PAKET UMROH BULAN FEBRUARI MARET APRIL MEI 2018




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Pembahasan mengenai artikel SEO ini memang khusus ditujukan bagi penulis, apalagi jika ingin berkarir dalam dunia penulisan. Tulisan yang menarik dan enak dibaca tentunya akan diletakkan paling depan atau paling atas jika dibandingkan dengan tulisan yang lain. Dalam artikel ini penulis akan memberikan sedikit tips dalam penulisan dengan SEO. Yang pertama harus dilakukan adalah seperti layaknya sebuah film, yaitu judul. Jika judul suatu film tidak menarik tentunya kita akan mengurungkan niat untuk menonton dan mencari judul yang membuat kita penasaran sehingga ingin memecahkannya. Setelah judul, kita dapat membuat sebuah list, untuk judul ada dibaris pertama, baris kedua adalah SEO, baris ketiga adalah poin-poin yang ingin kita tulis dan seterusnya.

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ARTIKEL SEO

Awal dari AC (air Conditioner ) sudah dimulai sejak jaman Romawi yaitu dengan membuat penampung air yang mengalir di dalam dinding rumah sehingga menurunkan suhu ruangan , tetapi saat itu hanya orang tertentu saja yang bisa karena biaya membangunnya sangatlah mahal karena membutuhkan air dan juga bangunan yang tidak biasa.
Hanya para raja dan orang kaya saja yang dapat membangunnya.

Baru kemudian pada tahun 1820 ilmuwan Inggris bernama Michael Faraday menemukan cara baru mendinginkan udara dengan menggunakan Gas Amonia dan pada tahun 1842 seorang dokter menemukan cara mendinginkan ruangan dirumah sakit Apalachicola yang berada di Florida Ameika Serikat. Dr.Jhon Gorrie adalah yang menemukannya dan ini adalah cikal bakal dari tehnologi AC (air conditioner) tetapi sayangnya sebelum sempurna beliau sudah meninggal pada tahun 1855.

Willis Haviland Carrier seorang Insinyur dari New York Amerika menyempurnakan penemuan dari Dr.Jhon Gorrie tetapi AC ini digunakan bukan untuk kepentingan atau kenyamanan manusia melainkan untuk keperluan percetakan dan industri lainnya.
Penggunaan AC untuk perumahan baru dikembangkan pada tahun 1927 dan pertama dipakai disbuah rumah di Mineapolis, Minnesota.
Saat ini AC sudah digunakan disemua sektor, tidak hanya industri saja tetapi juga sudah di perkantoran dan perumahan dengan berbagai macam bentuk dari mulai yang besar hingga yang kecil.semuanya masih berfungsi sama yaitu untuk mendinginkan suhu ruangan agar orang merasa nyaman.

Jika musim panas tiba, biasanya kita selalu akrab dengan yang namanya kipas angin atau juga AC (Air Conditioner).
Sebab, kesejukan yang ditimbulkan oleh hawa kipas dan AC memang dibutuhkan untuk meredam hawa panas yang kadang sangat menyiksa.
Karena itu, berterima kasihlah kepada John Gorrie yang mencetuskan ide pembuatan AC.
Sebab, dengan hawa AC yang sejuk itu, kita tak perlu merasakan penderitaan karena hawa panas yang kadang membuat tubuh serasa lengket akibat keringat yang menetes.
Tapi, tahukah Anda jika John menciptakan AC karena terinspirasi oleh kepeduliannya terhadap orang sakit?.

Alkisah, John sebenarnya adalah seorang dokter berwarga negara Amerika Serikat.
Gagasannya membuat mesin pendingin berawal dari banyaknya pasien yang menderita malaria atau penyakin lain dengan gejala demam tinggi.
Ketika itu udara terasa panas sehingga membuat pasien tidak nyaman.
Maka, pria kelahiran Charleston, California Selatan, 3 Oktober 1802 ini memutar otak bagaimana caranya agar suhu tubuh para pasien bisa turun..
Setelah melihat kipas angin yang ada di depannya, ia menemukan ide.
Ia memasang bongkahan es batu di depan kipas, sehingga hawa dingin es bisa tersebar oleh tiupan angin dari kipas.Tercetus pada ide itu, maka John berniat menyeriusi pembuatan mesin pendingin (AC).
Maka, pada tahun 1844, pria lulusan kedokteran dan ilmu bedah di kota New York ini merancang dan mengembangkan mesin eksperimen pembuat es.
Mesin ciptaannya didasarkan pada hukum fisika bahwa panas selalu mengalir dari gas atau cairan yang lebih panas menuju gas atau cairan yang lebih dingin.
Mesin tersebut bekerja dengan cara memadatkan gas (kompres) sehingga menjadi panas, kemudian gas tersebut dialirkan ke koil- koil untuk diturunkan tekanannya (dekompres).
Alhasil, udara menjadi dingin.

Untuk mengembangkan penemuannya, pada tahun 1845, Gorrie memutuskan untuk berhenti praktik sebagai dokter.
Enam tahun berikutnya, ia berhasil menerima hak paten yang merupakan hak paten pertama yang dikeluarkan untuk sebuah mesin pendingin.
Inilah awalnya ditemukan mesin pendingin yang kini dikenal dengan istilah Air Conditioner.

Diambil dari http://tehfira.blogspot.com/2010/02/sejarah-air-conditioner-ac.html

http://victoriajaya.com

AIR CONDITIONER
Sungguahpun kapado angku,ampun diminta kapado Allah,maaf dipinto bakeh niniak mamak nan gadang basa batuah,iyo juo bak pituah rang tuo, kok tasabuik ambo di nan senteang nak dibilai kok kurang nak ditukuak.jikok nyo salah minta diasak ka nan bana,sipi nak dikatangahkan,kok tasabuik di nan bukan minta diasak ka nan iyo.kok lah iyo nan dalam pariyokan angku2 nan baduo batigo. sambah ambo sambah baririk diparirikan diateh rumah gadang nangko. pulang pasambahan bakeh ipa bisan kami.manyo ipa bisan kami. aratinyo lah pituah di nan tuo, sajak samulo rantiang bapatah , sumue bakali,aie basauak,pangulu badiri dalam nagari.jalan duo nan baturuik kato duo nan bapakai. kk dikaji jalan nan duo, partamu jalan adaik kaduo jalan syarak. mangaji kito sapanjang jalan adaik iyolah babarih babalabeh bacupak bagantang, basuri batauladan,bajanjang naiak batango turun. magaji kito sapanjang jalan syarak iyolah mangatahui iman,islam,tauhid,makrifah,sah jo bata,halal jo haram,sunaik jo paradu,haruih jo mukaruah. manyo kato nan duo,partamu kato buek,kaduo kato pusako. buek bana kadipakai pusako bana ka dirunggusi. lampisan kaji dalam nantun,nan lazim nyenyo adaik,nan bana nyenyo syarak,nan laku nyenyo kitabullah. balampsan pulo kaji dalam nantun, bak pituah adih malayu;urang arih mangarek kuku,dikarek jo pisau sirauk,sirauik parauik batuangtuo.tuonyo elok kalantai. adaik nagari babilang suku,suku bablilang buah paruik,itulah barih nan bapahek ,ico nan bapakai. mangko dinamokan urang nan salapan indu. nagari dibari barajo,luhak di bari bapangulu. guno nagari dibari barajo;sakik bakeh maimbaukan ,mati bakeh marapuikan. guno luhak bari barajo;pai bakeh mangadu,pulang tampek babarito. diateh gadang babingkah tanah basa balingkuang aue,supayo a itu,supayo nak maharuihkan sumando manyumando dari suku lain ka bagadang lain. di nan bak sakarang nangko,lah tumbuah sumando saparti wak kami kabagadang nanko. sumando nangko balarauh pulo tantangannyo. a nyo nan manjadi larauhnyo,pihak nan tadaulu alah,nan takamudian lay. dipiihak nan tadaulu alah,baiak sahari duo hari,sapakan duo pakan,alah babulan bataun lambek maso nyo. dek Allah ta'ala mantakadiekan.lah manaruah baliau anak sikabaikan. anak si kabaikkan ko duo pulo wajah nan dikanduang nyo. partamu anak sikabaikan silaki laki,kaduo anak sikabaikan si parampuan. bagombak limo. kaganti cincin dikalngkiang kaganti ameh dalam puro, pamenan ibu jo baponyo,cahayo kampuang jo hilaman. paga nagari sumarak tapian.kok tingginyo lah bak ditambak,gadangnyo lah bak di anjuang itulah manko diambiak sariak drancuang talang,talang bak raso kabaungo. dari ketek di nanti gadang,gadang lah tau ereang jo gendeang,lah tau malu j raso ,tau di raso jo pareso,lah tau di manih aie tabu,tau dipakek tangguli. tau mamahek jo maukie,tau dirancak ragi bungo.tau di awa jo akie pakarajaan nangko, iyo lah biaso nan kadijapuik ka dijangkau urang nan kamamakai nan sapanjang adaik. tumbuah di anak sikabaikan si parampuan baitupulolah tantangannyo, ketek dibaok kasumue,di aja mandi,di asok ,di asuah,dibari makan,dibari baambuik panjang. kaganti cincin dikalngkiang kaganti ameh dalam puro, pamenan ibu jo baponyo,cahayo kampuang jo hilaman. limpapeh rumah gadang. kok tingginyo lah bak ditambak,gadangnyo lah bak di anjuang itulah manko diambiak sariak drancuang talang,talang bak raso kabaungo. dari ketek di nanti gadang,gadang lah tau ereang jo gendeang,lah tau malu j raso ,tau di raso jo pareso, tau di awa jo akie pakarajaan nangko. iyo lah nan biaso kadijauikan kadijangkaukan urang nan kamandirikan nan sapanjang adaik. di nan bak sakarang nangko,lah tumbuah dikami anak sikabaikan si aki laki. iyolah nan ka dijapuik kadaijangkau urang,nan kamakai nan sapanjang adaik. itu la mangko bapisuruah kami kabakh anak kami bacapek kaki barinngan tangan. manuruik labuah nan panjang,jalan nan baliku.jauah nan baturik,ampie bajalang,manjalang rumah niniak mamak nan gadang basa batuah. sarato kito nan adir diateh rumah gadang nangko. baiak lah adie kito ditangah runmah gadang nangko bakaranolah kapai anak kami mamakai nan sapanjang adaik,tantu baradaik pulo tantangannyo. manyo nan manjadi adaik nyo batatiangkan ayam singgang nan saikue,nasi kunyik nan sairiang siriah nan di ateh,ameh nan dibawah,uang nan limo kupang namonyo. kok lah banamo bana kabanaran nan katangah dikami nan ditarimo suko jikok banamo dilua nak dikadalamkan. sakian sambah jo titah kami himpunkan (mamak) Lah sampai di bapak kami Sapanjang panitahan bapak kami nan tairik tabantang,talayang ditangah tangah,tibo bakeh kami sagaji ipa bisan. Jikok didanga lah elok bunyi,di pandang lah elok rupo. Lah bunta bak sawah nan sapiriang,lah boneh bak padi nan satangkai....tapi samantang pun baitu. Dek sawah indak sapiriang,dek pipik indak saikua. Dek padi indak satangkai masak indak sakali ambiak,dek pipik indak saikua tabang indak sakali inggok. Baa dek kaadaan kami duduak baduo batigo nan sagalo ipa bisan,dihadapan niniak dengan mamak. Kok kami cubo marantang panjang,untuang taserak jalo suto,kok lai ikan nan kabuliah,kok indak ameh tantangannyo. Kok kami cubo mampaiyo patidokan,dikato nan kamanjawek,di gayuang nan kamanyambuik,lai kok dalam adat nan tapakai..... Nak bapambari bapak kami.... (bapak) sampai di mamak kami,arati nyo bana nan katangah dmamak kami.bana nan ktngah jikok dpandang lah elok rupo didanga lah rncak bunyi.baa pulokoh dikato kamanjawab dgayuang kamanjawab,dek bkarano kami nan bduo btigo sakaji ipan bisan nan dduak d hdapn jumalah niniak mamak nan gadang basa batuah tntu btariak bakato bariyo batido.yo mantun? Spnjg kabanaran mamak kmi nan katangah lah dalam adaik nan tpakai lah dlm barih jo balabeh lah dlm cupak jo gantang nyenyo kami.lalunyo dlm nantun,krano itu pituah dinan tuo,barih nak jan ilang,adaik nak nyo tapakai.adaik bajalan bamulah adaik bakato bariyo.sakarang jalan kadipamulahkan kato ka dipariyokan dek mamak kami.kok dkami lah dlam garih nan barantang.bana bananti dikami.kumbali sambah bakeh mamak kami. (Mamak) Yo...ma bapak kami.....sapanjang rundiang nan kami danga,karana bakato ka pariyokan,bajalan ka di pamulahkan dek bapak kami...., Kok janyo kami lah tibo di barih balabehnyo,iyo lah dalam adaik nan tapakai,kan baitu kabanaran bapak kami......... Dikami sagaji ipa bisan itu bana nan manyangkuik. Baa karano lah dalam adat nan tapakai kabanaran kami...kok di kami hari elok nak tapakai,kok bajalan kami pamulahkan,bakato kami pariyokan.....sipaik mananti bapak kami. (Bapak) indak tarago baulang sapanjang buah kabanaran nan katangah dek mamak kami.kok d kami bana badangakan.kumbali bakek mamak kami. (mamak) Inya Allah kami pariyokan....... (bapak) Bana mananti (mamak ka angku datuak) Bakeh angku sambah.aratinyo karano lah katangah kabanaran bapak kito,adaik nan biaso pituah din an tuo,suato kato takanak jawek suatu gayuang takanak sambuik.nan dijuluak nak rareh nan dipungkang nak jatuah.tumbuah bak dinan sakarang nangko,karano lah katangah kabanaran bapak kito,lah bana kok dikami kato kabajwek gayuang kabasambuik ikobanalah pai nan kami tanyo pulang nan kami baritokan bakeh niniak mamak nan gadang basa batuah. Ko lah bana nyenyo angku nak bapambari angku,kok banamo balun nak di kadalamkan sakian sambah bakeh angku. (Datuak ka mamak) Manyo sutan,arainyo bana nan katangah dek sutan tumbuah bak dinan sakarang nangko,karano lah katangah kabanaran bapak kito,lah bana kok dikami kato kabajawek gayuang kabasambuik ikobanalah pai nan kami tanyo pulang nan kami baritokan bakeh niniak mamak nan gadang basa batuah.yo baitu? (sutan) bana (Datuak) Sapanjang kabanaran sutan lah ico nan baturuik lah adaik nan bapakai,lalunyo dalam nantun pai batanyokan pulang bakadukan .tumbuah din an bak sakarang kini karano lah tajun sambah jo titah di bapak kito,kato tantu bajawek gayuang tantu basanbuik,nan di pungkang nak jatuah nan di juluak nak nak rareh.kandak babari pintak balaku.namun dalam sado nantun,barih nak jan nyo hilang jajak nak jan nyo lipue.adaik bakatobariyo adaik bajalan bamulah.alahkoh bajalan bapamulahkan bakato bapariyokan di sutan nan baduo tigo.kok nyenyo ambo,banati jaj baabih hari batanggang jan baabih minyak lah bana nyo kato bajawek gayaun basambuik.sakaian titah kumbali bakeh sutan. (sutan) sapanjang pambarian angku satitiak jadikan lauik basa sakepa jadikan gunuang tnggi,bapacik arek baganggam taguah siang dipatungkek malam jadikan suluah. (Sutan ka sidi) manyo sidi,aratinyo karano lah tajun sambah jo titah dek bapak kito.tantu suatu kato bakandak jawek suatu gayuang bakandak sambuik.adopun maso sabalunnyo,pail ah kami batanyokan pulang lah bakadukan ka niniak mamak nan gadang basa batuah.dek niniak mamak baalam laweh bapadang lapang,indak tarago bananti hari lah bapambari niniak mamak.a nyo nan jadi pambari niniak mamak.lah bananyo kato bajwek gayuang basambuik.samantangpun baitu barih nak jan nyo ilang jajak jan lipue.adaik bajalan bamulah adaik bakato bariyo.sakarang jalan nan kadipamulahkan kato nan kadipariyokan bakeh sidi.dimakoh katarabiknyo bak padi katumbuahnyo bak bijo dikato nan kamanjawek digayuang kamanyambuik kabanaran bapak kito nan katangah.ikolah jalan nan bapamulahkan kato nan bapariyokan bakeh sidi,sakian sambah (Sidi ka sutan) sampai dek sutan.aratinyo bana nan katangah dek sutan karano lah tajun sambah jo titah dek bapak kito.tantu suatu kato bakandak jawek suatu gayuang bakandak sambuik.adopun maso sabalunnyo,tinggi alah bajuluak randah lah bajambo.painyo kami tanyokan pulang lah kadukan ka niniak mamak nan gadang basa batuah.dek niniak mamak baalam laweh bapadang lapang,indak tarago bananti hari lah bapambari niniak mamak.a nyo nan jadi pambari niniak mamak.lah bananyo kato bajwek gayuang basambuik.samantangpun baitu barih nak jan nyo ilang jajak jan lipue.adaik bajalan bamulah adaik bakato bariyo.sakarang jalan nan kadipamulahkan kato nan kadipariyokan bakeh sidi.dimakoh katarabiknyo bak padi katumbuahnyo bak bijo dikato nan kamanjawek digayuang kamanyambuik kabanaran bapak kito nan katangah.ikolah jalan nan bapamulahkan kato nan bapariyokan bakeh sidi,iyo baitu? (sutan) bana (sidi) sapnjang kabanaran sutan lah dalam barih jo balabeh lah dalam cupak nanjo gantang,lalunyo dalam nantun.bajalan bapariyokan bajalan bapamulahkan.jalan nan tapariyokan di sutan batarimo suko di ambo.baa pulokoh,dek ambo nan duduak sabalah kamari lai baduo batigo pulo.kok batariak dikami bajalan bamulah bakato bariyo lai koh di sutan ka babari.kumbalai bakeh sutan. (sutan) Aratinyo buah kabanaran sidi kini nantun jalan nan tapariyokan di sutan batarimo suko di ambo.baa pulokoh,dek ambo nan duduak sabalah kamari lai baduo batigo pulo.kok batariak dikami bajalan bamulah bakato bariyo lai koh di sutan ka babari.iyo baitu? (sidi) bana (sutan) sapanjang kabanaran sidi lah dalam takuak tabang tibo,lah dalam garih makanan pahek.lalunyo dalam nantun.karano uitu pituah rang tuo,barih jan hilang jajak jan lipue.adaik bakato bariyo adaik bajalan bamulah.sakarang kato kabapariyokan jalan kadipamulahkan dek sidi.kok diambo bana bananti. (sidi) .aratinyo bana nan katangak dek sutan karano uitu pituah rang tuo,barih jan hilang jajak jan lipue.adaik bakato bariyo adaik bajalan bamulah.sakarang kato kabapariyokan jalan kadipamulahkan dek sidi,kok di kami bana mananti.yo baitu (sutan)bana (sidi) ndak tarago baulang sapanjang pambarian sutan,bana bapariyokan. (bana bananti) (sidi ka rangkayo) rang kayo,aratinyo karano bisiak lah kadangaran himbau lah kalampauan di dunsanak kito sabalah ka mudiak.karano lah tajun sambah jo titah di bapak kito.tantu kato bajawek gayuang basambuik.sakarang dimakoh katarabiknyo nan bak padi katumbuahnyo nan bak bijo dikato nan kamanjawek gayuang kamanyambuik kabanaran bapak kito nan katangah.ikolah jlan nan bapamulahkan kato nan bapariyokan bakeh rangkayo. (rangkayo ka sidi) sampai dek sidi.aratinyo karano bisiak lah kadangaran himbau lah kalampauan di dunsanak kito sabalah ka mudiak.karano lah tajun sambah jo titah di bapak kito.tantu kato bajawek gayuang basambuik.sakarang dimakoh katarabiknyo nan bak padi katumbuahnyo nan bak bijo dikato nan kamanjawek gayuang kamanyambuik kabanaran bapak kito nan katangah.ikolah jlan nan bapamulahkan kato nan bapariyokan bakeh rangkayo.yo baitu? (sidi) bana (rangkayo ka sidi)rupo ruponyo di sidi barih nadak hilang jajak ndak lipue.lalunyo dalam nantun,bajalan bapamulahkan bakato bapariyokan.jalan nan tapamulahkan kato nan tapariyokan dek sidi batarimo suko diambo.di tantangan kato nan kamanjawek gayuang nan kamanyambuik kabanaran bapak nan katangah .nak lamak siriah lega carano lamak kato lega bunyi, dikato nan kamanjawek kumbali kapado sutan,pihak mangumbalikan kumbali ka sidi .nan kami disiko lah samo didalam.sakian sambah. (sidi ka rangkayo) Alah sampai dek kayo? (rangkayo) umpamo alah (sidi ka rangkayo) Aratinyo nan manjadi buah bana di kayo kini nantun di tantangan kato nan kamanjawek gayuang nan kamanyambuik kabanaran bapak nan katangah .nak lamak siriah lega carano lamak kato lega bunyi, dikato nan kamanjawek kumbali kapado sutan,pihak mangumbalikan kumbali ka sidi .nan kami disiko lah samo didalam.iyo baitu? (rangkayo) lah bananyoh (sidi ka rangkayo) spanjang kabanaran sidi lah rancak susunnyo nan bak siriah lah rancak ririknyo nan bak pinang. nak lamak siriah lega carano lamak kato lega bunyi, dikato nan kamanjwek kumbali kapado sutan.kok di ambo bana bakumbalikan. (sidi ka sutan) manyo sutan (sutan)manitahlah (sidi ka sutan) aratinyo parundiangan kito antaro jo sutan iyolah talaun talalai.talaunnyo tarago kabukik mancari angin ,kalurah mancari aie.dek hari kolah nan elok kutiko kolah nan baiak,lakeh dapek dikami bulek nan sagiliang pipiah nan satapiak.dibulekkan aie ka pambuluah dibulekan kato ka mupakaik.a nyo nan manjadi mupakaik kami nan sabalah kamari,dipihak kamanarabik an nan bak padi manumbuahkan bak bijo,dikato nan kamanjawek di gayuang kamanyambuik kabanaran bapak nan katanagah iyolah karano lah sutan nan baulu jawek di sutan pulo katarabiknyo.kumbali bakeh sutan. (sutan ka sidi)aratinyo sapanjang titah nan katangah dek sidi..dek hari kolah nan elok kutiko kolah nan baiak,lakeh dapek dikami bulek nan sagiliang pipiah nan satapiak.dibulekkan aie ka pambuluah dibulekan kato ka mupakaik.a nyo nan manjadi mupakaik kami nan sabalah kamari,dipihak kamanarabik an nan bak padi manumbuahkan bak bijo,dikato nan kamanjawek di gayuang kamanyambuik kabanaran bapak nan katanagah iyolah karano lah sutan nan baulu jawek di sutan pulo katarabiknyo.iyo baitu? (sidi) bana (sutan ka sidi) sapanjang kabanaran sidi mambanai ambo.,dipihak nan baulu jawek iyolah diambo. namun sakiro nantun,nak rancak lega carano nak elok lega bunyi.elok juolah di sidi nan kamanarabik an.kumbali bakeh sidi. (sidi ka sutan)aratinyo nan manjadi bana dek sutan,nak rancak lega carano nak elok lega bunyi.elok juolah di sidi nan kamanarabik an.ityo baitu? (sutan)bana (Sidi ka sutan)sapanjang kabanaran sutan lah dalam takuak tabang tibo,lah dalam garih makanan pahek,lalunyo dalam nantun nak rancak lega carano nak elok lega bunyi mambanai ambo.namun sakiro nantun,bak pituah urang tuo.adaik bajalan ba nan tau adaik bakato ba nan pandai.tarabik an lah dek sutan mairiangan ambo.sakian sambah. (stuan ka sidi) aratinyo nan manjadi buah ban dek sidi,nak rancak lega carano nak elok lega bunyi mambanai ambo.namun sakiro nantun,bak pituah urang tuo.adaik bajalan ba nan tau adaik bakato ba nan pandai.tarabik an lah dek sutan mairiangan ambo,yo baitu. (sidi) sakiro nantun (sutan) sapanjang kabanaran sidi lah dalam barih jo balabeh lah dalam lingkuang cupak jo gantang.lalunyo dalam nan tun.bak gurindam rang tuo. singgalang lereang malereang dilereang nagari pandaisikek mandaki jalan ka tanjuang tasabuik nagari ampek koto dipapanjang namuah panjang elok di kumpa nak nyo singkek nan bak maetong kain saruang disinan juo katibonyo. karano lah sapareh tu bana sidi mangumbalikan bakeh ambo.kok jadih jadih juo.namun sakiro nantun,kok senteang nak di bilai kurang yo batukuak dek sidi. (sidi)indak bapabia tagamang sutan PASAMBAHAN MAKAN SINGGANG AYAM

Orang yang hebat itu bukan lah presiden,

bukan lah orang yang memiliki jabatan tinggi

bukan lah gubernur,

bukan lah sarjana,

bukan lah ustad,

bukan lah guru,

bukan lah ahli dalam segala bidang,

bukan lah orang yang memiliki ilmu tinggi,

    namun orang yang hebat itu adalah orang yang mampu menahan diri nya dari hawa nafsu

 

Devan alfandy

 

 

 

 

                               & nbsp;           

ORANG YANG HEBAT

saco-indonesia.com, Berdasarkan hasil telaah dari Tim Pengamat Pemasyarakatan Direktorat Jenderal Pemasyarakatan, terpidana kasus narkotika asal Australia, Schapelle Leigh Corby telah mendapat pembebasan bersyarat.

Direktur Eksekutif LKPM (Lembaga Kajian Politik Univ.Prov.Dr. Moestopo), Didik Triana juga mengatakan partai penguasa, yaitu Partai Demokrat, akan terkena "getah" dari sikap pemerintah.

"Masyarakat kita bisa melihat sikap yang tidak tegas dari Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY). Hal tersebut tentu saja akan dapat berpengaruh terhadap simpati publik terhadap Partai Demokrat pada pemilu 2014," kata Didik, Senin (10/2/2014).

Dia juga telah menilai sikap pemerintah yang tidak komit terhadap pemberantasan narkoba di indonesia. Hal tersebut jauh dari harapan Indonesia bebas dari narkoba. Pembebasan Corby telah terkesan bahwa pemerintah telah memberi sinyal aman bagi bandar narkoba internasional, untuk dapat membuka pasar di Indonesia.

"Sebagai kepala negara, SBY haruslah bersikap komit, apalagi masalah narkoba bisa dibilang permasalahan yang sangat serius. Bisa kita lihat dari jumlah peredarannya dan efek negatifnya yang dari tahun ke tahun jumlahnya sangat meningkat. Saya lihat tidak ada keseriusan dari pemerintah untuk benar-benar memerangi narkoba," paparnya.

Pembebasan bersyarat untuk Corby telah dinilai akan mencoreng nama Indonesia di mata Internasional.

"Jelas sangat mempermalukan Indonesia di mata dunia, sudah jelas melalui inpresnya SBY sudah sangat tegas menyatakan keseriusannya dalam memerangi narkoba. Tapi pada kenyataanya hal itu berbanding terbalik dari kenyataan dan realitanya. Ibarat ucapan dan tindakan yang tidak sama.

Hal inilah yang saya maksud kasus pembebasan bersyarat corby sama saja mempermalukan negara," tutupnya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

PEMERINTAH BEBASKAN CORBY DEMOKRAT AKAN KENA 'GETAHNYA'

Hockey is not exactly known as a city game, but played on roller skates, it once held sway as the sport of choice in many New York neighborhoods.

“City kids had no rinks, no ice, but they would do anything to play hockey,” said Edward Moffett, former director of the Long Island City Y.M.C.A. Roller Hockey League, in Queens, whose games were played in city playgrounds going back to the 1940s.

From the 1960s through the 1980s, the league had more than 60 teams, he said. Players included the Mullen brothers of Hell’s Kitchen and Dan Dorion of Astoria, Queens, who would later play on ice for the National Hockey League.

One street legend from the heyday of New York roller hockey was Craig Allen, who lived in the Woodside Houses projects and became one of the city’s hardest hitters and top scorers.

“Craig was a warrior, one of the best roller hockey players in the city in the ’70s,” said Dave Garmendia, 60, a retired New York police officer who grew up playing with Mr. Allen. “His teammates loved him and his opponents feared him.”

Young Craig took up hockey on the streets of Queens in the 1960s, playing pickup games between sewer covers, wearing steel-wheeled skates clamped onto school shoes and using a roll of electrical tape as the puck.

His skill and ferocity drew attention, Mr. Garmendia said, but so did his skin color. He was black, in a sport made up almost entirely by white players.

“Roller hockey was a white kid’s game, plain and simple, but Craig broke the color barrier,” Mr. Garmendia said. “We used to say Craig did more for race relations than the N.A.A.C.P.”

Mr. Allen went on to coach and referee roller hockey in New York before moving several years ago to South Carolina. But he continued to organize an annual alumni game at Dutch Kills Playground in Long Island City, the same site that held the local championship games.

The reunion this year was on Saturday, but Mr. Allen never made it. On April 26, just before boarding the bus to New York, he died of an asthma attack at age 61.

Word of his death spread rapidly among hundreds of his old hockey colleagues who resolved to continue with the event, now renamed the Craig Allen Memorial Roller Hockey Reunion.

The turnout on Saturday was the largest ever, with players pulling on their old equipment, choosing sides and taking once again to the rink of cracked blacktop with faded lines and circles. They wore no helmets, although one player wore a fedora.

Another, Vinnie Juliano, 77, of Long Island City, wore his hearing aids, along with his 50-year-old taped-up quads, or four-wheeled skates with a leather boot. Many players here never converted to in-line skates, and neither did Mr. Allen, whose photograph appeared on a poster hanging behind the players’ bench.

“I’m seeing people walking by wondering why all these rusty, grizzly old guys are here playing hockey,” one player, Tommy Dominguez, said. “We’re here for Craig, and let me tell you, these old guys still play hard.”

Everyone seemed to have a Craig Allen story, from his earliest teams at Public School 151 to the Bryant Rangers, the Woodside Wings, the Woodside Blues and more.

Mr. Allen, who became a yellow-cab driver, was always recruiting new talent. He gained the nickname Cabby for his habit of stopping at playgrounds all over the city to scout players.

Teams were organized around neighborhoods and churches, and often sponsored by local bars. Mr. Allen, for one, played for bars, including Garry Owen’s and on the Fiddler’s Green Jokers team in Inwood, Manhattan.

Play was tough and fights were frequent.

“We were basically street gangs on skates,” said Steve Rogg, 56, a mail clerk who grew up in Jackson Heights, Queens, and who on Saturday wore his Riedell Classic quads from 1972. “If another team caught up with you the night before a game, they tossed you a beating so you couldn’t play the next day.”

Mr. Garmendia said Mr. Allen’s skin color provoked many fights.

“When we’d go to some ignorant neighborhoods, a lot of players would use slurs,” Mr. Garmendia said, recalling a game in Ozone Park, Queens, where local fans parked motorcycles in a lineup next to the blacktop and taunted Mr. Allen. Mr. Garmendia said he checked a player into the motorcycles, “and the bikes went down like dominoes, which started a serious brawl.”

A group of fans at a game in Brooklyn once stuck a pole through the rink fence as Mr. Allen skated by and broke his jaw, Mr. Garmendia said, adding that carloads of reinforcements soon arrived to defend Mr. Allen.

And at another racially incited brawl, the police responded with six patrol cars and a helicopter.

Before play began on Saturday, the players gathered at center rink to honor Mr. Allen. Billy Barnwell, 59, of Woodside, recalled once how an all-white, all-star squad snubbed Mr. Allen by playing him third string. He scored seven goals in the first game and made first string immediately.

“He’d always hear racial stuff before the game, and I’d ask him, ‘How do you put up with that?’” Mr. Barnwell recalled. “Craig would say, ‘We’ll take care of it,’ and by the end of the game, he’d win guys over. They’d say, ‘This guy’s good.’”

Tribute for a Roller Hockey Warrior

Hired in 1968, a year before their first season, Mr. Fanning spent 25 years with the team, managing them to their only playoff appearance in Canada.

Jim Fanning, 87, Dies; Lifted Baseball in Canada With Expos

As governor, Mr. Walker alienated Republicans and his fellow Democrats, particularly the Democratic powerhouse Richard J. Daley, the mayor of Chicago.

Dan Walker, 92, Dies; Illinois Governor and Later a U.S. Prisoner

The bottle Mr. Sokolin famously broke was a 1787 Château Margaux, which was said to have belonged to Thomas Jefferson. Mr. Sokolin had been hoping to sell it for $519,750.

William Sokolin, Wine Seller Who Broke Famed Bottle, Dies at 85

BEIJING (AP) — The head of Taiwan's Nationalists reaffirmed the party's support for eventual unification with the mainland when he met Monday with Chinese President Xi Jinping as part of continuing rapprochement between the former bitter enemies.

Nationalist Party Chairman Eric Chu, a likely presidential candidate next year, also affirmed Taiwan's desire to join the proposed Chinese-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank during the meeting in Beijing. China claims Taiwan as its own territory and doesn't want the island to join using a name that might imply it is an independent country.

Chu's comments during his meeting with Xi were carried live on Hong Kong-based broadcaster Phoenix Television.

The Nationalists were driven to Taiwan by Mao Zedong's Communists during the Chinese civil war in 1949, leading to decades of hostility between the sides. Chu, who took over as party leader in January, is the third Nationalist chairman to visit the mainland and the first since 2009.

Relations between the communist-ruled mainland and the self-governing democratic island of Taiwan began to warm in the 1990s, partly out of their common opposition to Taiwan's formal independence from China, a position advocated by the island's Democratic Progressive Party.

Despite increasingly close economic ties, the prospect of political unification has grown increasingly unpopular on Taiwan, especially with younger voters. Opposition to the Nationalists' pro-China policies was seen as a driver behind heavy local electoral defeats for the party last year that led to Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou resigning as party chairman.

Taiwan party leader affirms eventual reunion with China

Mr. Pfaff was an international affairs columnist and author who found Washington’s intervention in world affairs often misguided.

William Pfaff, Critic of American Foreign Policy, Dies at 86

The career criminals in genre novels don’t have money problems. If they need some, they just go out and steal it. But such financial transactions can backfire, which is what happened back in 2004 when the Texas gang in Michael

Take the Money and Run

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

Photo
 
Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

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WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).

The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.

Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”

Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.

Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.

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Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk. Credit Joe Raedle/Getty Images

“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”

We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.

Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”

Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.

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Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.

And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.

That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.

With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.

On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”

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Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.

This is intentional, Republican operatives said.

In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.

“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.

But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”

Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.

“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.

Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.

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But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.

Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.

Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”

Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.

Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.

But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.

The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.

“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.

There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.

“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”

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Mr. Miller, of the firm Weil, Gotshal & Manges, represented companies including Lehman Brothers, General Motors and American Airlines, and mentored many of the top Chapter 11 practitioners today.

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