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Makin banyaknya orang bertransaksi secara online saat ini mulai membuat paradigma baru dalam kehidupan masyarakat. Orang-orang akan semakin mudah berbelanja walaupun penjual dan pembeli tidak saling bertemu secara fisik, tempat merekapun sangat berjauhan. Itulah sebabnya jasa kirim barang semakin di butuhkan terutama oleh para pelaku bisnis ini.

Peluang bisnis dan prospek jasa kirim barang masih sangat bagus dan terus berkembang. Tentu saja bukan hanya orang yang berbisnis online target utama kita, masyarakat umum hingga perusahaan besar sangat membutuhkan bisnis jasa kirim barang ini. Walau begitu, diperlukan riset yang mendalam guna memulai usaha jasa kirim barang.

Ada beberapa hal yang mesti anda lakukan sebelum memulai usaha jasa kirim barang, riset ini juga akan menentukan jenis usaha jasa kirim barang dan jangkauannya.

1. Tentukan daerah operasional dan alat transportasi usaha jasa kirim barang anda.

Bila lokasi usaha anda berada di pusat bisnis kota yang ramai dengan banyak perusahaan, bank, pusat perbelanjaan dan kantor lainnya. Anda juga dapat memilih sepeda motor sebagai sarana transfortasi utama, ruang lingkup daerah operasi anda mungkin akan lebih kecil karena keterbatasan sepeda motor yang tidak dapat mengantar dengan jarak yang jauh dan paket ukuran besar. Namun sepeda motor juga dapat mempercepat pengantaran paket yang dikirim karena pusat bisnis kota adalah daerah macet, memilih sepeda motor sebagai alat transportasi adalah yang terbaik bagi usaha baru.

Bila lokasi usaha anda jauh dari pusat bisnis kota, atau bagi anda yang sudah menguasai pusat bisnis kota. Pilihan menggunakan mobil adalah keharusan, hal ini karena jarak tempuh mobil lebih luas dan paket yang di antar dapat lebih banyak dan ukuran paket yang lebih besar. Semakin luas jangkauan operasi tentu juga akan semakin banyak keuntungan yang di dapat.

2. Tentukan jenis paket layanan yang akan anda antar

Bila lokasi usaha jasa kirim barang anda berada di pusat bisnis kota, anda juga dapat menangani pengiriman surat menyurat, dokumen penting dan paket-paket kecil di dalam kawasan pusat bisnis kota saja. Transfortasi utama yang anda butuhkan adalah sepeda motor. Kuasai dahulu pasar ini sebelum anda memutuskan melebarkan wilayah operasi.

Bila lokasi usaha jasa kiriman barang anda terletak di pinggiran kota, anda juga dapat mengambil semua jenis paket anataran. Mulai dari surat menyurat, dokumen rahasia, paket kecil sampai kargo ukuran besar. Anda juga dapat beroperasi di semua wilayah, tentu dengan dukungan alat transfortasi mobil yang harus anda miliki. Hal ini juga berlaku bagi anda yang sudah menguasai pasar pusat bisnis kota dan ingin melebarkan pelayanan usaha anda.

3. Tentukan tarif layanan yang anda antar

Anda juga harus menentukan besaran tarif yang pas bagi layanan jasa kirim barang anda. Tentunya tarif untuk dapat mengantar surat dengan dokumen rahasia adalah berbeda walaupun ukuran mungkin saja sama, begitu juga paket. Anda juga harus membuat tarif berdasarkan jenis, berat, ukuran dan jarak tempuh antaran paket tersebut.

Anda juga harus menentukan jam operasional, batas kirim barang, biaya tambahan dan layanan lainnya yang ditawarkan. Anda juga harus menentukan jam berapa batas kirim barang yang langsung diantar hari ini atau termasuk antaran esok hari. Ketahui juga tarif dari kompetitor anda diwilayah usaha anda.

4. Promosikan bisnis jasa pengiriman barang anda

Promosi untuk peluang usaha jasa kirim barang adalah suatu keharusan. Buatlah kartu nama dan brosur atau leaflet usaha anda. Bagikan ke kantor kantor di pusat bisnis kota, tempat keramaian atau toko toko di pasar, mal dan disekitar tempat usaha anda. Buat papan nama didepan lokasi usaha, memasang iklan di korandan yelow page.

Anda juga dapat membuat sebuah Website perusahaan yang profesional guna untuk membantu usaha anda secara online. Pastikan website berisi konten berupa daftar tarif, wilayah operasional, waktu pengiriman dan kalau memungkinkan ada traking barang yang sedang diantar.

5. Urus izin usaha agar bisnis anda menjadi resmi

Izin usaha bagi peluang usaha jasa kirim barang merupakan sebuah keharusan juga, hal ini jugs akan dapat meningkatkan kepercayaan dan kredibilitas usaha anda dimata pelanggan. Pelanggan memerlukan kepastian bahwa barang mereka akan sampai sesuai dengan layanan. Anda dapat mengurus Surat izin gangguan, surat izin usaha perdagangan dan perizinan lain yang dibutuhkan di kantor Dinas Perindustrian dan Perdagangan di Daerah Tingkat II atau setingkat dengan Kabupaten atau Kotamadya setempat. Bagi Kabupaten atau kota yang sudah di lengkapi unit pelayanan terpadu bisa mendapatkannya di sana berikut dengan perizinan lainnya.

6. Kerjasama dengan perusahaan jasa kirim barang lain

Adakalanya barang yang hendak anda kirim ternyata telah memiliki tujuan yang jauh, diluar jangkauan dan belum terdapat kantor atau pelayanan ke daerah tersebut. Tentu anda tidak ingin begitu saja menolaknya karena ini adalah peluang bagi anda, apalagi bila itu pelanggan setia anda. Saat ini banyak yang mengajak kerjasama dibidang jasa pengantaran, anda dapat mengambil salah satunya guna melebarkan sayap. Anda juga dapat berkerjasama dengan perusahaan jasa kirim barang terkemuka seperti FedEx, Tiki atau JNE atau Pos Indonesia. Biasanya mereka akan memberikan diskon khusus bagi anda, barang yang anda kirimpun lebih terjamin.

7. Cari pelanggan tetap

Carilah pelanggan tetap, berikan tarif khusus bagi mereka. Anda juga dapat mendatangi kantor kantor atau restauran guna untuk mengurus pengiriman atau delivery barang mereka. Anda juga dapat menempatkan karyawan di tempat pelanggan tetap anda

Selain beberapa hal di atas, anda juga harus memperhatikan kesiapan usaha anda. Perhatikan kualitas pelayanan usaha, kecepatan dan ketepatan pengiriman, dan tentu saja karyawan anda. Pilih karyawan yang mempunyai keinginan untuk membantu. Dalam bidang jasa, kepuasan pelanggan adalah prioritas utama.

 

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saco-indonesia.com, Sekretaris Jenderal (Sekjen) Partai Golkar, Idrus Marham pagi ini telah memenuhi panggilan Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK).

Ia telah tiba di Gedung KPK sekitar puku 08.50 pagi WIB dengan mengenakan kemeja putih dan tidak berkomentar perihal pemeriksaannya. Dia juga akan diperiksa sebagai saksi dalam kasus yang telah membelit mantan Ketua Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK) Akil Mochtar.

Ada dua kasus yang telah membelit Akil, yang pertama menyangkut dugaan suap penanganan sengketa Pilkada di MK, dan kasus Tindak Pidana Pencucian Uang (TPPU). Idrus sendiri juga akan diperiksa terkait dalam kasus penanganan sengketa Pilkada.

Sebelumnya, menurut Wakil Ketua KPK, Bambang Widjojanto, Idrus telah diperiksa KPK untuk dapat mengonfirmasi berbagai hal yang menyangkut kasus yang telah membelit Akil Mochtar.

"Mereka diperlukan untuk dapat dikonfirmasi berbagai hal," katanya di Gedung KPK, Kuningan, Jakarta Selatan, Senin kemarin.

Sejatinya selain Idrus, KPK hari ini juga akan memanggil bendahara umum partai Golkar, Setya Novanto, namun karena ia berhalangan hadir dan akan dijadwal ulang lantaran masih berada di luar negeri.


Editor : Dian sukmawati

IDRUS MARHAM PENUHI PANGGILAN KPK

Oleh IRWAN JULIANTO

Saco-Indonesia.com,- Satu demi satu misteri penyebab diabetes melitus tipe 2 mulai terungkap. Para peneliti Harvard School of Public Health (HSPH) baru saja memublikasikan temuan mereka bahwa ada satu jenis protein atau hormon khusus yang ditemukan dalam sel-sel lemak yang terbukti membantu mengatur bagaimana gula darah dikendalikan dan dimetabolisasi untuk energi di dalam hati. Ini dikatakan akan membuka salah satu jalan bagi pengobatan diabetes tipe 2 yang menjangkiti ratusan juta penduduk dunia.

Diabetes tipe ini tidak bergantung pada insulin dan terjadi pada orang-orang dewasa (adult onset), berbeda dengan diabetes tipe 1 yang bergantung pada insulin dan terjadi sejak bayi. Diabetes tipe 2 dapat didefinisikan sebagai suatu kelainan metabolik yang ditandai dengan tingginya kadar glukosa darah akibat terjadinya kekurangan dan resistansi insulin. Kemampuan sel-sel beta pankreas berkurang bahkan rusak sehingga pasien mulai mengalami diabetes, dengan gejala-gejala seperti banyak makan (polifagia), banyak minum (polidipsia), dan banyak kencing (poliuria).

Jumlah kasus diabetes tipe 2 hampir sepuluh kali lipat kasus diabetes tipe 1 yang terjadi karena kerusakan pankreas sejak bayi. Hingga sekarang diyakini bahwa kegemukan menjadi penyebab utama terjadinya diabetes tipe 2 pada orang-orang yang memang secara genetis sudah membawa gen pembawa penyakit ini.

Dua-tiga dekade lalu sudah diketahui adanya hubungan antara kegemukan dan diabetes tipe 2, tetapi belum jelas apakah kegemukan memicu diabetes jenis ini ataukah hanya mempercepat terjadinya. Riset di Amerika Serikat menunjukkan, orang-orang dengan obesitas tiga kali lebih mudah terjangkit diabetes dibandingkan dengan mereka yang tidak kegemukan. Makin tua seseorang, risiko terkena diabetes tipe 2 juga kian besar. Orang-orang berusia 65 tahun, misalnya, lebih mungkin terserang dibandingkan dengan mereka yang berusia di bawah 20 tahun.

Diabetes tipe 2 juga diketahui erat hubungannya dengan faktor keturunan. Jika dalam keluarga Anda ada yang mengidap diabetes, kemungkinan Anda terjangkit diabetes cukup besar.

Jika ayah atau ibu Anda dan kakek atau nenek serta bibi atau paman Anda menderita penyakit ini, peluang Anda mengalami diabetes tipe 2 mendekati 85 persen. Jika ayah dan nenek mengidap diabetes, risiko Anda cuma 60 persen. Jika hanya ibu yang menderita, maka 22 persen risikonya bagi Anda akan menderita pula.

Diabetes tipe 2 umumnya terjadi pada orang dewasa akibat perubahan gaya hidup, berkurangnya kegiatan jasmani, dan jenis makanan/minuman yang serba fast food dan soft drink. Namun, saat ini diabetes tipe 2 ditemukan juga pada anak- anak dan remaja di Asia.

Penyakit kronis ini diyakini menyebabkan usia harapan hidup bagi penderitanya sepuluh tahun lebih pendek dibandingkan dengan orang-orang non-diabetik akibat komplikasi penyakit jantung koroner, stroke, dan gagal ginjal. Diabetes tipe 2 juga menyebabkan kecacatan, seperti kebutaan akibat komplikasi retinopati dan meningkatnya risiko sebesar 20 kali amputasi tungkai bawah. Pengidap diabetes ini mudah lupa dan mengalami impotensi.

Multipatologi

Selama berpuluh tahun para peneliti dan dokter dihadapkan pada misteri: tidak semua orang yang kegemukan atau resistan terhadap insulin mengidap diabetes tipe 2. Bahkan, cukup banyak orang yang amat gemuk tak terserang penyakit ini. Para ilmuwan lalu berteori bahwa ada suatu faktor yang tak dikenal yang terlibat dalam metabolisme glukosa dalam hati, dan mungkin kehadiran atau absennya elemen ini, dapat menentukan siapa yang terkena diabetes tipe 2.

Dalam jurnal Cell Metabolism edisi 7 Mei 2013, para peneliti HSPH mengungkapkan, dunia ilmiah sudah lama mengetahui bahwa salah satu peristiwa kunci bagi berkembangnya diabetes tipe 2 adalah produksi glukosa yang tak terkontrol dari hati.

”Namun, mekanisme yang mendasarinya tetap masih sukar dipahami,” kata Gökhan S Hotamisligil, Kepala Departemen Genetika dan Penyakit-penyakit Kompleks, dan JS Simmons, profesor genetika dan metabolisme di HSPH. ”Kami sekarang berhasil mengidentifikasi aP2 sebagai suatu hormon baru yang dikeluarkan dari sel-sel lemak yang mengontrol fungsi kritis ini.”

Lewat percobaan dengan mencit di laboratorium memakai teknologi mutakhir ditemukan bahwa jika jumlah aP2 berlebih, timbullah diabetes. Sebaliknya, jika hormon ini diblok atau di- switch-off, produksi glukosa dari hati dapat dikontrol lebih baik sehingga manifestasinya berupa diabetes tipe 2 dan penyakit-penyakit metabolik lainnya pun dapat dicegah.

Kemampuan sebuah organ—dalam hal ini jaringan lemak—begitu langsung dan menentukan dalam mengendalikan tindakan organ lain, yaitu hati, amat menarik, kata Hotamisligil. ”Kami menduga sistem komunikasi antara jaringan lemak dan hati telah berevolusi untuk membantu sel-sel lemak memberi komando kepada hati untuk menyuplai tubuh dengan glukosa pada saat-saat terjadinya kekurangan nutrien. Betapa pun, ketika sel-sel lemak yang membesar kehilangan kendali terhadap sinyal ini karena kondisi obesitas, tingkat aP2 dalam darah naik, glukosa diguyurkan ke dalam aliran darah dan tidak dapat dibersihkan oleh jaringan-jaringan lain. Hasilnya adalah tingginya kadar glukosa darah dan diabetes 2.”

Guru Besar FK UI yang mendalami diabetes, Sidartawan Soegondo, menyatakan, temuan para ilmuwan Harvard ini merupakan sumbangan berarti bagi perkembangan ilmu kedokteran. ”Akhir-akhir ini saya mengajarkan bahwa diabetes tipe 2 adalah penyakit dengan multipatologi,” ujarnya ketika dihubungi pada Selasa (21/5). Kini, selain organ pankreas, diabetes tipe 2 diketahui pula dipicu juga oleh metabolisme sembilan organ lain, antara lain hati dan ginjal.

 

Sumber :Kompas Cetak/http://health.kompas.com/read/2013/05/22/06524140/Harapan.Baru.untuk.Terapi.Diabetes.Tipe.2
Editor :Liwon Maulana
Ada Harapan Baru untuk Terapi Diabetes Tipe 2

saco-indonesia.com, Helikopter milik Rumah Sakit Efarina Etaham, Kabanjahe, Kabupaten Tanah Karo, Sumatera Utara jatuh saat akan lepas landas. Akibat dari kejadian tersebut seorang teknisi meninggal dunia.

"Korban meninggal dunia satu orang, teknisi atas nama Arif Setiawan," ujar Komandan Kodim Tanah Karo, Letkol Prince Meyer Putong Senin (30/12).

Menurut Putong, heli tersebut juga mengangkut lima orang. Selain teknisi, pilot dan tiga penumpang lainnya juga mengalami luka.

"Satu meninggal, tiga kritis dan satu aman. Dirawat di Rumah Sakit Efarina semua," terangnya.

Belum dapat diketahui penyebab pesawat yang akan lepas landas itu jatuh. Namun akibat dari peristiwa nahas ini, Jalan Jamin Ginting sempat ditutup untuk dapat evakuasi korban. Hal ini juga lantaran pesawat jatuh tepat di pinggir jalan.

"Sekarang sudah dibuka kembali. Lalu lintas sedang diatur," tutup Putong.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

SEBUAH HELI JATUH DI BRASTAGI

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ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

Photo
 
Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination

Mr. Bartoszewski was given honorary Israeli citizenship for his work to save Jews during World War II and later surprised even himself by being instrumental in reconciling Poland and Germany.

Wladyslaw Bartoszewski, 93, Dies; Polish Auschwitz Survivor Aided Jews

BALTIMORE — In the afternoons, the streets of Locust Point are clean and nearly silent. In front of the rowhouses, potted plants rest next to steps of brick or concrete. There is a shopping center nearby with restaurants, and a grocery store filled with fresh foods.

And the National Guard and the police are largely absent. So, too, residents say, are worries about what happened a few miles away on April 27 when, in a space of hours, parts of this city became riot zones.

“They’re not our reality,” Ashley Fowler, 30, said on Monday at the restaurant where she works. “They’re not what we’re living right now. We live in, not to be racist, white America.”

As Baltimore considers its way forward after the violent unrest brought by the death of Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old black man who died of injuries he suffered while in police custody, residents in its predominantly white neighborhoods acknowledge that they are sometimes struggling to understand what beyond Mr. Gray’s death spurred the turmoil here. For many, the poverty and troubled schools of gritty West Baltimore are distant troubles, glimpsed only when they pass through the area on their way somewhere else.

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Officers blocked traffic at Pennsylvania and West North Avenues after reports that a gun was discharged in the area. Credit Drew Angerer for The New York Times

And so neighborhoods of Baltimore are facing altogether different reckonings after Mr. Gray’s death. In mostly black communities like Sandtown-Winchester, where some of the most destructive rioting played out last week, residents are hoping businesses will reopen and that the police will change their strategies. But in mostly white areas like Canton and Locust Point, some residents wonder what role, if any, they should play in reimagining stretches of Baltimore where they do not live.

“Most of the people are kind of at a loss as to what they’re supposed to do,” said Dr. Richard Lamb, a dentist who has practiced in the same Locust Point office for nearly 39 years. “I listen to the news reports. I listen to the clergymen. I listen to the facts of the rampant unemployment and the lack of opportunities in the area. Listen, I pay my taxes. Exactly what can I do?”

And in Canton, where the restaurants have clever names like Nacho Mama’s and Holy Crepe Bakery and Café, Sara Bahr said solutions seemed out of reach for a proudly liberal city.

“I can only imagine how frustrated they must be,” said Ms. Bahr, 36, a nurse who was out with her 3-year-old daughter, Sally. “I just wish I knew how to solve poverty. I don’t know what to do to make it better.”

The day of unrest and the overwhelmingly peaceful demonstrations that followed led to hundreds of arrests, often for violations of the curfew imposed on the city for five consecutive nights while National Guard soldiers patrolled the streets. Although there were isolated instances of trouble in Canton, the neighborhood association said on its website, many parts of southeast Baltimore were physically untouched by the tumult.

Tensions in the city bubbled anew on Monday after reports that the police had wounded a black man in Northwest Baltimore. The authorities denied those reports and sent officers to talk with the crowds that gathered while other officers clutching shields blocked traffic at Pennsylvania and West North Avenues.

Lt. Col. Melvin Russell, a community police officer, said officers had stopped a man suspected of carrying a handgun and that “one of those rounds was spent.”

Colonel Russell said officers had not opened fire, “so we couldn’t have shot him.”

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Lambi Vasilakopoulos, right, who runs a casual restaurant in Canton, said he was incensed by last week's looting and predicted tensions would worsen. Credit Drew Angerer for The New York Times

The colonel said the man had not been injured but was taken to a hospital as a precaution. Nearby, many people stood in disbelief, despite the efforts by the authorities to quash reports they described as “unfounded.”

Monday’s episode was a brief moment in a larger drama that has yielded anger and confusion. Although many people said they were familiar with accounts of the police harassing or intimidating residents, many in Canton and Locust Point said they had never experienced it themselves. When they watched the unrest, which many protesters said was fueled by feelings that they lived only on Baltimore’s margins, even those like Ms. Bahr who were pained by what they saw said they could scarcely comprehend the emotions associated with it.

But others, like Lambi Vasilakopoulos, who runs a casual restaurant in Canton, said they were incensed by what unfolded last week.

“What happened wasn’t called for. Protests are one thing; looting is another thing,” he said, adding, “We’re very frustrated because we’re the ones who are going to pay for this.”

There were pockets of optimism, though, that Baltimore would enter a period of reconciliation.

“I’m just hoping for peace,” Natalie Boies, 53, said in front of the Locust Point home where she has lived for 50 years. “Learn to love each other; be patient with each other; find justice; and care.”

A skeptical Mr. Vasilakopoulos predicted tensions would worsen.

“It cannot be fixed,” he said. “It’s going to get worse. Why? Because people don’t obey the laws. They don’t want to obey them.”

But there were few fears that the violence that plagued West Baltimore last week would play out on these relaxed streets. The authorities, Ms. Fowler said, would make sure of that.

“They kept us safe here,” she said. “I didn’t feel uncomfortable when I was in my house three blocks away from here. I knew I was going to be O.K. because I knew they weren’t going to let anyone come and loot our properties or our businesses or burn our cars.”

Baltimore Residents Away From Turmoil Consider Their Role

Even as a high school student, Dave Goldberg was urging female classmates to speak up. As a young dot-com executive, he had one girlfriend after another, but fell hard for a driven friend named Sheryl Sandberg, pining after her for years. After they wed, Mr. Goldberg pushed her to negotiate hard for high compensation and arranged his schedule so that he could be home with their children when she was traveling for work.

Mr. Goldberg, who died unexpectedly on Friday, was a genial, 47-year-old Silicon Valley entrepreneur who built his latest company, SurveyMonkey, from a modest enterprise to one recently valued by investors at $2 billion. But he was also perhaps the signature male feminist of his era: the first major chief executive in memory to spur his wife to become as successful in business as he was, and an essential figure in “Lean In,” Ms. Sandberg’s blockbuster guide to female achievement.

Over the weekend, even strangers were shocked at his death, both because of his relatively young age and because they knew of him as the living, breathing, car-pooling center of a new philosophy of two-career marriage.

“They were very much the role models for what this next generation wants to grapple with,” said Debora L. Spar, the president of Barnard College. In a 2011 commencement speech there, Ms. Sandberg told the graduates that whom they married would be their most important career decision.

In the play “The Heidi Chronicles,” revived on Broadway this spring, a male character who is the founder of a media company says that “I don’t want to come home to an A-plus,” explaining that his ambitions require him to marry an unthreatening helpmeet. Mr. Goldberg grew up to hold the opposite view, starting with his upbringing in progressive Minneapolis circles where “there was woman power in every aspect of our lives,” Jeffrey Dachis, a childhood friend, said in an interview.

The Goldberg parents read “The Feminine Mystique” together — in fact, Mr. Goldberg’s father introduced it to his wife, according to Ms. Sandberg’s book. In 1976, Paula Goldberg helped found a nonprofit to aid children with disabilities. Her husband, Mel, a law professor who taught at night, made the family breakfast at home.

Later, when Dave Goldberg was in high school and his prom date, Jill Chessen, stayed silent in a politics class, he chastised her afterward. He said, “You need to speak up,” Ms. Chessen recalled in an interview. “They need to hear your voice.”

Years later, when Karin Gilford, an early employee at Launch Media, Mr. Goldberg’s digital music company, became a mother, he knew exactly what to do. He kept giving her challenging assignments, she recalled, but also let her work from home one day a week. After Yahoo acquired Launch, Mr. Goldberg became known for distributing roses to all the women in the office on Valentine’s Day.

Ms. Sandberg, who often describes herself as bossy-in-a-good-way, enchanted him when they became friendly in the mid-1990s. He “was smitten with her,” Ms. Chessen remembered. Ms. Sandberg was dating someone else, but Mr. Goldberg still hung around, even helping her and her then-boyfriend move, recalled Bob Roback, a friend and co-founder of Launch. When they finally married in 2004, friends remember thinking how similar the two were, and that the qualities that might have made Ms. Sandberg intimidating to some men drew Mr. Goldberg to her even more.

Over the next decade, Mr. Goldberg and Ms. Sandberg pioneered new ways of capturing information online, had a son and then a daughter, became immensely wealthy, and hashed out their who-does-what-in-this-marriage issues. Mr. Goldberg’s commute from the Bay Area to Los Angeles became a strain, so he relocated, later joking that he “lost the coin flip” of where they would live. He paid the bills, she planned the birthday parties, and both often left their offices at 5:30 so they could eat dinner with their children before resuming work afterward.

Friends in Silicon Valley say they were careful to conduct their careers separately, politely refusing when outsiders would ask one about the other’s work: Ms. Sandberg’s role building Facebook into an information and advertising powerhouse, and Mr. Goldberg at SurveyMonkey, which made polling faster and cheaper. But privately, their work was intertwined. He often began statements to his team with the phrase “Well, Sheryl said” sharing her business advice. He counseled her, too, starting with her salary negotiations with Mark Zuckerberg.

“I wanted Mark to really feel he stretched to get Sheryl, because she was worth it,” Mr. Goldberg explained in a 2013 “60 Minutes” interview, his Minnesota accent and his smile intact as he offered a rare peek of the intersection of marriage and money at the top of corporate life.

 

 

While his wife grew increasingly outspoken about women’s advancement, Mr. Goldberg quietly advised the men in the office on family and partnership matters, an associate said. Six out of 16 members of SurveyMonkey’s management team are female, an almost unheard-of ratio among Silicon Valley “unicorns,” or companies valued at over $1 billion.

When Mellody Hobson, a friend and finance executive, wrote a chapter of “Lean In” about women of color for the college edition of the book, Mr. Goldberg gave her feedback on the draft, a clue to his deep involvement. He joked with Ms. Hobson that she was too long-winded, like Ms. Sandberg, but aside from that, he said he loved the chapter, she said in an interview.

By then, Mr. Goldberg was a figure of fascination who inspired a “where can I get one of those?” reaction among many of the women who had read the best seller “Lean In.” Some lamented that Ms. Sandberg’s advice hinged too much on marrying a Dave Goldberg, who was humble enough to plan around his wife, attentive enough to worry about which shoes his young daughter would wear, and rich enough to help pay for the help that made the family’s balancing act manageable.

Now that he is gone, and Ms. Sandberg goes from being half of a celebrated partnership to perhaps the business world’s most prominent single mother, the pages of “Lean In” carry a new sting of loss.

“We are never at 50-50 at any given moment — perfect equality is hard to define or sustain — but we allow the pendulum to swing back and forth between us,” she wrote in 2013, adding that they were looking forward to raising teenagers together.

“Fortunately, I have Dave to figure it out with me,” she wrote.

Dave Goldberg Was Lifelong Women’s Advocate

Ms. Meadows was the older sister of Audrey Meadows, who played Alice Kramden on “The Honeymooners.”

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A 214-pound Queens housewife struggled with a lifelong addiction to food until she shed 72 pounds and became the public face of the worldwide weight-control empire Weight Watchers.

Jean Nidetch, 91, Dies; Pounds Came Off, and Weight Watchers Was Born

A former member of the Boston Symphony Orchestra, Mr. Smedvig helped found the wide-ranging Empire Brass quintet.

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The bottle Mr. Sokolin famously broke was a 1787 Château Margaux, which was said to have belonged to Thomas Jefferson. Mr. Sokolin had been hoping to sell it for $519,750.

William Sokolin, Wine Seller Who Broke Famed Bottle, Dies at 85
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