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saco-indonesia.com, Kanker Payudara juga merupakan penyakit yang dapat disebabkan oleh sel ganas (kanker) yang tumbuh pada jaringan payudara. Sel-sel ini biasanya akan muncul pada saluran atau lobula di payudara. Sel-sel kanker ini juga dapat menyebar di antara jaringan atau organ yang ada dan ke bagian tubuh lainnya.

Seberapa umumkah Kanker Payudara?

Kanker Payudara juga merupakan penyebab kematian kedua terbesar bagi wanita saat ini. Di Singapura, 1 dari 16 wanita akan terdiagnosa mengidap kanker payudara dalam masa hidupnya. Wanita etnis Cina telah memiliki resiko yang lebih tinggi jika dibandingkan dengan etnis Melayu atau India sekitar 10% hingga 20%. Kasus tertinggi telah terjadi pada kelompok umur 55-59 tahun. Resiko terkena kanker payudara meningkat seiring bertambahnya usia. Kabar baiknya sekarang adalah banyak wanita kini mampu untuk melawan kanker payudara karena telah melakukan pendeteksian dini serta peningkatan kualitas pengobatan.

Apa Penyebabnya?

Faktor pemicu kanker ini belum dapat diketahui. Namun hal ini juga bisa ditelusuri dari sejarah keluarga yang telah mengidap kanker payudara, siklus menstruasi dini, atau kemungkinan faktor resiko lainnya. Karena begitu sulit untuk dapat dipastikan, masing-masing kita telah memiliki resiko terkena kanker payudara, khususnya saat kita berusia 40 tahun atau lebih. Walaupun faktor penyebabnya masih tidak diketahui, akan tetapi penyembuhan total sangat dimungkinkan dengan pendeteksian dini melalui pemeriksaan payudara secara reguler.
 
Diagnosa & Pemeriksaan

Bagaimana cara mendiagnosa?

Pemeriksaan Klinis – Khususnya bila benjolan, keluarnya cairan dari puting, atau perubahan payudara yang tidak biasa terjadi.

Mamogram – Metode ini juga dapat mendeteksi perubahan seperti kepadatan yang tidak normal atau terjadinya deposit kalsium.

Ultrasound Scan – Metode ini juga digunakan untuk dapat mendeteksi pada area khusus yang telah ditemukan dalam pemeriksaan mamogram atau dapat dilakukan untuk dapat mendeteksi kondisi abnormal yang tidak terlihat pada mamogram. Sebuah ultrasound scan juga dapat membedakan antara massa yang solid, yang kemungkinan kanker, atau kista yang berisi cairan yang biasanya bukan merupakan kanker.

Magnetic Resonance Imaging, MRI – Pada beberapa kasus, pasien harus menjalani sken MRI untuk dapat memperoleh hasil pemeriksaan yang lebih jelas pada area yang diduga terkena kanker. Metode ini juga sangat berguna bagi wanita yang berusia muda karena pada usianya mereka memiliki kepadatan jaringan payudara yang lebih besar dan tes visual konvensional seperti mamogram ataupun ultrasound menjadi kurang sensitif dan spesifik untuk mendeteksi kanker payudara.

          
Apa itu Biopsi?
          

Teknik biopsi umum

Untuk dapat memastikan kanker payudara, sebuah biopsi harus dilakukan di mana bagian dari jaringan sel yang diduga kanker diangkat dan diperiksa dengan mikroskop.
          

    Aspirasi Jarum Halus (FNA)
    Biopsi Jarum Inti (Core Needle) atau Biopsi Tru-cut
    Biopsi Eksisi (Excision Biopsy)

 
Bagaimana Kanker Payudara diperiksa?


A. TAHAPAN/LUAS PENYEBARAN
      TAHAPAN     LUAS PENYEBARAN     TINGKAT RATA-RATA KESELAMATAN PADA MASA
5-TAHUNAN(%)
      0     Kanker non-invasif     99
      I     Kanker invasif kecil
(kurang dari 2 cm tanpa penyebaran ke arah kelenjar getah bening aksila)     90
      II     

Kanker invasif
(antara 2-5cm atau/dengan penyebaran pada kelenjar getah bening)
    70
      III     Kanker invasif besar
(lebih dari 5cm dengan penyebaran pada kulit atau beberapa kelenjar getah bening)     40
      IV     

Penyebaran yang luas atau Kanker metastatis
    20


B. KARAKTERISTIK KANKER PAYUDARA YANG BERDAMPAK PADA KAMBUH DAN KESELAMATAN
Tingkat Histologis Tumor

Merujuk pada seberapa banyak sel tumor yang telah memiliki kemiripan dengan sel normal dilihat dari mikroskop; skala tingkat 1 sampai dengan 3. Tumor tingkat 3 mengandung sel kanker yang sangat abnormal dan tumbuh pesat. Semakin tinggi tingkat histologis tumor, semakin besar resiko kanker payudara kembali.
          
Kelenjar Getah Bening

Jumlah kelenjar getah bening yang berada di ketiak, di sisi yang sama pada payudara yang terkena kanker, bisa jadi indikator penting. Semakin besar jumlah kelenjar yang positif diasosiasikan dengan kemungkinan terburuk dan merujuk kepada perawatan dan pengobatan yang lebih agresif.
            
Ukuran Tumor

Secara umum, semakin besar ukuran tumor, semakin besar kemungkinan untuk kanker payudara kembali menyerang.
          
ER/PR

Sekitar duapertiga dari semua kanker payudara telah memiliki tingkat esterogen yang signifikan dan/atau reseptor progesteron. Mereka dirujuk sebagai tumor reseptor esterogen positif (ER+). Tumor ER+ cenderung tumbuh kurang agresif dan dapat diobati dengan pengobatan menggunakan hormon.
            
HER2/erbB2

HER2 adalah sebuah protein yang telah ditemukan pada permukaan dari sel kanker tertentu. Sebuah tumor juga dapat digambarkan sebagai HER2-positif apabila tumor tersebut telah memiliki lebih banyak reseptor HER2 dibanding dengan yang lain. Sekitar 20-25% dari semua kanker payudara memiliki tumor dengan label HER2-positif. Tumors HER2-positif cenderung tumbuh lebih cepat daripada jenis-jenis kanker payudara lainnya.

Dengan mengetahui apakah sebuah kanker adalah HER2-positif dapat mempengaruhi pilihan pengobatan yang dapat diambil, karena wanita dengan tumor sejenis ini dapat diuntungkan dengan obat yang disebut trastuzumab (Herceptin®).

 
Pengobatan & Perawatan

Bagaimana kanker payudara diobati?

Pilihan pengobatan dan prognosis (peluang kesembuhan) tergantung dari tahapan kanker (apakah kanker tersebut hanya ada di payudara atau sudah menyebar ke bagian tubuh lainnya), tipe kanker payudara, karakteristik dari sel kanker dan apakah kanker tersebut ditemukan pada sisi payudara yang lain. Usia seorang wanita, status menopausal (apakah wanita tersebut masih memiliki siklus haid) dan kondisi kesehatan umumnya juga dapat mempengaruhi pilihan pengobatan dan prognosis.
 
Bedah

Pembedahan adalah umum untuk mengangkat kanker. Beberapa bentuk prosedur bedah termasuk:

1)    Bedah dengan mempertahankan payudara

    Lumpektomi atau Wide Local Excision – pengangkatan kanker dan sedikit jaringan di sekitarnya.
    Quadrantektomi – pengangkatan kanker dengan mengangkat lebih banyak jaringan disekitarnya dibandingkan dengan lumpektomi. Untuk prosedur quadrantektomi, seperempat bagian dari payudara diangkat.

2)    Mastektomi – pengangkatan seluruh bagian payudara dengan atau tanpa jaringan kelenjar getah bening di bawah aksila.
 
3)    Saat bedah payudara, beberapa sel kelenjar getah bening di bawah ketiak juga akan diambil untuk pemeriksaan.

 
Terapi Sistemik

    Kemoterapi
    Terapi Hormon
    Herceptin®

 
          
Radioterapi

Radioterapi dengan menggunakan sinar berenergi tinggi yang ditargetkan untuk dapat membunuh sel-sel kanker. Tujuannya adalah untuk dapat membunuh sel kanker yang mungkin tersisa di sekitar payudara.

Radioterapi sangatlah vital setelah prosedur bedah yang mempertahankan payudara, seperti lumpektomi, karena sebagian besar jaringan payudara dibiarkan utuh. Terapi ini juga akan mengurangi kemungkinan kembalinya kanker payudara.

Pada umumnya, wanita yang telah menjalani prosedur masektomi tidak memerlukan radioterapi. Akan tetapi, untuk beberapa kasus, prosedur ini perlu dilakukan untuk dapat merawat dinding dada dan kelenjar getah bening yang ada pada ketiak, bila resiko kembalinya kanker secara lokal masih tinggi.


Editor : dian sukmawati

KANKER PAYUDARA
Penyidik Unit Jatanras Satreskrim Polresta Bekasi Kota , telah mendalami keterangan dua orang saksi dari teman Ahmad Imam Al Hafitd alias Hafiz. Pendalaman itu telah dilakukan untuk dapat mengetahui apakah ke dua orang itu telah terlibat atau tidak. "Status masih sebagai saksi, hasilnya belum dapat disimpulkan, karena pemeriksaan masih berlangsung," kata Kepala Sub Bagian Humas Polresta Bekasi Kota, AKP Siswo di Bekasi. Siswo juga mengatakan, pihaknya juga belum dapat menyebutkan identitas dua orang laki-laki yang mengantarkan accu ketika mobil Hafiz mogok, saat hendak membuang jasad Ade Sara Angelina Suroto. Hasil pemeriksaan terhadap dua orang tersangka Hafiz dan Assifa, dua orang itu juga mengetahui bahwa mereka telah membawa mayat. Namun, ketika itu dua orang tersebut hanya terdiam dan tak banyak bicara ketika menanyakan seseorang yang ada di dalam mobil. "Mayat," jawab Hafitd saat ditanya ihwal seseorang yang berada di dalam mobil. "Entah itu membantu dalam pembunuhan atau hanya tahu tapi diam saja, belum bisa disimpulkan," katanya. Ade Sara Angelina telah dibunuh secara keji oleh pasangan kekasih Ahmad Imam Al Hafitd yang berusia (19) tahun dan Assifa Ramadhani yang berusia (18) tahun . Korban dianiaya dengan cara disetrum, cekik, dan disumpal mulutnya dengan menggunakan kertas dan tisu. Jasadnya lalu dibuang di dalam tol JORR KM 49, Bekasi Barat, Kota Bekasi pada Selasa malam lalu. HAFIZ MENGAKU BAWA MAYAT DI MOBIL

saco-indonesia.com, Mahkamah Konstitusi ( MK ) telah mengabulkan uji materi UU Pilpres terkait dengan pemilu serentak. Namun putusan sembilan hakim MK itu baru bisa dijalankan pada pemilu 2019 nanti.

Ketua Majelis Syuro Partai Bulan Bintang (PBB) Yusril Ihza Mahendra telah melihat ada kejanggalan dalam putusan tersebut. Yusril juga telah melihat ada tekanan besar yang telah dilancarkan oleh partai politik tertentu.

"Bagi saya banyak misteri dengan putusan MK ini. MK seolah telah ditekan oleh parpol-parpol besar agar pemilu serentak baru akan dilaksanakan tahun 2019," ujar Yusril dikutip dalam akun twitternya.

Kecurigaan Yusril karena lamanya jangka waktu ketika uji materi masuk hingga keluar putusan. Bahkan, putusan MK telah diambil saat Mahfud MD , Akil Mochtar dan Ahmad Sodiki masih jadi hakim konstitusi. Namun saat putusan ini telah dibacakan hari ini, ketiganya juga sudah tidak jadi hakim konstitusi lagi.

"Namun apa boleh buat MK juga sudah ambil keputusan rupanya sejak setahun lalu, namun baru hari ini putusannya telah dibacakan," katanya.

"Mengapa putusan itu baru dibaca sekarang ketika Pemilu 2014 sdh dekat. Atas dasar itu telah dinyatakanlah putusan baru berlaku utk Pemilu 2019," tambahnya.

Yusril juga heran mengapa banyak pihak yang mencurigai dirinya baru mengajukan gugatan setelah Hamdan Zoelva , bekas koleganya di PBB menjadi hakim MK . Menurutnya, jika mau adil perlu juga dikritisi ada hakim eks Partai Golkar .

"Mengapa tidak mencurigai Akil sebagai eks Golkar yang menahan2 pembacaan putusan permohonan Effendi Ghazali hampir setahun lamanya," tuturnya.

Yusril juga mengaku heran kenapa MK tidak menyatukan pembacaan putusan permohonan dengan Effendi jika banyak kesamaan. Namun bekas Mensesneg itu belum mengambil keputusan apakah akan meneruskan sidang atau tidak.

"Kini saya juga sedang pertimbangkan, apakah saya akan meneruskan permohonan saya atau tidak. Saya juga akan ambil keputusan setelah menimbang2nya dengan seksama," tandasnya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

MISTERI PUTUSAN MK

Batu hitam yang khusus diturunkan Allah SWT dari surga dinamakan Hajar Aswad. Batu itu terletak di sudut Kabah, tepatnya di pinggir pintu Kabah. Menyentuh Hajar Aswad, menciumnya, dan melambaikan tangan kepadanya adalah lambang kesetiaan dan kepatuhan mutlak kepada Allah SWT. Itulah yang dilakukan jamaah haji saat tawaf di pelataran Kabah.

Zaman dahulu, di suku-suku Arab selalu mengikat perjanjian satu sama lain dengan diakhiri berjabat tangan atau bersalaman. Perjanjian atau kesepakatan itu biasanya untuk mendapatkan jaminan keselamatan selama mereka menempuh perjalanan di padang pasir yang luas, baik keselamatan dirinya sendiri maupun keselamatan barang dagangannya.

Jabat tangan itu merupakan kesepakatan dan kesetiaan. Sebagaimana bersalaman dalam perjanjian suku-suku Arab tersebut, lambaian tangan kepada Hajar Aswad sebenarnya merupakan cara lain untuk mengungkapkan kesetiaan manusia kepada Allah SWT.

Kesetiaan tersebut perlu ditunjukkan agar mereka mendapatkan jaminan keselamatan selama menempuh perjalanan dalam kehidupan di dunia ini. Dengan ‘bersalaman’ dengan Hajar Aswad berarti menusia telah sepenuhnya menggantungkan hidup dan keselamatannya kepada Allah SWT.

Sumber : Republika.co.id

Baca Artikel Lainnya : PERSYARATAN UMRAH

MENCIUM HAJAR ASWAD

saco-indonesia.com, Ditinggal tidur saat piket, sepeda motor Honda Beat milik pegawai Kelurahan Margajaya amblas disikat oleh maling saat diparkir di halaman kantor tersebut di Jalan Kemakmuran, Bekasi Selatan, Rabu(5/2) subuh.

Tono yang berusia 40 tahun , telah melaporkan kasus ini ke Polresta Bekasi Kota. Menurut Tono yang berusia 40 tahun ,pada petugas Polresta Bekasi Kota, ia piket kerja Kelurahan Marga Jaya di Jalan Kemakmuran Bekasi Selatan. Sepeda motor Honda Beat yang baru 11 bulan dicicilnya itu diparkir depan kantor.

Sekitar pukul 02.00 dinihari, dilihatnya sepeda motor masih ada. Namun dua jam kemudian saat Tono ingin membersihkan motor dari air hujan, sepeda motor yang telah dikredit perbulan Rp 670.000 sudah raib. Tomo kebingungan lalu melaporkan kasus ini ke polisi. “Motor baru 11 bulan dikredit sudah hilang,” papar Tono saat ditanya Bambang, temannya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

MOTOR MILIK PEGAWAI KELURAHAN DIEMBAT MALING

Mr. Napoleon was a self-taught musician whose career began in earnest with the orchestra led by Chico Marx of the Marx Brothers.

Marty Napoleon, 93, Dies; Jazz Pianist Played With Louis Armstrong

Under Mr. Michelin’s leadership, which ended when he left the company in 2002, the Michelin Group became the world’s biggest tire maker, establishing a big presence in the United States and other major markets overseas.

François Michelin, Head of Tire Company, Dies at 88

THE WRITERS ASHLEY AND JAQUAVIS COLEMAN know the value of a good curtain-raiser. The couple have co-authored dozens of novels, and they like to start them with a bang: a headlong action sequence, a blast of violence or sex that rocks readers back on their heels. But the Colemans concede they would be hard-pressed to dream up anything more gripping than their own real-life opening scene.

In the summer of 2001, JaQuavis Coleman was a 16-year-old foster child in Flint, Mich., the former auto-manufacturing mecca that had devolved, in the wake of General Motors’ plant closures, into one of the country’s most dangerous cities, with a decimated economy and a violent crime rate more than three times the national average. When JaQuavis was 8, social services had removed him from his mother’s home. He spent years bouncing between foster families. At 16, JaQuavis was also a businessman: a crack dealer with a network of street-corner peddlers in his employ.

One day that summer, JaQuavis met a fellow dealer in a parking lot on Flint’s west side. He was there to make a bulk sale of a quarter-brick, or “nine-piece” — a nine-ounce parcel of cocaine, with a street value of about $11,000. In the middle of the transaction, JaQuavis heard the telltale chirp of a walkie-talkie. His customer, he now realized, was an undercover policeman. JaQuavis jumped into his car and spun out onto the road, with two unmarked police cars in pursuit. He didn’t want to get into a high-speed chase, so he whipped his car into a church parking lot and made a run for it, darting into an alleyway behind a row of small houses, where he tossed the quarter-brick into some bushes. When JaQuavis reached the small residential street on the other side of the houses, he was greeted by the police, who handcuffed him and went to search behind the houses where, they told him, they were certain he had ditched the drugs. JaQuavis had been dealing since he was 12, had amassed more than $100,000 and had never been arrested. Now, he thought: It’s over.

But when the police looked in the bushes, they couldn’t find any cocaine. They interrogated JaQuavis, who denied having ever possessed or sold drugs. They combed the backyard alley some more. After an hour of fruitless efforts, the police were forced to unlock the handcuffs and release their suspect.

JaQuavis was baffled by the turn of events until the next day, when he received a phone call. The previous afternoon, a 15-year-old girl had been sitting in her home on the west side of Flint when she heard sirens. She looked out of the window of her bedroom, and watched a young man throw a package in the bushes behind her house. She recognized him. He was a high school classmate — a handsome, charismatic boy whom she had admired from afar. The girl crept outside and grabbed the bundle, which she hid in her basement. “I have something that belongs to you,” Ashley Snell told JaQuavis Coleman when she reached him by phone. “You wanna come over here and pick it up?”

Photo
Three of the nearly 50 works of urban fiction published by the Colemans over the last decade, often featuring drug deals, violence, sex and a brash kind of feminism.Credit Marko Metzinger

In the Colemans’ first novel, “Dirty Money” (2005), they told a version of this story. The outline was the same: the drug deal gone bad, the dope chucked in the bushes, the fateful phone call. To the extent that the authors took poetic license, it was to tone down the meet-cute improbability of the true-life events. In “Dirty Money,” the girl, Anari, and the crack dealer, Maurice, circle each other warily for a year or so before coupling up. But the facts of Ashley and JaQuavis’s romance outstripped pulp fiction. They fell in love more or less at first sight, moved into their own apartment while still in high school and were married in 2008. “We were together from the day we met,” Ashley says. “I don’t think we’ve spent more than a week apart in total over the past 14 years.”

That partnership turned out to be creative and entrepreneurial as well as romantic. Over the past decade, the Colemans have published nearly 50 books, sometimes as solo writers, sometimes under pseudonyms, but usually as collaborators with a byline that has become a trusted brand: “Ashley & JaQuavis.” They are marquee stars of urban fiction, or street lit, a genre whose inner-city settings and lurid mix of crime, sex and sensationalism have earned it comparisons to gangsta rap. The emergence of street lit is one of the big stories in recent American publishing, a juggernaut that has generated huge sales by catering to a readership — young, black and, for the most part, female — that historically has been ill-served by the book business. But the genre is also widely maligned. Street lit is subject to a kind of triple snobbery: scorned by literati who look down on genre fiction generally, ignored by a white publishing establishment that remains largely indifferent to black books and disparaged by African-American intellectuals for poor writing, coarse values and trafficking in racial stereotypes.

But if a certain kind of cultural prestige is shut off to the Colemans, they have reaped other rewards. They’ve built a large and loyal fan base, which gobbles up the new Ashley & JaQuavis titles that arrive every few months. Many of those books are sold at street-corner stands and other off-the-grid venues in African-American neighborhoods, a literary gray market that doesn’t register a blip on best-seller tallies. Yet the Colemans’ most popular series now regularly crack the trade fiction best-seller lists of The New York Times and Publishers Weekly. For years, the pair had no literary agent; they sold hundreds of thousands of books without banking a penny in royalties. Still, they have earned millions of dollars, almost exclusively from cash-for-manuscript deals negotiated directly with independent publishing houses. In short, though little known outside of the world of urban fiction, the Colemans are one of America’s most successful literary couples, a distinction they’ve achieved, they insist, because of their work’s gritty authenticity and their devotion to a primal literary virtue: the power of the ripping yarn.

“When you read our books, you’re gonna realize: ‘Ashley & JaQuavis are storytellers,’ ” says Ashley. “Our tales will get your heart pounding.”

THE COLEMANS’ HOME BASE — the cottage from which they operate their cottage industry — is a spacious four-bedroom house in a genteel suburb about 35 miles north of downtown Detroit. The house is plush, but when I visited this past winter, it was sparsely appointed. The couple had just recently moved in, and had only had time to fully furnish the bedroom of their 4-year-old son, Quaye.

In conversation, Ashley and JaQuavis exude both modesty and bravado: gratitude for their good fortune and bootstrappers’ pride in having made their own luck. They talk a lot about their time in the trenches, the years they spent as a drug dealer and “ride-or-die girl” tandem. In Flint they learned to “grind hard.” Writing, they say, is merely a more elevated kind of grind.

“Instead of hitting the block like we used to, we hit the laptops,” says Ashley. “I know what every word is worth. So while I’m writing, I’m like: ‘Okay, there’s a hundred dollars. There’s a thousand dollars. There’s five thousand dollars.’ ”

They maintain a rigorous regimen. They each try to write 5,000 words per day, five days a week. The writers stagger their shifts: JaQuavis goes to bed at 7 p.m. and wakes up early, around 3 or 4 in the morning, to work while his wife and child sleep. Ashley writes during the day, often in libraries or at Starbucks.

They divide the labor in other ways. Chapters are divvied up more or less equally, with tasks assigned according to individual strengths. (JaQuavis typically handles character development. Ashley loves writing murder scenes.) The results are stitched together, with no editorial interference from one author in the other’s text. The real work, they contend, is the brainstorming. The Colemans spend weeks mapping out their plot-driven books — long conversations that turn into elaborate diagrams on dry-erase boards. “JaQuavis and I are so close, it makes the process real easy,” says Ashley. “Sometimes when I’m thinking of something, a plot point, he’ll say it out loud, and I’m like: ‘Wait — did I say that?’ ”

Their collaboration developed by accident, and on the fly. Both were bookish teenagers. Ashley read lots of Judy Blume and John Grisham; JaQuavis liked Shakespeare, Richard Wright and “Atlas Shrugged.” (Their first official date was at a Borders bookstore, where Ashley bought “The Coldest Winter Ever,” the Sister Souljah novel often credited with kick-starting the contemporary street-lit movement.) In 2003, Ashley, then 17, was forced to terminate an ectopic pregnancy. She was bedridden for three weeks, and to provide distraction and boost her spirits, JaQuavis challenged his girlfriend to a writing contest. “She just wasn’t talking. She was laying in bed. I said, ‘You know what? I bet you I could write a better book than you.’ My wife is real competitive. So I said, ‘Yo, all right, $500 bet.’ And I saw her eyes spark, like, ‘What?! You can’t write no better book than me!’ So I wrote about three chapters. She wrote about three chapters. Two days later, we switched.”

The result, hammered out in a few days, would become “Dirty Money.” Two years later, when Ashley and JaQuavis were students at Ferris State University in Western Michigan, they sold the manuscript to Urban Books, a street-lit imprint founded by the best-selling author Carl Weber. At the time, JaQuavis was still making his living selling drugs. When Ashley got the phone call informing her that their book had been bought, she assumed they’d hit it big, and flushed more than $10,000 worth of cocaine down the toilet. Their advance was a mere $4,000.

Photo
The roots of street lit, found in the midcentury detective novels of Chester Himes and the ‘60s and ‘70s “ghetto fiction” of Iceberg Slim and Donald Goines.Credit Marko Metzinger

Those advances would soon increase, eventually reaching five and six figures. The Colemans built their career, JaQuavis says, in a manner that made sense to him as a veteran dope peddler: by flooding the street with product. From the start, they were prolific, churning out books at a rate of four or five a year. Their novels made their way into stores; the now-defunct chain Waldenbooks, which had stores in urban areas typically bypassed by booksellers, was a major engine of the street-lit market. But Ashley and JaQuavis took advantage of distribution channels established by pioneering urban fiction authors such as Teri Woods and Vickie Stringer, and a network of street-corner tables, magazine stands, corner shops and bodegas. Like rappers who establish their bona fides with gray-market mixtapes, street-lit authors use this system to circumnavigate industry gatekeepers, bringing their work straight to the genre’s core readership. But urban fiction has other aficionados, in less likely places. “Our books are so popular in the prison system,” JaQuavis says. “We’re banned in certain penitentiaries. Inmates fight over the books — there are incidents, you know? I have loved ones in jail, and they’re like: ‘Yo, your books can’t come in here. It’s against the rules.’ ”

The appeal of the Colemans’ work is not hard to fathom. The books are formulaic and taut; they deliver the expected goods efficiently and exuberantly. The titles telegraph the contents: “Diary of a Street Diva,” “Kiss Kiss, Bang Bang,” “Murderville.” The novels serve up a stream of explicit sex and violence in a slangy, tangy, profane voice. In Ashley & JaQuavis’s books people don’t get killed: they get “popped,” “laid out,” get their “cap twisted back.” The smut is constant, with emphasis on the earthy, sticky, olfactory particulars. Romance novel clichés — shuddering orgasms, heroic carnal feats, superlative sexual skill sets — are rendered in the Colemans’ punchy patois.

Subtlety, in other words, isn’t Ashley & JaQuavis’s forte. But their books do have a grainy specificity. In “The Cartel” (2008), the first novel in the Colemans’ best-selling saga of a Miami drug syndicate, they catch the sights and smells of a crack workshop in a housing project: the nostril-stinging scent of cocaine and baking soda bubbling on stovetops; the teams of women, stripped naked except for hospital masks so they can’t pilfer the merchandise, “cutting up the cooked coke on the round wood table.” The subject matter is dark, but the Colemans’ tone is not quite noir. Even in the grimmest scenes, the mood is high-spirited, with the writers palpably relishing the lewd and gory details: the bodies writhing in boudoirs and crumpling under volleys of bullets, the geysers of blood and other bodily fluids.

The luridness of street lit has made it a flashpoint, inciting controversy reminiscent of the hip-hop culture wars of the 1980s and ’90s. But the street-lit debate touches deeper historical roots, reviving decades-old arguments in black literary circles about the mandate to uplift the race and present wholesome images of African-Americans. In 1928, W. E. B. Du Bois slammed the “licentiousness” of “Home to Harlem,” Claude McKay’s rollicking novel of Harlem nightlife. McKay’s book, Du Bois wrote, “for the most part nauseates me, and after the dirtier parts of its filth I feel distinctly like taking a bath.” Similar sentiments have greeted 21st-century street lit. In a 2006 New York Times Op-Ed essay, the journalist and author Nick Chiles decried “the sexualization and degradation of black fiction.” African-American bookstores, Chiles complained, are “overrun with novels that . . . appeal exclusively to our most prurient natures — as if these nasty books were pairing off back in the stockrooms like little paperback rabbits and churning out even more graphic offspring that make Ralph Ellison books cringe into a dusty corner.”

Copulating paperbacks aside, it’s clear that the street-lit debate is about more than literature, touching on questions of paternalism versus populism, and on middle-class anxieties about the black underclass. “It’s part and parcel of black elites’ efforts to define not only a literary tradition, but a racial politics,” said Kinohi Nishikawa, an assistant professor of English and African-American Studies at Princeton University. “There has always been a sense that because African-Americans’ opportunities to represent themselves are so limited in the first place, any hint of criminality or salaciousness would necessarily be a knock on the entire racial politics. One of the pressing debates about African-American literature today is: If we can’t include writers like Ashley & JaQuavis, to what extent is the foundation of our thinking about black literature faulty? Is it just a literature for elites? Or can it be inclusive, bringing urban fiction under the purview of our umbrella term ‘African-American literature’?”

Defenders of street lit note that the genre has a pedigree: a tradition of black pulp fiction that stretches from Chester Himes, the midcentury author of hardboiled Harlem detective stories, to the 1960s and ’70s “ghetto fiction” of Iceberg Slim and Donald Goines, to the current wave of urban fiction authors. Others argue for street lit as a social good, noting that it attracts a large audience that might otherwise never read at all. Scholars like Nishikawa link street lit to recent studies showing increased reading among African-Americans. A 2014 Pew Research Center report found that a greater percentage of black Americans are book readers than whites or Latinos.

For their part, the Colemans place their work in the broader black literary tradition. “You have Maya Angelou, Alice Walker, James Baldwin — all of these traditional black writers, who wrote about the struggles of racism, injustice, inequality,” says Ashley. “We’re writing about the struggle as it happens now. It’s just a different struggle. I’m telling my story. I’m telling the struggle of a black girl from Flint, Michigan, who grew up on welfare.”

Photo
The Colemans in their new four-bedroom house in the northern suburbs of Detroit.Credit Courtesy of Ashley and JaQuavis Coleman

Perhaps there is a high-minded case to be made for street lit. But the virtues of Ashley & JaQuavis’s work are more basic. Their novels do lack literary polish. The writing is not graceful; there are passages of clunky exposition and sex scenes that induce guffaws and eye rolls. But the pleasure quotient is high. The books flaunt a garish brand of feminism, with women characters cast not just as vixens, but also as gangsters — cold-blooded killers, “murder mamas.” The stories are exceptionally well-plotted. “The Cartel” opens by introducing its hero, the crime boss Carter Diamond; on page 9, a gunshot spatters Diamond’s brain across the interior of a police cruiser. The book then flashes back seven years and begins to hurtle forward again — a bullet train, whizzing readers through shifting alliances, romantic entanglements and betrayals, kidnappings, shootouts with Haitian and Dominican gangsters, and a cliffhanger closing scene that leaves the novel’s heroine tied to a chair in a basement, gruesomely tortured to the edge of death. Ashley & JaQuavis’s books are not Ralph Ellison, certainly, but they build up quite a head of steam. They move.

The Colemans are moving themselves these days. They recently signed a deal with St. Martin’s Press, which will bring out the next installment in the “Cartel” series as well as new solo series by both writers. The St. Martin’s deal is both lucrative and legitimizing — a validation of Ashley and JaQuavis’s work by one of publishing’s most venerable houses. The Colemans’ ambitions have grown, as well. A recent trilogy, “Murderville,” tackles human trafficking and the blood-diamond industry in West Africa, with storylines that sweep from Sierra Leone to Mexico to Los Angeles. Increasingly, Ashley & JaQuavis are leaning on research — traveling to far-flung settings and hitting the books in the libraries — and spending less time mining their own rough-and-tumble past.

But Flint remains a source of inspiration. One evening not long ago, JaQuavis led me on a tour of his hometown: a popular roadside bar; the parking lot where he met the undercover cop for the ill-fated drug deal; Ashley’s old house, the site of his almost-arrest. He took me to a ramshackle vehicle repair shop on Flint’s west side, where he worked as a kid, washing cars. He showed me a bathroom at the rear of the garage, where, at age 12, he sneaked away to inspect the first “boulder” of crack that he ever sold. A spray-painted sign on the garage wall, which JaQuavis remembered from his time at the car wash, offered words of warning:

WHAT EVERY YOUNG MAN SHOULD KNOW
ABOUT USING A GUN:
MURDER . . . 30 Years
ARMED ROBBERY . . . 15 Years
ASSAULT . . . 15 Years
RAPE . . . 20 Years
POSSESSION . . . 5 Years
JACKING . . . 20 YEARS

“We still love Flint, Michigan,” JaQuavis says. “It’s so seedy, so treacherous. But there’s some heart in this city. This is where it all started, selling books out the box. In the days when we would get those little $40,000 advances, they’d send us a couple boxes of books for free. We would hit the streets to sell our books, right out of the car trunk. It was a hustle. It still is.”

One old neighborhood asset that the Colemans have not shaken off is swagger. “My wife is the best female writer in the game,” JaQuavis told me. “I believe I’m the best male writer in the game. I’m sleeping next to the best writer in the world. And she’s doing the same.”

 
From T Magazine: Street Lit’s Power Couple

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As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

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Play Video|1:17

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

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Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

Photo
 
President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

Obama Finds a Bolder Voice on Race Issues

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WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).

The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.

Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”

Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.

Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.

Photo
 
Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk. Credit Joe Raedle/Getty Images

“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”

We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.

Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”

Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.

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Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.

And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.

That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.

With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.

On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”

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Who Is Running for President (and Who’s Not)?

Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.

This is intentional, Republican operatives said.

In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.

“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.

But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”

Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.

“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.

Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.

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But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.

Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.

Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”

Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.

Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.

But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.

The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.

“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.

There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.

“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”

G.O.P. Hopefuls Now Aiming to Woo the Middle Class

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