PAKET UMROH BULAN FEBRUARI MARET APRIL MEI 2018





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saco-indonesia.com, Kecelakaan yang telah menyebabkan seseorang meninggal dunia telah kembali terjadi di Jakarta. Kali ini, seorang pejalan kaki yang bernama Selly yang berusia (45) tahun tewas telah menjadi korban tabrak ladi di Jalan Gajah Mada, Jakarta Barat.

"Pejalan kaki telah menjadi korban tabrak lari di depan Kejayan Jalan Gajah Mada. Korban meninggal dunia Ibu Selly yang berusia (45) tahun dan dievakuasi ke RSCM," tulis akun Twitter resmi TMC Polda Metro Jaya, Kamis (23/1) pada pukul 23.26 WIB.

Petugas TMC Polda yang tidak mau disebutkan namanya telah membenarkan adanya kecelakaan tersebut. Menurut dia, kecelakaan tersebut terjadi saat korban menyeberang jalan.

"Kecelakaan itu benar terjadi. Informasi yang telah kami terima, korban ditabrak saat menyeberang jalan," kata pria tersebut.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

SELLY TEWAS DI JALAN GAJAH MADA

    saco-indonesia.com,

    Sehitam langit di angkasa
    Yang mendung memurungkan bumi
    Takut ku ke masa yang lalu
    Menorehkan luka dalam hati

    Kekasih yakini cintaku
    Disinilah cintaku berlabuh
    Perjalanan mencari jawaban
    Berakhir karam dihatimu

    Cerita cinta anak remaja
    Menggauli kidung kasih
    Punahkah takut di hati
    Terkutuklah bila kita berpisah
    Selamanya harus bersama
    Buktikan kita bahagia

    Tentang dia tak perlu kau risau
    Lagu cinta hanya untuk kita
    Dan kini tidurku tersenyum
    Oh gadis aku cinta padamu

    Kekasih yakini cintaku
    Disinilah cintaku berlabuh
    Perjalanan mencari jawaban
    Berakhir karam dihatimu

    Cerita cinta anak remaja
    Menggauli kidung kasih
    Punahkah takut di hati
    Terkutuklah bila kita berpisah
    Selamanya harus bersama
    Buktikan kita bahagia

    Tentang dia jangan pernah terlupa
    Biar menjadi cerita
    Dibalik cerita kita

    Tentang dia tak perlu kau risau
    Lagu cinta hanya untuk kita
    Dan kini tidurku tersenyum
    Oh gadis aku cinta padamu
    Oh gadis aku cinta padamu

   
    Editor : Dian Sukmawati

 

MELLY GOESLAW FEAT EVAN TENTANG DIA

    saco-indonesia.com,

    sudah lama ku menanti dirimu
    tahu tahu sampai kapankah
    sudah lama kita bersama-sama
    tapi segini sajakah

    *
    entah sampai kapan ooo
    entah sampai kapan

    reff:
    hari ini ku akan menyatakan cinta, nyatakan cinta
    aku tak mau menunggu terlalu lama, terlalu lama

    sadarkah kau, ku adalah wanita
    aku tak mungkin memulai
    sadarkah kau, kau menggantung diriku
    aku tak mau menunggu

    repeat *, reff

    ( hari ini ku akan menyatakan cinta, nyatakan cinta )
    aku tak mau menunggu terlalu lama, terlalu lama

    Editor : dian sukmawati

 

VIERRA TERLALU LAMA

Sewa Komputer telah menjadi pilihan bijak bagi Anda penganut prinsip hidup "Ekonomis". Dengan menyewa komputer kita masih bisa menggunakan komputer secara maksimal tanpa harus mengeluarkan biaya yang mahal ( dibandingkan membeli ). Seseorang atau perusahaan tertentu biasanya menggunakan jasa sewa komputer pada saat-saat tertentu seperti, komputer kantor yang tiba-tiba rusak, event atau kegiatan dalam jangka pendek, dan beberapa alasan lainnya yang dinilai jauh lebih efektif, efesien dan ekonomis dengan hanya menyewa komputer, bukan membelinya.

5 Tips Sewa Komputer Agar Maksimal

Ok bagi Anda yang berniat untuk sewa Komputer beberapa hari kedepan sebaiknya Anda harus menyimak terlebih dahulu beberapa Tips dari Komputerisasi tentang bagaimana sewa komputer yang baik dan benar.  

1.Tanya Pada Orang Yang Biasa Menyewa.
Pastikan Anda menyewa pada tempat yang tepat. Bertanya Pada orang yang pernah atau sering menyewa adalah hal yang sangat bijak. Minta saran juga kepada mereka apa saja yang harus Anda lakukan saat sewa komputer pertama kali.

2. Coba Dulu!!!
Disaat Anda berniat untuk sewa komputer tentunya Anda pasti menginginkan komputer sewaan Anda bekerja dengan baik, tak ada masalah di semua perangkatnya. Jalan satu-satunya agar kita tahu apakah komputer kita bekerja dengan baik atau tidak adalah mencobanya. Tak usah malu untuk mencoba terlebih dahulu komputer sewaan Anda.

3. Layanan Paling Oke.
Pastikan Tempat yang Anda pilih untuk sewa komputer telah memiliki pelayanan yang paling bagus. Jika perlu Anda juga dapat membuat perjanjian dengan mereka. Denda atas pelanggaran perjanjian juga bisa Anda gunakan agar mereka lebih bagus dalam melayani Anda. Bagaimanapun Anda pasti ingin pelayanan yang maksimal dan tepat waktu.

4. Teknisi Yang Siap Siaga dan Handal.
Jika ada masalah dengan komputer sewaan Anda, pasti Anda ingin masalah itu cepat teratasi bukan. Jadi pilihlah tempat sewa yang telah mempunyai teknisi berpengalaman dalam memecahkan masalah yang sedang Anda alami.

5. Kelengkapan Perangkat.
Tanyakan pada pihak penyedia jasa sewa komputer tentang kelengkapan perangkat komputer yang hendak Anda sewa, termasuk perangkat tambahan yang akan anda dapatkan.

Demikian beberapa tips sewa komputer. Semoga tips-tips diatas berguna bagi Anda yang berencana untuk menyewa komputer

5 TIPS SEWA KOMPUTER AGAR MAKSIMAL

LISt Harga Bahan Bangunan 2013

 

PASIR

Pasir Putih bangka / m3 : Rp. 265.000

Pasir Putih Bangka / pick up : Rp. 600.000

Pasir Putih Bangka / truk : Rp. 1.550.000

Pasir Mundu (per m3) : Rp. 250.000

Pasir Cileungsi / m3 : Rp. 200.000

BATU

Split / pick up : Rp. 265.000

Batako Semen Besar / buah : Rp. 2.500

Batu Bata Merah ( biasa )/ buah : Rp. 500

Batu Bata Merah ( oven ) / buah : Rp. 650

Batu Kali Belah / m3 : Rp. 185.000

Batu Knecker / m3 : Rp. 200.000

BATU ALAM

Batu Candi ( 30 x 30 ) / m2 : Rp. 150.000

Batu Andesit ( 30 x 30 ) / m2 : Rp. 180.000

Batu Pancawarna / 25 kg : Rp. 75.000

Batu Bali / 10 kg : Rp. 70.000

SEMEN

Semen Holcim ( 40 kg ) : Rp. 65.000

Semen Holcim ( 50 kg ) : Rp. 75.000

Semen Tiga Roda ( 50 kg ) : Rp. 70.000

Semen Padang ( 50 kg ) : Rp. 65.000

MU – 100 Plester Premium ( 40 kg ) : Rp. 65.000

MU – 200 Acian Plester & Beton ( 5 kg ) : Rp. 25.000

MU – 301 Pasangan Bata + Plester ( 10 kg ) : Rp. 25.000

MU – 450 Perekat Keramik Lantai ( 5 kg ) : Rp. 35.000

MU – Finish Coat Repair ( 25 kg ) : Rp. 335.000

Selain info bahan bangunan 2013, silahkat lihat homepage kami untuk tips dan informasi renovasi rumah

HEBEL

Blok Reguler Tebal 10 mm (per m3) : Rp 610.000

Blok Jumbo (per m3) : Rp 580.000

Anak Tangga (per m3) : Rp 2.300.000

Panel (per m3) : Rp 320.000

BESI BETON

Diameter 6mm/batang  : Rp 23.500

Diameter 8mm / batang : Rp 35.000 (TYS ), Rp. 38.000 ( HJ ), Rp. 25.500 ( SP )

Diameter 10mm/batang :  Rp. 53.000 ( TYS ), Rp. 52.000 ( HJ ), Rp. 48.000 ( SP )

Diameter 12mm /batang :  Rp. 80.000 ( HJ ), Rp. 77.000 ( TYS )

Diameter 16mm (12m) :  Rp 145.000

Besi Hollow ( 20 x 40 ) : Rp. 18.000

Besi Hollow ( 40 x 40 ) : Rp. 24.000

Seng Gelombang ( 182 x 91 x 0.2 ) : Rp. 36.000

Plat Alumunium ( 2 x 1 x 0.2 tebal ) : Rp. 35.000

Plat alumunium / meter : Rp. 20.000

PAKU KAYU

Paku kayu uk. 2 cm / kg : Rp. 18.000

Paku Kayu uk. 2.5 cm / kg : Rp. 17.000

Paku Kayu uk. 3 cm / kg : Rp. 16.000

Paku Kayu uk. 4 cm / kg : Rp. 15.000

Paku Kayu uk. 5 cm / kg : Rp. 14.000

Paku Kayu uk. 7 cm / kg : Rp. 14.000

Paku Kayu uk. 10 cm / kg : Rp. 14.000

TRIPLEK

Tebal 3mm  : Rp 40.000

Tebal 4mm  : Rp 50.000

Tebal 6mm : Rp 65.000

Tebal 9mm : Rp 100.000

Tebal 12mm : Rp 135.000

Tebal 15mm : Rp 175.000

Tebal 18mm : Rp 195.000

GRC BOARD : Rp. 50.000

PAKU BETON PUTIH

Ukuran 2.5 cm / kg : Rp. 34.000

Ukuran 3 cm / kg : Rp. 34.000

Ukuran 4 cm / kg : Rp. 34.000

Ukuran 5 cm / kg : Rp. 34.000

Ukuran 6 cm / kg : Rp. 32.000

Ukuran 7 cm / kg : Rp. 32.000

Ukuran 10 cm / kg : Rp. 32.000

Ukuran 12.5 cm / kg : Rp. 32.000

PAKU BETON HITAM

Ukuran 3 cm / kg : Rp. 17.500

Ukuran 5 cm / kg : Rp. 16.000

Ukuran 7 cm / kg : Rp. 14.000

Selain info bahan bangunan 2013, silahkat lihat homepage kami untuk tips dan informasi renovasi rumah

KACA

A. Kaca Bening

Tebal 3 mm  : Rp 80.000

Tebal 5 mm  : Rp 87.500

Tebal 8 mm  : Rp 140.000

Tebal 10 mm : Rp 200.000

B. Kaca Rayben

Tebal 3 mm : Rp 65.000

Tebal 5 mm  : Rp 62.500

Tebal 6 mm  : Rp 125.000

Tebal 8 mm : Rp 220.000

C. Kaca Tempered

Kaca Clear tempered 5 mm ( m2 ) : Rp. 200.000

Kaca Clear tempered 6 mm ( m2 ) : Rp. 250.500

Kaca Clear tempered 8 mm ( m2 ) : Rp. 375.000

Kaca Clear tempered 10 mm ( m2 ) : Rp. 400.000

Kaca Clear tempered 12 mm ( m2 ) : Rp. 450.000

Kaca Clear tempered 15 mm ( m2 ) : Rp. 1.950.000

Kaca Clear tempered 19 mm ( m2 ) : rp. 2.450.000

PAPAN FIBER SEMEN / TRIPLEK

A. GRC

GRC / Versaboard 4.0 mm ( 1.20 x 2.40 ) /lembar : Rp. 53.500

GRC / Versaboard 6.0 mm ( 1.20 x 2.40 )/lembar : Rp. 93.500

GRC / Versaboard 9.0 mm ( 1.20 x 2.40 ) /lembar : rp. 129.000

B. TRIPLEK

Tebal 3 mm / lembar : Rp. 42.000

Tebal 4 mm / lembar : Rp. 53.000

Tebal 6 mm / lembar : Rp. 95.000

Tebal 9 mm / lembar : Rp. 110.000

Tebal 12 mm / lembar : Rp. 150.000

Tebal 15 mm / lembar : Rp. 190.000

Tebal 18 mm / lembar : Rp. 235.000

C. GYPSUM

Jayaboard 9 mm ( 1.20 x 2.40 ) / lembar : Rp. 57.000

Elephant 9 mm ( 1.20 x 2.40 ) / lembar : Rp. 56.000

Knauf 9 mm ( 1.20 x 2.40 ) / lembar : Rp. 53.500

Star 9 mm ( 1.20 x 2.40 ) / lembar : Rp. 53.000

Aplus 9 mm ( 1.20 x 2.40 ) / lembar : Rp. 52.500

KAYU

A. Reng

Meranti (2×3) per batang  : Rp 15.000

Meranti (3×4) per batang  : Rp 17.500

Borneo (2×3) per batang : Rp 20.500

Borneo (3×4) per batang : Rp 22.000

Kamper (2×3) per batang : Rp 17.000

Kamper (3×4) per batang : Rp 20.500

B. Kaso

Meranti (4×6) per batang Rp 32.500

Meranti (5×7) per batang Rp 39.000

Borneo (4×6) per batang Rp 28.000

Borneo (5×7) per batang Rp 43.000

Kamper (4×6) per batang Rp 50.000

Kamper (5×7) per batang Rp 70.000

C. Galar

Meranti (5×10) per batang Rp 60.000

Borneo (5×10) per batang Rp 60.000

Kamper (5×10) per batang Rp 95.000

D. Balok

Meranti (6×12) per batang Rp 80.000

Meranti (8×12) per batang Rp 125.000

Borneo (6×12) per batang Rp 80.000

Borneo (8×12) per batang Rp 100.000

Kamper (6×12) per batang Rp 185.000

Kamper (8×12) per batang Rp 210.000

Selain info bahan bangunan 2013, silahkat lihat homepage kami untuk tips dan informasi renovasi rumah

CAT TEMBOK

A. Interior

Dulux Pearl Glo (2,5 lt ) Rp. 180.000

Dulux Pentalite Standard Colour ( 2,5 lt ) Rp. 137.000

Dulux Weather Shield Exterior/Brilliant white ( 2,5 lt ) Rp. 215.000

Dulux (2,5 lt) Rp 117.500

Dulux (20 lt) Rp 850.000

Mowilex ( 1 lt ) Rp. 60.000

Mowilex (2,5 lt) Rp 130.000

Mowilex (20 lt) Rp. 915.000

Catylac (5 kg) Rp 93.500

Catylac (25 kg) Rp 355.000

Avitex ( 5 kg ) Rp. 73.500

Vinilex (5 kg) Rp 75.000

Vinilex (25 kg) Rp 445.000

Metrolite ( 1 kg ) Rp. 24.000

Metrolite (3 lt) Rp 78.000

Metrolite ( 16 ltr / pail) Rp 380.000

Matex ( 4kg) Rp 60.000

Matex (25 kg) Rp 295.000

Profitex (5 kg) Rp 26.500

Profitex (25 kg) Rp 120.000

B. Eksterior

Dulux (2,5 lt) Rp 187.500

Dulux (20 lt) Rp 1.285.000

Mowilex (2,5 lt) Rp 160.000

Mowilex (20 lt) Rp 1.250.000

CAT KAYU

Dulux 1 kg Rp 35.000

Mowilex 1 kg Rp 60.000

Catylac 1 kg Rp 35.000

Glotex 1 kg Rp 35.000

Emco 1 kg Rp 35.000

Globe Supergloss Rp 43.000

Selain info bahan bangunan 2013, silahkat lihat homepage kami untuk tips dan informasi renovasi rumah

GENTENG KERAMIK

Kanmuri Milenio (Double Interlocking)

- Warna Natural Rp 5.700

- Warna Standard Rp 6.500

- Warna Spesial Rp 8.500

- Warna Exclusive Rp 11.500

Kanmuri Espancia

- Warna Natural Rp 5.500

- Warna Standard Rp 8.700

- Warna Spesial Rp 9.700

- Warna Exclusive Rp 10.500

M Class (Double Interlocking)

- Warna Natural Rp 5.500

- Warna Standard Rp 6.000

- Warna Spesial Rp 8.000

- Warna Premium Rp 11.000

- Genteng Knok Natural Rp 15.000

GENTENG BETON

- Morando Rp. 3.750,-/pc (20pcs/m2)

- Berglazur Rp 3.500,-

- Natural Rp 2.000

- Moner Rp 5.350,- (9pcs/m2)

IDEAL

- Berglazur Rp 2.650/pc

- Natural Rp 1.750/pc

GENTENG METAL

Sun Roof Venus

Ukuran 38,5 x 80 cm S/S Rp 23.000

Ukuran 38,5 x 80 cm D/S Rp 27.500

Sun Roof Pluto

Ukuran 38,5 x 80 cm S/S Rp 17.500

Ukuran 38,5 x 80 cm D/S Rp 20.000

ASBES

Jabesmen

150×105 (per lembar gelombang kecil) Rp 40.000

180×105 (per lembar gelombang kecil) Rp 45.000

210×105 (per lembar gelombang kecil) Rp 50.000

240×105 (per lembar gelombang kecil) Rp 55.500

270×105 (per lembar gelombang kecil) Rp 65.000

300×105 (per lembar gelombang kecil) Rp 75.000

SENG GELOMBANG

Seng Plat

Tebal 0.20 Rp 27.500

Tebal 0.25 Rp 37.500

Tebal 0.30 Rp 42.500

Seng Gelombang

Tebal 0.20 Rp 49.000

Tebal 0.30 Rp 59.000

Selain info bahan bangunan 2013, silahkat lihat homepage kami untuk tips dan informasi renovasi rumah

PIPA PVC

- Wavin 0,5 inci Rp 17.500

0,75 inci Rp 22.000

1 inci Rp 30.000

2 inci Rp 65.000

3 inci Rp 120.000

4 inci Rp 200.000

- Rucika 0,5 inci Rp 25.000

1 inci Rp 45.000

2 inci Rp 52.500

4 inci Rp 168.000

8 inci Rp 635.000

- Lucky

0,5 inci Rp 8.500

0,75 inci Rp 13.000

1 inci Rp 15.000

2 inci Rp 33.000

3 inci Rp 64.000

4 inci Rp 103.000

- Unggul

0,5 inci Rp 8.500

0,75 inci Rp 11.000

1 inci Rp 15.000

2 inci Rp 27.000

3 inci Rp 40.000

4 inci Rp 55.000

- Maspion

0,5 inci Rp 13.500

0,75 inci Rp 16.500

1 inci Rp 21.500

2 inci Rp 51.500

3 inci Rp 100.000

4 inci Rp 150.000

Selain info bahan bangunan 2013, silahkat lihat homepage kami untuk tips dan informasi renovasi rumah

KERAMIK LANTAI ARWANA

20×20

Tua Rp 35.000

Muda Rp 34.000

30×30

Putih Rp 30.000

Marble Rp 32.000

Fancy Rp 37.500

40×40

Putih Rp 30.000

Marble Rp 33.000

LANTAI KAYU

Kronotec (per meter) Rp 225.000

HDM Glossy (per boks) Rp 550.000

KERAMIK DINDING

20×20

Roman

(putih) Rp 50.000

(motif) Rp 55.000

Masterina

(putih) Rp 40.000

(motif) Rp 50.000

KIA

(putih) Rp 37.500

(motif) Rp 42.500

20×25

Mulia

(warna muda) Rp 45.000

(warna tua) Rp 50.000

IKAD

(warna muda) Rp 42.500

(warna tua) Rp 52.500

Roman

25×33 Roman Rp 50.000

33×50 Roman Rp 80.000

30×30 Hercules (putih) Rp 42.500

Acura (putih) Rp 35.000

KIG (warna) Rp 40.000

KIA (warna) Rp 40.000

60 x 60 Platinum Rp 125.000

30 x 60 Platinum Rp 75.000

58 x 58 Platinum Rp 110.000

Selain info bahan bangunan 2013, silahkat lihat homepage kami untuk tips dan informasi renovasi rumah

SANITARI

KLOSET DUDUK

Sanremo Classis CCST Rp 1.325.000

Lexington Rp 3.500.000

Granada 3000 CCST Rp 1.275.000

Granada II Space CCST Rp 1.500.000

Projecta Rp 1.000.000

KLOSET JONGKOK

Rapi EX Squat Rp 250.000

WASTAFEL/LAVATORY

San Remo 55 Lava & Pedestal Rp 650.000

Studio 3000 Lava & Pedestal Rp 475.000

Studio 50 Lavatory Rp 250.000

Studio 45 Lavatory Rp 200.000

GRANIT

Impero 40×40 Rp 125.000

Granito 40×40 Rp 210.000

Inesa 40×40 Rp 175.000

Niro 40×40 Rp 160.000

Essenza 40×40 Rp 175.000

KUNCI

Firo Rp 275.000

Napoli Rp 30.000

Romaco Rp 65.000

Ferza Rp 33.500

Top Rp 30.000

Paloma Rp 420.000

Yale Rp 125.000

Beluci Rp 130.000

Note : Kami tidak menjual bahan bangunan diatas, Daftar Harga Bangunan yang kami masukkan dalam blog ini  sifatnya sebagai Info dan acuan untuk membantu membuat anggaran atau estimasi dalam membangun dan merenovasi rumah. Koreksi mengenai perubahan /perbedaan harga dari teman-teman akan sangat kami hargai.......

LIST BAHAN BANGUNAN

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination
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Many bodies prepared for cremation last week in Kathmandu were of young men from Gongabu, a common stopover for Nepali migrant workers headed overseas. Credit Daniel Berehulak for The New York Times

KATHMANDU, Nepal — When the dense pillar of smoke from cremations by the Bagmati River was thinning late last week, the bodies were all coming from Gongabu, a common stopover for Nepali migrant workers headed overseas, and they were all of young men.

Hindu custom dictates that funeral pyres should be lighted by the oldest son of the deceased, but these men were too young to have sons, so they were burned by their brothers or fathers. Sukla Lal, a maize farmer, made a 14-hour journey by bus to retrieve the body of his 19-year-old son, who had been on his way to the Persian Gulf to work as a laborer.

“He wanted to live in the countryside, but he was compelled to leave by poverty,” Mr. Lal said, gazing ahead steadily as his son’s remains smoldered. “He told me, ‘You can live on your land, and I will come up with money, and we will have a happy family.’ ”

Weeks will pass before the authorities can give a complete accounting of who died in the April 25 earthquake, but it is already clear that Nepal cannot afford the losses. The countryside was largely stripped of its healthy young men even before the quake, as they migrated in great waves — 1,500 a day by some estimates — to work as laborers in India, Malaysia or one of the gulf nations, leaving many small communities populated only by elderly parents, women and children. Economists say that at some times of the year, one-quarter of Nepal’s population is working outside the country.

Nepal’s Young Men, Lost to Migration, Then a Quake

With 12 tournament victories in his career, Mr. Peete was the most successful black professional golfer before Tiger Woods.

Calvin Peete, 71, a Racial Pioneer on the PGA Tour, Is Dead

From sea to shining sea, or at least from one side of the Hudson to the other, politicians you have barely heard of are being accused of wrongdoing. There were so many court proceedings involving public officials on Monday that it was hard to keep up.

In Newark, two underlings of Gov. Chris Christie were arraigned on charges that they were in on the truly deranged plot to block traffic leading onto the George Washington Bridge.

Ten miles away, in Lower Manhattan, Dean G. Skelos, the leader of the New York State Senate, and his son, Adam B. Skelos, were arrested by the Federal Bureau of Investigation on accusations of far more conventional political larceny, involving a job with a sewer company for the son and commissions on title insurance and bond work.

The younger man managed to receive a 150 percent pay increase from the sewer company even though, as he said on tape, he “literally knew nothing about water or, you know, any of that stuff,” according to a criminal complaint the United States attorney’s office filed.

The success of Adam Skelos, 32, was attributed by prosecutors to his father’s influence as the leader of the Senate and as a potentate among state Republicans. The indictment can also be read as one of those unfailingly sad tales of a father who cannot stop indulging a grown son. The senator himself is not alleged to have profited from the schemes, except by being relieved of the burden of underwriting Adam.

The bridge traffic caper is its own species of crazy; what distinguishes the charges against the two Skeloses is the apparent absence of a survival instinct. It is one thing not to know anything about water or that stuff. More remarkable, if true, is the fact that the sewer machinations continued even after the former New York Assembly speaker, Sheldon Silver, was charged in January with taking bribes disguised as fees.

It was by then common gossip in political and news media circles that Senator Skelos, a Republican, the counterpart in the Senate to Mr. Silver, a Democrat, in the Assembly, could be next in line for the criminal dock. “Stay tuned,” the United States attorney, Preet Bharara said, leaving not much to the imagination.

Even though the cat had been unmistakably belled, Skelos father and son continued to talk about how to advance the interests of the sewer company, though the son did begin to use a burner cellphone, the kind people pay for in cash, with no traceable contracts.

That was indeed prudent, as prosecutors had been wiretapping the cellphones of both men. But it would seem that the burner was of limited value, because by then the prosecutors had managed to secure the help of a business executive who agreed to record calls with the Skeloses. It would further seem that the business executive was more attentive to the perils of pending investigations than the politician.

Through the end of the New York State budget negotiations in March, the hopes of the younger Skelos rested on his father’s ability to devise legislation that would benefit the sewer company. That did not pan out. But Senator Skelos did boast that he had haggled with Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, a Democrat, in a successful effort to raise a $150 million allocation for Long Island to $550 million, for what the budget called “transformative economic development projects.” It included money for the kind of work done by the sewer company.

The lawyer for Adam Skelos said he was not guilty and would win in court. Senator Skelos issued a ringing declaration that he was unequivocally innocent.

THIS was also the approach taken in New Jersey by Bill Baroni, a man of great presence and eloquence who stopped outside the federal courthouse to note that he had taken risks as a Republican by bucking his party to support paid family leave, medical marijuana and marriage equality. “I would never risk my career, my job, my reputation for something like this,” Mr. Baroni said. “I am an innocent man.”

The lawyer for his co-defendant, Bridget Anne Kelly, the former deputy chief of staff to Mr. Christie, a Republican, said that she would strongly rebut the charges.

Perhaps they had nothing to do with the lane closings. But neither Mr. Baroni nor Ms. Kelly addressed the question of why they did not return repeated calls from the mayor of Fort Lee, N.J., begging them to stop the traffic tie-ups, over three days.

That silence was a low moment. But perhaps New York hit bottom faster. Senator Skelos, the prosecutors charged, arranged to meet Long Island politicians at the wake of Wenjian Liu, a New York City police officer shot dead in December, to press for payments to the company employing his son.

Sometimes it seems as though for some people, the only thing to be ashamed of is shame itself.

Finding Scandal in New York and New Jersey, but No Shame

Late in April, after Native American actors walked off in disgust from the set of Adam Sandler’s latest film, a western sendup that its distributor, Netflix, has defended as being equally offensive to all, a glow of pride spread through several Native American communities.

Tantoo Cardinal, a Canadian indigenous actress who played Black Shawl in “Dances With Wolves,” recalled thinking to herself, “It’s come.” Larry Sellers, who starred as Cloud Dancing in the 1990s television show “Dr. Quinn, Medicine Woman,” thought, “It’s about time.” Jesse Wente, who is Ojibwe and directs film programming at the TIFF Bell Lightbox in Toronto, found himself encouraged and surprised. There are so few film roles for indigenous actors, he said, that walking off the set of a major production showed real mettle.

But what didn’t surprise Mr. Wente was the content of the script. According to the actors who walked off the set, the film, titled “The Ridiculous Six,” included a Native American woman who passes out and is revived after white men douse her with alcohol, and another woman squatting to urinate while lighting a peace pipe. “There’s enough history at this point to have set some expectations around these sort of Hollywood depictions,” Mr. Wente said.

The walkout prompted a rhetorical “What do you expect from an Adam Sandler film?,” and a Netflix spokesman said that in the movie, blacks, Mexicans and whites were lampooned as well. But Native American actors and critics said a broader issue was at stake. While mainstream portrayals of native peoples have, Mr. Wente said, become “incrementally better” over the decades, he and others say, they remain far from accurate and reflect a lack of opportunities for Native American performers. What’s more, as Native Americans hunger for representation on screen, critics say the absence of three-dimensional portrayals has very real off-screen consequences.

“Our people are still healing from historical trauma,” said Loren Anthony, one of the actors who walked out. “Our youth are still trying to figure out who they are, where they fit in this society. Kids are killing themselves. They’re not proud of who they are.” They also don’t, he added, see themselves on prime time television or the big screen. Netflix noted while about five people walked off the “The Ridiculous Six” set, 100 or so Native American actors and extras stayed.

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But in interviews, nearly a dozen Native American actors and film industry experts said that Mr. Sandler’s humor perpetuated decades-old negative stereotypes. Mr. Anthony said such depictions helped feed the despondency many Native Americans feel, with deadly results: Native Americans have the highest suicide rate out of all the country’s ethnicities.

The on-screen problem is twofold, Mr. Anthony and others said: There’s a paucity of roles for Native Americans — according to the Screen Actors Guild in 2008 they accounted for 0.3 percent of all on-screen parts (those figures have yet to be updated), compared to about 2 percent of the general population — and Native American actors are often perceived in a narrow way.

In his Peabody Award-winning documentary “Reel Injun,” the Cree filmmaker Neil Diamond explored Hollywood depictions of Native Americans over the years, and found they fell into a few stereotypical categories: the Noble Savage, the Drunk Indian, the Mystic, the Indian Princess, the backward tribal people futilely fighting John Wayne and manifest destiny. While the 1990 film “Dances With Wolves” won praise for depicting Native Americans as fully fleshed out human beings, not all indigenous people embraced it. It was still told, critics said, from the colonialists’ point of view. In an interview, John Trudell, a Santee Sioux writer, actor (“Thunderheart”) and the former chairman of the American Indian Movement, described the film as “a story of two white people.”

“God bless ‘Dances with Wolves,’ ” Michael Horse, who played Deputy Hawk in “Twin Peaks,” said sarcastically. “Even ‘Avatar.’ Someone’s got to come save the tribal people.”

Dan Spilo, a partner at Industry Entertainment who represents Adam Beach, one of today’s most prominent Native American actors, said while typecasting dogs many minorities, it is especially intractable when it comes to Native Americans. Casting directors, he said, rarely cast them as police officers, doctors or lawyers. “There’s the belief that the Native American character should be on reservations or riding a horse,” he said.

“We don’t see ourselves,” Mr. Horse said. “We’re still an antiquated culture to them, and to the rest of the world.”

Ms. Cardinal said she was once turned down for the role of the wife of a child-abusing cop because the filmmakers felt that casting her would somehow be “too political.”

Another sore point is the long run of white actors playing American Indians, among them Burt Lancaster, Rock Hudson, Audrey Hepburn and, more recently, Johnny Depp, whose depiction of Tonto in the 2013 film “Lone Ranger,” was viewed as racist by detractors. There are, of course, exceptions. The former A&E series “Longmire,” which, as it happens, will now be on Netflix, was roundly praised for its depiction of life on a Northern Cheyenne reservation, with Lou Diamond Phillips, who is of Cherokee descent, playing a Northern Cheyenne man.

Others also point to the success of Mr. Beach, who played a Mohawk detective in “Law & Order: Special Victims Unit” and landed a starring role in the forthcoming D C Comics picture “Suicide Squad.” Mr. Beach said he had come across insulting scripts backed by people who don’t see anything wrong with them.

“I’d rather starve than do something that is offensive to my ancestral roots,” Mr. Beach said. “But I think there will always be attempts to drawn on the weakness of native people’s struggles. The savage Indian will always be the savage Indian. The white man will always be smarter and more cunning. The cavalry will always win.”

The solution, Mr. Wente, Mr. Trudell and others said, lies in getting more stories written by and starring Native Americans. But Mr. Wente noted that while independent indigenous film has blossomed in the last two decades, mainstream depictions have yet to catch up. “You have to stop expecting for Hollywood to correct it, because there seems to be no ability or desire to correct it,” Mr. Wente said.

There have been calls to boycott Netflix but, writing for Indian Country Today Media Network, which first broke news of the walk off, the filmmaker Brian Young noted that the distributor also offered a number of films by or about Native Americans.

The furor around “The Ridiculous Six” may drive more people to see it. Then one of the questions that Mr. Trudell, echoing others, had about the film will be answered: “Who the hell laughs at this stuff?”

Native American Actors Work to Overcome a Long-Documented Bias

A lapsed seminarian, Mr. Chambers succeeded Saul Alinsky as leader of the social justice umbrella group Industrial Areas Foundation.

Edward Chambers, Early Leader in Community Organizing, Dies at 85

A former member of the Boston Symphony Orchestra, Mr. Smedvig helped found the wide-ranging Empire Brass quintet.

Rolf Smedvig, Trumpeter in the Empire Brass, Dies at 62

Gagne wrestled professionally from the late 1940s until the 1980s and was a transitional figure between the early 20th century barnstormers and the steroidal sideshows of today

Verne Gagne, Wrestler Who Grappled Through Two Eras, Dies at 89

Ms. von Furstenberg made her debut in the movies and on the Broadway stage in the early 1950s as a teenager and later reinvented herself as a television actress, writer and philanthropist.

Betsy von Furstenberg, Baroness and Versatile Actress, Dies at 83

The live music at the Vice Media party on Friday shook the room. Shane Smith, Vice’s chief executive, was standing near the stage — with a drink in his hand, pants sagging, tattoos showing — watching the rapper-cum-chef Action Bronson make pizzas.

The event was an after-party, a happy-hour bacchanal for the hundreds of guests who had come for Vice’s annual presentation to advertisers and agencies that afternoon, part of the annual frenzy for ad dollars called the Digital Content NewFronts. Mr. Smith had spoken there for all of five minutes before running a slam-bang highlight reel of the company’s shows that had titles like “Weediquette” and “Gaycation.”

In the last year, Vice has secured $500 million in financing and signed deals worth hundreds of millions of dollars with established media companies like HBO that are eager to engage the young viewers Vice attracts. Vice said it was now worth at least $4 billion, with nearly $1 billion in projected revenue for 2015. It is a long way from Vice’s humble start as a free magazine in 1994.

Photo
 
At the Vice after-party, the rapper Action Bronson, a host of a Vice show, made a pizza. Credit Jesse Dittmar for The New York Times

But even as cash flows freely in Vice’s direction, the company is trying to keep its brash, insurgent image. At the party on Friday, it plied guests with beers and cocktails. Its apparently unrehearsed presentation to advertisers was peppered with expletives. At one point, the director Spike Jonze, a longtime Vice collaborator, asked on stage if Mr. Smith had been drinking.

“My assistant tried to cut me off,” Mr. Smith replied. “I’m on buzz control.”

Now, Vice is on the verge of getting its own cable channel, which would give the company a traditional outlet for its slate of non-news programming. If all goes as planned, A&E Networks, the television group owned by Hearst and Disney, will turn over its History Channel spinoff, H2, to Vice.

The deal’s announcement was expected last week, but not all of A&E’s distribution partners — the cable and satellite TV companies that carry the network’s channels — have signed off on the change, according to a person familiar with the negotiations who spoke on the condition of anonymity because the talks were private.

A cable channel would be a further step in a transformation for Vice, from bad-boy digital upstart to mainstream media company.

Keen for the core audience of young men who come to Vice, media giants like 21st Century Fox, Time Warner and Disney all showed interest in the company last year. Vice ultimately secured $500 million in financing from A&E Networks and Technology Crossover Ventures, a Silicon Valley venture capital firm that has invested in Facebook and Netflix.

Those investments valued Vice at more than $2.5 billion. (In 2013, Fox bought a 5 percent stake for $70 million.)

Then in March, HBO announced that it had signed a multiyear deal to broadcast a daily half-hour Vice newscast. Vice already produces a weekly newsmagazine show, called “Vice,” for the network. That show will extend its run through 2018, with an increase to 35 episodes a year, from 14.

Michael Lombardo, HBO’s president for programming, said when the deal was announced that it was “certainly one of our biggest investments with hours on the air.”

Vice, based in Brooklyn, also recently signed a multiyear $100 million deal with Rogers Communications, a Canadian media conglomerate, to produce original content for TV, smartphone and desktop viewers.

Vice’s finances are private, but according to an internal document reviewed by The New York Times and verified by a person familiar with the company’s financials, the company is on track to make about $915 million in revenue this year.

Photo
 
Vice showed a highlight reel of its TV series at the NewFronts last week in New York. Credit Jesse Dittmar for The New York Times

It brought in $545 million in a strong first quarter, which included portions of the new HBO deal and the Rogers deal, according to the document. More of its revenue now comes from these types of content partnerships, compared with the branded content deals that made up much of its revenue a year ago, the company said.

Mr. Smith said the company was worth at least $4 billion. If the valuation gets much higher, he said he would consider taking the company public.

“I don’t care about money; we have plenty of money,” Mr. Smith, who is Vice’s biggest shareholder, said in an interview after the presentation on Friday. “I care about strategic deals.”

In the United States, Vice Media had 35.2 million unique visitors across its sites in March, according to comScore.

The third season of Vice’s weekly HBO show has averaged 1.8 million viewers per episode, including reruns, through April 12, according to Brad Adgate, the director of research at Horizon Media. (Vice said the show attracted three million weekly viewers when repeat broadcasts, online and on-demand viewings were included.)

For years, Mr. Smith has criticized traditional TV, calling it slow and unable to draw younger viewers. But if all the deals Vice has struck are to work out, Mr. Smith may have to play more by the rules of traditional media. James Murdoch, Rupert Murdoch’s son and a member of Vice’s board, was at the company’s presentation on Friday, as were other top media executives.

“They know they need people like me to help them, but they can’t get out of their own way,” Mr. Smith said in the interview Friday. “My only real frustration is we’re used to being incredibly dynamic, and they’re not incredibly dynamic.”

With its own television channel in the United States, Vice would have something it has long coveted even as traditional media companies are looking beyond TV. Last year, Vice’s deal with Time Warner failed in part because the two companies could not agree on how much control Vice would have over a 24-hour television network.

Vice said it intended to fill its new channel with non-news programming. The company plans to have sports shows, fashion shows, food shows and the “Gaycation” travel show with the actress Ellen Page. It is also in talks with Kanye West about a show.

It remains to be seen whether Vice’s audience will watch a traditional cable channel. Still, Vice has effectively presold all of the ad spots to two of the biggest advertising agencies for the first three years, Mr. Smith said.

In the meantime, Mr. Smith is enjoying Vice’s newfound role as a potential savior of traditional media companies.

“I’m a C.E.O. of a content company,” Mr. Smith said before he caught a flight to Las Vegas for the boxing match on Saturday between Floyd Mayweather Jr. and Manny Pacquiao. “If it stops being fun, then why are you doing it?”

As Vice Moves More to TV, It Tries to Keep Brash Voice

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

Continue reading the main story Video
Play Video|1:17

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

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Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

Photo
 
President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

Obama Finds a Bolder Voice on Race Issues

Fullmer, who reigned when fight clubs abounded and Friday night fights were a television staple, was known for his title bouts with Sugar Ray Robinson and Carmen Basilio.

Gene Fullmer, a Brawling Middleweight Champion, Dies at 83

The career criminals in genre novels don’t have money problems. If they need some, they just go out and steal it. But such financial transactions can backfire, which is what happened back in 2004 when the Texas gang in Michael

Take the Money and Run

Mr. Paczynski was one of the concentration camp’s longest surviving inmates and served as the personal barber to its Nazi commandant Rudolf Höss.

Jozef Paczynski, Inmate Barber to Auschwitz Commandant, Dies at 95

Ms. Pryor, who served more than two decades in the State Department, was the author of well-regarded biographies of the founder of the American Red Cross and the Confederate commander.

Elizabeth Brown Pryor, Biographer of Clara Barton and Robert E. Lee, Dies at 64
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