in the final stages of manufacturing, the resulting product can generate dangerous levels of fumes from often-used formaldehyde-based glues.

Industry executives, outraged by what they considered an unnecessary and financially burdensome level of testing, turned every lever within reach to get the requirement removed. It would be particularly onerous, they argued, for small manufacturers that would have to repeatedly interrupt their work to do expensive new testing. The E.P.A. estimated that the expanded requirements for laminate products would cost the furniture industry tens of millions of dollars annually, while the industry said that the proposed rule over all would cost its 7,000 American manufacturing facilities over $200 million each year.

“A lot of people don’t seem to appreciate what a lot of these requirements do to a small operation,” said Dick Titus, executive vice president of the Kitchen Cabinet Manufacturers Association, whose members are predominantly small businesses. “A 10-person shop, for example, just really isn’t equipped to handle that type of thing.”

Photo
 
Becky Gillette wants strong regulation of formaldehyde. Credit Beth Hall for The New York Times

Big industry players also weighed in. Executives from companies including La-Z-Boy, Hooker Furniture and Ashley Furniture all flew to Washington for a series of meetings with the offices of lawmakers including House Speaker John Boehner, Republican of Ohio, and about a dozen other lawmakers, asking several of them to sign a letter prepared by the industry to press the E.P.A. to back down, according to an industry report describing the lobbying visit.

Within a matter of weeks, two letters — using nearly identical language — were sent by House and Senate lawmakers to the E.P.A. — with the industry group forwarding copies of the letters to the agency as well, and then posting them on its website.

The industry lobbyists also held their own meeting at E.P.A. headquarters, and they urged Jim Jones, who oversaw the rule-making process as the assistant administrator for the agency’s Office of Chemical Safety and Pollution Prevention, to visit a North Carolina furniture manufacturing plant. According to the trade group, Mr. Jones told them that the visit had “helped the agency shift its thinking” about the rules and how laminated products should be treated.

The resistance was particularly intense from lawmakers like Mr. Wicker of Mississippi, whose state is home to major manufacturing plants owned by Ashley Furniture Industries, the world’s largest furniture maker, and who is one of the biggest recipients in Congress of donations from the industry’s trade association. Asked if the political support played a role, a spokesman for Mr. Wicker replied: “Thousands of Mississippians depend on the furniture manufacturing industry for their livelihoods. Senator Wicker is committed to defending all Mississippians from government overreach.”

Individual companies like Ikea also intervened, as did the Chinese government, which claimed that the new rule would create a “great barrier” to the import of Chinese products because of higher costs.

Perhaps the most surprising objection came from Senator Boxer, of California, a longtime environmental advocate, whose office questioned why the E.P.A.’s rule went further than her home state’s in seeking testing on laminated products. “We did not advocate an outcome, other than safety,” her office said in a statement about why the senator raised concerns. “We said ‘Take a look to see if you have it right.’ ”

Safety advocates say that tighter restrictions — like the ones Ms. Boxer and Mr. Wicker, along with Representative Doris Matsui, a California Democrat, have questioned — are necessary, particularly for products coming from China, where items as varied as toys and Christmas lights have been found to violate American safety standards.

While Mr. Neltner, the environmental advocate who has been most involved in the review process, has been open to compromise, he has pressed the E.P.A. not to back down entirely, and to maintain a requirement that laminators verify that their products are safe.

An episode of CBS’s “60 Minutes” in March brought attention to the issue when it accused Lumber Liquidators, the discount flooring retailer, of selling laminate products with dangerous levels of formaldehyde. The company has disputed the show’s findings and test methods, maintaining that its products are safe.

“People think that just because Congress passed the legislation five years ago, the problem has been fixed,” said Becky Gillette, who then lived in coastal Mississippi, in the area hit by Hurricane Katrina, and was among the first to notice a pattern of complaints from people living in the trailers. “Real people’s faces and names come up in front of me when I think of the thousands of people who could get sick if this rule is not done right.”

An aide to Ms. Matsui rejected any suggestion that she was bending to industry pressure.

“From the beginning the public health has been our No. 1 concern,” said Kyle J. Victor, an aide to Ms. Matsui.

But further changes to the rule are likely, agency officials concede, as they say they are searching for a way to reduce the cost of complying with any final rule while maintaining public health goals. The question is just how radically the agency will revamp the testing requirement for laminated products — if it keeps it at all.

“It’s not a secret to anybody that is the most challenging issue,” said Mr. Jones, the E.P.A. official overseeing the process, adding that the health consequences from formaldehyde are real. “We have to reduce those exposures so that people can live healthy lives and not have to worry about being in their homes.”

The Uphill Battle to Better Regulate Formaldehyde
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