PAKET UMROH BULAN FEBRUARI MARET APRIL MEI 2017

TRAVEL UMROH RESMI KEMENAG RI

Call / WA: SEPTINA 0821-1420-2323 / Klik disini

 
Lihat Biaya Umroh 2018 Lihat Paket Umroh Desember 2017




Artikel lainnya »

saco-indonesia.com, Dirusaknya Satlantas di Jalan Trunojoyo dan Bundaran Senayan, Kebayoran Baru, Jakarta Selatan (Jaksel) oleh sekelompok orang yang tak dikenal, telah membuktikan bahwa wibawa polisi merosot di titik terendah.

"Memang (wibawa polisi tengah merosot) yang telah menjaga pos kepolisian itu kan polisi dan itu simbol kenegaraan. Memang tren pos polisi di serang marak, lantaran penindakannya yang tidak tuntas," kata pengamat kepolisian Bambang Widodo Umar, Senin (10/2/2014).

Dia juga memprediksi, jika Polri tak mengungkap kasus ini hingga ke akarnya, maka bukan mustahil peristiwa serupa akan dapat terulang. "Saya harap ini kejadian yang terakhir. Jadi polri juga harus mencari sekuat mungkin siapa pelakunya dan menindak tegas, hukum seberat-beratnya,"singkatnya.

Polisi juga akan terus mengusut kasus kasus perusakan terhadap dua Pos Pol Satlantas di Jakarta Selatan (Jaksel). Saat ini telah ada lima saksi yang diperiksa, yaitu Sumiati (18), Topan Saputra (17), Juleha (20), Tari (18), Taunah (66).

Kepala Bidang Humas Polda Metro Jaya, Kombes Pol Rikwanto juga menuturkan, pelaku perusakan dua Pos Pol Satlantas telah memiliki ciri-ciri berambut cepak.

Kejadian bermula dari perempatan Kuningan pukul 22.30 malam WIB, saat anggota lantas telah menghentikan arus lalin karena akan lewat rombongan Wapres. Kemudian ada pengendara sepeda motor berambut cepak berboncengan nyelonong kemudian dihentikan anggota lantas (lalu-lintas).

Setelah dijelaskan kemudian yang bonceng turun memukul anggota lantas hingga jatuh. Rekan anggota lantas lainnya yang tidak jauh dari lokasi mendatangi pembonceng tersebut untuk melerai.

Malah dipukul di wajah kemudian dibalas dan saling akhirnya saling pukul. Saat itu juga anggota lantas yang pertama berkelahi dengan yang mengendarai motor. Kondisi seperti itu Danton Lantas Ipda Kardi datang melerai dan membubarkan.

Dijelaskannya, sang pengendara motor tersebut juga sempat mengutarakan kecaman kepada anggota lantas. "Saat itu pembonceng mengatakan Awas kamu! Saya tidak terima, tunggu saya, saya akan datang dengan pasukan," papar Rikwanto.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

POS POL DIRUSAK, BUKTI WIBAWA POLRI MEROSOT DI TITIK TERENDAH

Pulau Sulawesi terkenal dengan keindahan laut merupakan salah satu Taman Nasional Bunaken terletak di Sulawesi Utara dan berjarak ± 8 km dari daratan Kota Manado. Lokasinya cukup strategis untuk membuatnya mudah untuk taman dikunjungi oleh wisatawan baik dari domestik maupun dari luar negeri.Taman Nasional Bunaken merupakan satu-satu tujuan rekreasi bagi wisatawan diminati wisatawan domestik dan asing yang cukup.

Kegiatan yang dapat dilakukan di Taman Nasional Laut Bunaken adalah seperti berjemur di pantai, berenang di laut, menyelam (diving), snorkeling, menjelajahi hutan di sekitar Taman Laut pantai.Secara keseluruhan Taman Nasional memiliki luas wilayah 75.265 hektar di yang terdapat lima pulau, yaitu Pulau Bunaken, Pulau Manado Tua, Pulau Siladen, Pulau Mantehage bersama dengan beberapa pulau dan anak terakhir Pulau Naen. Meskipun hal ini Taman laut ini memiliki lima pulau yang berdekatan, hanya yang paling terkenal Bunaken Island sebagai tempat menyelam.

Kawasan Park pada tahun 1991 sebagai taman laut nasional yang diresmikan oleh Menteri Kelautan dan berfungsi sebagai objek wisata bahari dan pendidikan serta melihat potensi kegiatan ekologi alam dan konservasi laut daerah ini. Selain kegiatan wisata, taman laut yang sangat baik untuk pengembangan pengetahuan pendidikan orang dewasa dan anak-anak tentang sumber daya alam dan laut.

Taman Nasional Laut Bunaken adalah salah satu taman laut paling indah di dunia, terkenal dengan formasi karang yang sangat indah dan luas. taman laut juga merupakan habitat lebih dari 3000 jenis ikan yang perlu dijaga dari kepunahan, seperti lolosi ikan ekor kuning (Lutjanus kasmira), kuda ikan gusumi (hippocampus kuda), goropa (spilotoceps ephinephelus), OCI putih (seriola rivoliana ) dan banyak orang lain juga telah memiliki keragaman spesies langka organisme air seperti lumba-lumba, sapi laut, dugong-dugong dan juga telah memiliki berbagai jenis ikan hias yang sangat indah.

Taman Nasional Bunaken telah memiliki wilayah yang cukup besar untuk dapat melakukan penyelaman, meskipun masih terbatas hanya lokasi penyelaman di sekitar pantai yang telah mengelilingi kelima pulau, hal ini juga dilakukan untuk keselamatan pengunjung dan untuk memfasilitasi petugas dalam mengawasi para pengunjung pantai.

Pengunjung juga dapat menyelam dan menyaksikan ikan tropis dan terumbu karang yang menakjubkan dan indah sehingga pengunjung dijamin akan kagum melihat dan tidak dapat melupakannya.

Untuk diving, Taman Laut Taman Nasional juga merupakan salah menyelam 10 tempat di dunia yang paling populer.

Ada 20 poin dimana menyelam (dive spot) dengan kedalaman bervariasi hingga 1.344 meter di wilayah taman laut ini. Dari 20 poin menyelam, 12 poin di antaranya di sekitar Pulau Bunaken dan paling sering dikunjungi oleh penyelam dan wisatawan.

Marine fenomena alam yang ada di TN Bunaken adalah unik dan hampir pasti tidak akan ditemukan di taman laut lainnya. Taman laut ini juga telah memiliki keunikkan sebuah dinding karang raksasa yang berdiri vertikal dan melengkung ke atas atau disebut tembok besar air atau dinding gantung. dinding Rock adalah juga sumber mana makanan bagi ikan di perairan sekitar Pulau Bunaken.

Akses ke Taman Laut Nasional Bunaken

Untuk dapat mengunjungi taman ini, pengunjung juga dapat menggunakan perahu motor sewaan berangkat dari pantai di kota teluk Manado terhadap taman laut.

Fasilitas Tersedia

Sekitar lokasi hotel yang tersedia, resort, homestay, kolam renang, restoran, kantor pos, menara, gerbang, speed boat.

Ada juga peralatan menyelam sewa bersama dengan instruktur.

Ketika Terbaik Untuk Kunjungi Taman Nasional Bunaken

Musim terbaik untuk dapat mengunjungi Taman Laut Taman Nasional Mei.-Agust.

Yang Dibawa Persediaan Wajib

Dalam kondisi tertentu diperlukan untuk dapat melindungi diri dari angin laut, perlu untuk membawa baju hangat atau jaket, tutup kepala, syal untuk penghangat leher.

Harus Perhatian

Ada baiknya ketika mereka mengunjungi Taman Laut Taman Nasional dalam kondisi kesehatan keadaan prima.
 

TEMPAT WISATA TAMAN LAUT BUNAKEN

Berikut beberapa tips memilih lampu Hias:

1. Rumah minimalis akan telah memiliki terkesan lebih bersih, sederhana dan bergaya dengan lampu hias minimalis juga. Adapun rumah dengan gaya klasik, untuk dapat menyoroti gaya klasiknya cocok dengan lampu kristal atau crystal chandelier

2. Untuk dapat menampilkan nilai estetika yang telah memiliki nilai lebih bahan yang digunakan untuk lampu hias harus menggunakan bahan yang cukup baik untuk dapat memberikan kesan tersendiri didalam ruangan. Ada banyak pilihan untuk bahan lampu hias seperti: kaca, kristal dari plastik, stainless steel, dan bahan – bahan alami seperti daun, rotan dan sebagainya.

3. Pilih bohlam yang telah terbuat dari bahan yang berkualitas, hemat energi, sistem pemasangannya mudah, ringan dan sesuai dengan estetika.

4. Agar Lampu hias tetap terlihat canti, rawatlah ornamen – ornamen lampu dengan membersihkannya secara berkala dengan kain kering yang halus atau kemoceng.

Kalau terbuat dari kaca dan dapat di lepaskan, Anda juga dapat mencuci kaca dengan dengan air dan sedikit sabun. Lalu keringkan dan setiap bagiannya harus dibersihkan dengan hati – hati agar tidak tergores atau pecah.

5. Pemilihain lampu hias juga harus mempertimbangkan ukuran besar atau kecilnya suatu ruangan. Misalnya untuk ruangan yang kecil, alangkah baiknya anda telah memilih lampu yang juga ukurannya tidak terlalu besar.

Untuk dapat menghemat Ruangan dan untuk menambah cahaya, anda juga dapat memilih lampu hias yang menempel pada langit – langit atau downlight. Dan sebaliknya, apabila ruangan anda besar maka alangkah baiknya anda memilih lampu hias gantung.

6. Untuk kamar yang membutuhkan cahaya terang, seperti ruang tamu, Ruang keluarga dan ruang makan, anda juga dapat memilih lampu kuning atau putih.

Sedangkan untuk suasana dramatis, seperti kamar tidur anda harus menggunakan lampu yang berwarna kebiruan.

TIPS MEMILIH LAMPU HIAS

saco-indonesia.com,

Besi Beton
 
Besi beton merupakan besi yang telah digunakan untuk penulangan konstruksi beton atau yang lebih dikenal sebagai beton bertulang. Beton bertulang yang telah mengandung batang tulangan dan telah direncanakan berdasarkan anggapan bahwa bahan tersebut bekerja sama dalam memikul gaya-gaya. Beton bertulang juga bersifat unik dimana dua jenis bahan yaitu besi tulangan dan beton dipakai secara bersamaan.


Sejak tahun 1950 konstruksi konstruksi besi beton telah mulai digunakan sebagai elemen utama dalam pembangunan gedung tinggi. Pada awal abad ke-20 kebanyakan gedung tinggi di Amerika telah menggunakan Baja profil sebagai elemen struktur utamanya. Baru pada 1950-an konstruksi beton mulai ikut berperan dalam konstruksi gedung tinggi. Di Indonesia sendiri, besi beton lebih sering digunakan untuk pembangunan gedung, karena bahan ini telah lebih mudah didapat sehingga dirasakan lebih ekonomis jika dibandingkan dengan konstruksi lainnya. Besi beton atau beton bertulang boleh jadi juga merupakan bahan konstruksi yang paling penting karena digunakan dalam berbagai bentuk untuk hampir semua struktur baik besar maupun kecil seperti bangunan, jembatan, perkerasan jalan, bendungan, dinding penahan tanah, terowongan, jembatan yang telah melintasi lembah.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

BESI BETON

Sebuah fragmen bagian dari Malioboro dengan kisah yang cukup sudah lama sejak berdirinya Kraton Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat. Pasar ini juga telah menjadi sentra kegiatan ekonomi selama ratusan tahun dan keberadaannya telah mempunyai makna filosofis. Sebagai salah satu pilar Catur Tunggal yang terdiri dari Kraton, Alun-alun Utara, Masjid Agung dan Pasar Beringharjo sendiri.

Pasar Beringharjo yang kita kenal sekarang pada awalnya adalah hutan beringin, tiga tahun setelah Perjanjian Gianti, wilayah pasar ini juga telah menjadi tempat transaksi ekonomi bagi warga Yogyakarta dan sekitarnya. Pembangunan Pasar Beringharjo secara permanen di mulai pada awal tahun 1920 silam yang telah ditandai dengan adanya bangunan yang sudah jadi pada tahun 1925. Asal mula nama Beringharjo telah diberikan oleh Sri Sultan HB IX yang artinya membawa kesejahteraan.

Pada saat ini, Pasar Beringharjo telah menjadi salah satu kegiatan ekonomi yang besar untuk kawasan Malioboro. Bangunan bertingkat yang setiap lantanya diisi oleh berbagai macam komoditas perdagangan, mulai dari konveksi, akseoris, sembako dan rempah-rempah. Pasar Beringharjo juga sudah menjadi salah satu tujuan wisata belanja bagi wisatawan yang berkunjung di kota Yogya. Berbasiskan pasar tradisional serta berkolaborasi dengan gaya modern telah membuat pasar ini membawa banyak cerita bagi para pengunjung untuk kembali dan membawa teman-temannya berkunjung di sini lagi. Puncak kepadatan di Pasar Beringharjo biasanya terjadi di musim liburan dimana banyak wisatawan berbondong-bondong mengunjungi dengan berbagai macam kepentingan di sini dari belanja atau sekedar berjalan-jalan.

Pintu gerbang Pasar Beringharjo dari sini kita bisa menemukan banyak pedagang pecel dengan ciri khas kursi panjang kayu dan payung-payung besar sebagai atap pelindung dari hujan dan panas. Masuk ke pintu gerbang kita akan menemukan sebuah rancang bangun tangga yang telah membawa pengunjung menuju lantai paling atas. Lantai dasar dari ruangan ini juga merupakan lorong panjang yang telah menghubungkan dengan pasar Beringharjo di bagian timur, setiap sisi dari lorong ini dipenuhi dengan para penjual batik baik masih berbentuk kain ataupun pakaian jadi. Selain pakaian batik, los pasar bagian barat juga telah menawarkan baju surjan, blangkon, dan sarung tenun maupun batik. Sandal dan tas yang dijual dengan harga miring dapat dijumpai di sekitar tangga berjalan pasar bagian barat.

Pasar Beringharjo bisa dikatakan memiliki kelenturan dalam menghadapi perubahan jaman dengan ditandainya banyak perubahan dalam aktifitas masyarakat termasuk belanja. Berdiri diantara pusat perbelanjaan modern, pasar ini juga mampu bertahan dan memberikan sentuhan tradisional yang unik ketika bertransaksi antara pembeli dan penjual. Tawar menawar harga menjadi telah semacam bentuk komunikasi yang terjalin mulai dari cara menawar yang ringan hingga sistem tembak langsung.

 

TEMPAT WISATA PASAR BRINGHARJO

Ms. Rendell was a prolific writer of intricately plotted mystery novels that combined psychological insight, social conscience and teeth-chattering terror.

Ruth Rendell, Novelist Who Thrilled and Educated, Dies at 85

Mr. Alger, who served five terms from Texas, led Republican women in a confrontation with Lyndon B. Johnson that may have cost Richard M. Nixon the 1960 presidential election.

Bruce Alger, 96, Dies; Led ‘Mink Coat’ Protest Against Lyndon Johnson

A lapsed seminarian, Mr. Chambers succeeded Saul Alinsky as leader of the social justice umbrella group Industrial Areas Foundation.

Edward Chambers, Early Leader in Community Organizing, Dies at 85

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

Continue reading the main story Video
Play Video|1:17

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

Advertisement

Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

Photo
 
President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

Advertisement Politics Obama Finds a Bolder Voice on Race Issues

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

Advertisement

Advertisement

Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

Photo
 
Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

Photo
 
Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination
Joseph Lechleider

Mr. Lechleider helped invent DSL technology, which enabled phone companies to offer high-speed web access over their infrastructure of copper wires.

Joseph Lechleider, a Father of the DSL Internet Technology, Dies at 82

Ms. von Furstenberg made her debut in the movies and on the Broadway stage in the early 1950s as a teenager and later reinvented herself as a television actress, writer and philanthropist.

Betsy von Furstenberg, Baroness and Versatile Actress, Dies at 83
Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”
Todd Heisler/The New York Times

Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’

Mr. Paczynski was one of the concentration camp’s longest surviving inmates and served as the personal barber to its Nazi commandant Rudolf Höss.

Jozef Paczynski, Inmate Barber to Auschwitz Commandant, Dies at 95

A 2-minute-42-second demo recording captured in one take turned out to be a one-hit wonder for Mr. Ely, who was 19 when he sang the garage-band classic.

Jack Ely, Who Sang the Kingsmen’s ‘Louie Louie’, Dies at 71

Mr. Miller, of the firm Weil, Gotshal & Manges, represented companies including Lehman Brothers, General Motors and American Airlines, and mentored many of the top Chapter 11 practitioners today.

Harvey R. Miller, Renowned Bankruptcy Lawyer, Dies at 82

A former member of the Boston Symphony Orchestra, Mr. Smedvig helped found the wide-ranging Empire Brass quintet.

Rolf Smedvig, Trumpeter in the Empire Brass, Dies at 62

Hockey is not exactly known as a city game, but played on roller skates, it once held sway as the sport of choice in many New York neighborhoods.

“City kids had no rinks, no ice, but they would do anything to play hockey,” said Edward Moffett, former director of the Long Island City Y.M.C.A. Roller Hockey League, in Queens, whose games were played in city playgrounds going back to the 1940s.

From the 1960s through the 1980s, the league had more than 60 teams, he said. Players included the Mullen brothers of Hell’s Kitchen and Dan Dorion of Astoria, Queens, who would later play on ice for the National Hockey League.

One street legend from the heyday of New York roller hockey was Craig Allen, who lived in the Woodside Houses projects and became one of the city’s hardest hitters and top scorers.

“Craig was a warrior, one of the best roller hockey players in the city in the ’70s,” said Dave Garmendia, 60, a retired New York police officer who grew up playing with Mr. Allen. “His teammates loved him and his opponents feared him.”

Young Craig took up hockey on the streets of Queens in the 1960s, playing pickup games between sewer covers, wearing steel-wheeled skates clamped onto school shoes and using a roll of electrical tape as the puck.

His skill and ferocity drew attention, Mr. Garmendia said, but so did his skin color. He was black, in a sport made up almost entirely by white players.

“Roller hockey was a white kid’s game, plain and simple, but Craig broke the color barrier,” Mr. Garmendia said. “We used to say Craig did more for race relations than the N.A.A.C.P.”

Mr. Allen went on to coach and referee roller hockey in New York before moving several years ago to South Carolina. But he continued to organize an annual alumni game at Dutch Kills Playground in Long Island City, the same site that held the local championship games.

The reunion this year was on Saturday, but Mr. Allen never made it. On April 26, just before boarding the bus to New York, he died of an asthma attack at age 61.

Word of his death spread rapidly among hundreds of his old hockey colleagues who resolved to continue with the event, now renamed the Craig Allen Memorial Roller Hockey Reunion.

The turnout on Saturday was the largest ever, with players pulling on their old equipment, choosing sides and taking once again to the rink of cracked blacktop with faded lines and circles. They wore no helmets, although one player wore a fedora.

Another, Vinnie Juliano, 77, of Long Island City, wore his hearing aids, along with his 50-year-old taped-up quads, or four-wheeled skates with a leather boot. Many players here never converted to in-line skates, and neither did Mr. Allen, whose photograph appeared on a poster hanging behind the players’ bench.

“I’m seeing people walking by wondering why all these rusty, grizzly old guys are here playing hockey,” one player, Tommy Dominguez, said. “We’re here for Craig, and let me tell you, these old guys still play hard.”

Everyone seemed to have a Craig Allen story, from his earliest teams at Public School 151 to the Bryant Rangers, the Woodside Wings, the Woodside Blues and more.

Mr. Allen, who became a yellow-cab driver, was always recruiting new talent. He gained the nickname Cabby for his habit of stopping at playgrounds all over the city to scout players.

Teams were organized around neighborhoods and churches, and often sponsored by local bars. Mr. Allen, for one, played for bars, including Garry Owen’s and on the Fiddler’s Green Jokers team in Inwood, Manhattan.

Play was tough and fights were frequent.

“We were basically street gangs on skates,” said Steve Rogg, 56, a mail clerk who grew up in Jackson Heights, Queens, and who on Saturday wore his Riedell Classic quads from 1972. “If another team caught up with you the night before a game, they tossed you a beating so you couldn’t play the next day.”

Mr. Garmendia said Mr. Allen’s skin color provoked many fights.

“When we’d go to some ignorant neighborhoods, a lot of players would use slurs,” Mr. Garmendia said, recalling a game in Ozone Park, Queens, where local fans parked motorcycles in a lineup next to the blacktop and taunted Mr. Allen. Mr. Garmendia said he checked a player into the motorcycles, “and the bikes went down like dominoes, which started a serious brawl.”

A group of fans at a game in Brooklyn once stuck a pole through the rink fence as Mr. Allen skated by and broke his jaw, Mr. Garmendia said, adding that carloads of reinforcements soon arrived to defend Mr. Allen.

And at another racially incited brawl, the police responded with six patrol cars and a helicopter.

Before play began on Saturday, the players gathered at center rink to honor Mr. Allen. Billy Barnwell, 59, of Woodside, recalled once how an all-white, all-star squad snubbed Mr. Allen by playing him third string. He scored seven goals in the first game and made first string immediately.

“He’d always hear racial stuff before the game, and I’d ask him, ‘How do you put up with that?’” Mr. Barnwell recalled. “Craig would say, ‘We’ll take care of it,’ and by the end of the game, he’d win guys over. They’d say, ‘This guy’s good.’”

Tribute for a Roller Hockey Warrior

The 2015 Met Gala has only officially begun, but there's a clear leader in the race for best couple, no small feat at an event that threatens to sap Hollywood of every celebrity it has for the duration of an East Coast evening.

That would be Marc Jacobs and his surprise guest (who, by some miracle, remained under wraps until their red carpet debut), Cher.

“This has been a dream of mine for a very, very long time,” Mr. Jacobs said.

It is Cher's first appearance at the Met Gala since 1997, when she arrived on the arm of Donatella Versace.

– MATTHEW SCHNEIER

Cher and Marc Jacobs

A 214-pound Queens housewife struggled with a lifelong addiction to food until she shed 72 pounds and became the public face of the worldwide weight-control empire Weight Watchers.

Jean Nidetch, 91, Dies; Pounds Came Off, and Weight Watchers Was Born
biaya berangkat umroh januari di Jatinegara Kaum jakarta
paket berangkat umroh april di Pulo Gadung jakarta
harga berangkat umroh april di Jatinegara jakarta
harga umrah akhir tahun di Kramat Jati jakarta
paket umrah mei di Utan Kayu Utara jakarta
promo berangkat umroh februari di Pisangan Timur jakarta
promo berangkat umrah ramadhan di Ceger jakarta
biaya umroh april di Cipinang Melayu jakarta
promo umroh februari di Kampung Gedong,Cijantung jakarta
promo umroh desember di Matraman jakarta
harga berangkat umrah mei di Kampung Baru jakarta
promo berangkat umrah april di Pondok Ranggon jakarta
promo berangkat umroh april di Cipinang Melayu jakarta
biaya paket umrah desember di Pasar Rebo jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh awal tahun di Penggilingan jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah juni bogor
paket berangkat umrah januari di Cipinang Muara jakarta
biaya paket umrah awal tahun di Pinang Ranti jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh april di Kalisari jakarta
harga umroh desember di Bambu Apus jakarta
paket umrah desember di Cilangkap jakarta
paket promo umroh januari di Lubang Buaya jakarta
paket umrah februari di Kramat Jati jakarta
biaya umroh juni di Cakung Barat jakarta
paket promo umroh desember di Kebon Pala jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah juni di Malaka Jaya jakarta
biaya paket umrah maret di Cakung jakarta
promo berangkat umrah ramadhan di Kampung Melayu jakarta
harga umroh januari di Cakung Timur jakarta
paket berangkat umrah desember di Matraman jakarta
paket umrah april di Pulo Gadung jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah mei di Cipayung jakarta
harga berangkat umroh juni di Pekayon jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh februari di Kramat Jati jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh mei di Klender jakarta
paket promo umroh maret di Cipayung jakarta
paket berangkat umrah januari di Pal Meriam jakarta
harga paket berangkat umrah akhir tahun di Kampung Melayu jakarta
biaya berangkat umroh akhir tahun di Lubang Buaya jakarta
paket umrah februari di Jati jakarta
harga berangkat umroh april di Cilangkap jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah akhir tahun di Munjul jakarta
biaya paket umrah februari di Dukuh jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah akhir tahun di Kampung Gedong,Cijantung jakarta
paket umrah januari di Jatinegara jakarta
biaya umroh mei di Dukuh jakarta
harga berangkat umroh akhir tahun di Halim Perdanakusuma jakarta
harga paket umrah awal tahun di Bali Mester jakarta
promo berangkat umroh maret di Pisangan Baru jakarta
promo umroh mei di Cibubur jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah februari di Makasar jakarta
harga paket umrah februari bekasi utara
biaya umrah juni di Matraman jakarta
harga umrah awal tahun di Kayu Putih jakarta
biaya paket umroh januari di Rawa Bunga jakarta
promo berangkat umroh april di Rawa Terate jakarta
promo umroh februari di Bali Mester jakarta
harga umrah januari di Matraman jakarta
harga berangkat umrah awal tahun di Cipinang Melayu jakarta
paket berangkat umroh juni di Bali Mester jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh akhir tahun di Klender jakarta
promo berangkat umroh desember di Pasar Rebo jakarta
biaya paket umrah maret di Cipinang jakarta
harga paket berangkat umrah juni di Rawa Bunga jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah juni di Susukan jakarta
promo umroh januari di Kampung Gedong,Cijantung jakarta
paket promo umrah april di Matraman jakarta
biaya paket umrah februari di Utan Kayu Utara jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh februari di Utan Kayu Selatan jakarta
biaya umroh januari di Rawa Bunga jakarta
promo umrah ramadhan di Munjul jakarta
promo umrah maret di Kampung Melayu jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah mei di Penggilingan jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah desember di Klender jakarta
harga berangkat umrah januari di Pisangan Timur jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh awal tahun di Cilangkap jakarta
paket promo umrah desember di Kayu Manis jakarta
promo umrah awal tahun di Susukan jakarta
harga paket umrah juni di Rawa Terate jakarta
biaya umrah april bekasi utara
harga berangkat umroh akhir tahun di Jati jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh mei di Pal Meriam jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh mei di Kramat Jati jakarta
biaya paket umrah mei bekasi timur
harga berangkat umroh awal tahun di Cipinang jakarta
paket promo umrah februari di Jatinegara Kaum jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah desember di Pasar Rebo jakarta
biaya umrah maret di Cipinang Muara jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah awal tahun di Pasar Rebo jakarta
paket umrah februari di Cipinang Besar Selatan jakarta
biaya paket umroh desember di Kayu Putih jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh maret di Kramat Jati jakarta
harga umrah januari di Kampung Tengah jakarta
paket umroh februari di Jati jakarta
paket berangkat umrah desember di Cipayung jakarta
biaya berangkat umroh maret di Cakung jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh maret di Kampung Tengah jakarta
biaya umrah juni di Ciracas jakarta
harga umroh ramadhan di Cipinang Cempedak jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh akhir tahun di Kampung Gedong,Cijantung jakarta