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    saco-indonesia.com,

    Ku sadari keras watakku padamu
    Mungkin ku salah menyakitimu
    Atau mungkin pernah ku menduakanmu
    Memang ku kurang menghargaimu

    *
    Dan kini lantang hati bicara
    Takkan pernah ku buat kau kecewa
    Pastikan ku berubah

    **
    Kau buat hatiku bicara
    Cinta sungguh ku cinta
    Dan kau buat hatiku terus berkata
    Cintta sungguh ku cintaKau pahami semua caraku padamu
    Susah percaya dan terus mengganggu
    Fikiranmu yang tak lagi pikirkanku
    Ku tak percaya kau telah begitu

    Back to *, **

    Kau buat hatiku bicara
    Cinta sungguh ku cinta
    Dan ku pastikan semuanya karenamu


    Editor : Dian Sukmawati

 

GEISHA HATIKU BICARA

Memiliki tubuh yang langsing dan ramping mungkin sudah menjadi keinginan hampir seluruh perempuan di belahan dunia manapun. Bukan hanya perempuan saja , bahkan kaum lelakipun kerap melakukan diet dan olah raga untuk dapat membentuk tubuhnya menjadi lebih atletis dan memperhatikan berat badan adalah seperti hal yang wajib yang harus dilakukan oleh mereka yang ingin penampilannya selalu bagus dan menarik.

Bukan hal yang asing lagi, banyak orang yang melakukan penurunan berat badan atau diet dengan cara yang tidak menyehatkan, merusak kesehatan, atau bahkan tidak lazim untuk bisa mendapatkan tubuh yang ideal. Demi berat badan yang ramping, langsing, dan penampilan menarik, banyak orang rela untuk mengeluarkan uang yang tidak sedikit, menempuh cara yang tidak baik bahkan melakukan hal hal yang bahaya yagi tubuhnya sendiri. Padahal, untuk bisa mendapatkan bentuk tubuh yang ideal dan langsing, tidak tidak perlu melakukan hal hal yang bisa sampai merusak dan membahayakan tubuh kita sendiri. Jangan demi jalan pintas yang cepat, kita mengesampingkan kesehatan tubuh kita. Asalkan dijalani dengan sungguh sungguh, dengan cara alami dan sehat pun kita bisa mendapatkan bentuk tubuh yang ideal.

Cara seperti apakah yang bisa kita lakukan untuk bisa melangsingkan tubuh kita tanpa merusak kesehatan dan merogoh kocek yang dalam? Yaitu dengan cara yang alami dan sehat, seperti berikut ini:

Cara menurunkan berat badan atau diet alami yang menyehatkan

Lakukan olah raga teratur. Olah raga tidak selalu harus pergi ke pusat kebugaran atau fitness. Olah raga juga bisa dilakukan di halaman rumah atau di komplek sekitar perumahan kita. Lakukan olah raga yang bisa membakar banyak lemak seperti bersepeda, lari pagi, sit up, berenang.

Pola makan yang tidak berlebihan dan teratur juga dapat mempengaruhi. Misalnya, makan makanan yang tidak mengandung banyak lemak. Perbanyaklah makanan sayur, buah, dan minum air putih yang cukup. Kurangi makanan berserat berat.

Disiplin untuk tidak mengemil di malam hari. Mengemil, yang kita anggap bisa menunda atau bahkan menghilangkan rasa lapar, ternyata juga bisa menambah berat badan.

Lakukan aktifitas rutin setiap hari, jangan banyak duduk menonton TV atau di tempat tidur karena itu bisa menimbun lemak di tubuh Anda. Bahkan juga bisa mengganggu kesehatan organ lainnya seperti jantung dan otak.

Berenang secara rutin. Selain dapat menimbulkan efek yang menyenangkan dan segar, berenang juga sangat bagus untuk metabolisme Anda.

 

CARA MENURUNKAN BERAT BADAN ATAU DIET ALAMI YANG MENYEHATKAN

Saco-Indonesia.com - Ucapan Juru Bicara Partai Demokrat Ruhut Sitompul sering mengundang kontroversi. Apalagi jika ada yang mengusik partai besutan Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono itu.

Ruhut rela mempertaruhkan anggota tubuhnya untuk dipotong bila keluarga ketua umum Partai Demokrat itu disinggung, terlebih menyangkut korupsi.

Berikut empat janji Ruhut siap dipotong lehernya:

1. Soal kerusuhan Tunisia dan Mesir

Juru Bicara Partai Demokrat, Ruhut Sitompul meradang ketika Sri Sultan Hamengku Buwono X dan politisi Golkar Tantowi Yahya menyebut Pemerintah Indonesia pimpinan Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) bisa berakhir seperti Tunisia dan Mesir. Menurut Sultan, kerusuhan Tunisia dan Mesir dipicu karena pemerintah yang tak prorakyat.

"Kalau SBY jatuh, potong leher saya. Kalau SBY tidak goyang, saya tantang si Sultan dan si Tantowi untuk potong leher mereka," ujar Ruhut, Minggu (30/1/2011).

2. Isu Ibas terima dana Century

Politikus Demokrat Ruhut Sitompul pernah sesumbar potong leher pada tahun 2009. Ini terjadi ketika berhembus isu bahwa Edhie Baskoro Yudhoyono alias Ibas Yudhoyono, menerima kucuran dana Rp 500 miliar dari Bank Century.

"Kalau Ibas terima Rp 500 Miliar, potong leher saya,'' katanya usai raker bersama Menkumham, Kejagung, dan Meneg PAN Selasa (1/12).

3. Tantang grup facebook gerakan potong kuping Ruhut

Ruhut Sitompul pernah menantang para akun facebook yang tergabung dalam grup 'Gerakan Dukung Potong Kuping Ruhut Sitompul', tahun 2009 lalu. Gerakan itu terbentuk ketika Ruhut menjamin Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono dan Demokrat terima aliran Century.

"Saya potong leher kalau memang terbukti apa yang dituduhkan orang-orang tentang SBY dan Demokrat terima dana talangan Bank Century. Saya konsisten dengan apa yang saya katakan," kata Ruhut, Jumat (4/12).

4. Saat Ibas disinggung terlibat korupsi bersama Anas

Juru Bicara Partai Demokrat Ruhut Sitompul berani mempertaruhkan nyawanya untuk Edhie Baskoro Yudhoyono (Ibas) yang tak lain adalah putra bungsu Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY). Ibas kerap kali disebut terlibat dalam korupsi kasus Hambalang yang juga membelit Anas Urbaningrum .

Ruhut berani dipotong lehernya jika Ibas benar-benar terlibat korupsi dan ditetapkan tersangka oleh KPK. Dia yakin, mantan anggota DPR itu bersih dari korupsi.

"Kalau dia terlibat, potong leher aku, kurang apalagi, Ibas itu mantap, aku jaminannya 100 persen," ujar Ruhut di Gedung DPR, Jakarta, Selasa (4/2).

Ditanya apakah jika Ibas terlibat Ruhut berani mundur, tanpa pikir panjang dia dengan mengangkat tangannya dan menggorokkan ke leher, Ruhut menegaskan, berani mati demi Ibas.

"Ibas jadi tersangka nih reegghhh (potong leher), dia orang bersih 100 persen aku dukung. Jangankan mundur dari anggota DPR yang tinggal berapa bulan lagi," tegas dia.

Sumber :merdeka.co

Editor : Maulana Lee

Wahh Ini bukan Janji palsu ya Dengan Empat Janji Ruhut siap dipotong lehernya

saco-indonesia.com, Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) telah menjelaskan alasan pemerintah untuk mengeluarkan Peraturan Pemerintah Pengganti Undang-undang (Perppu) tentang Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK). SBY juga tak memaksa DPR untuk menyetujuinya.

"Menjadi hak konstitusional presiden untuk dapat menerbitkan Perppu dengan latar belakang, tujuan dan pertimbangan tertentu. Adalah menjadi hak DPR apakah setuju atau tidak dengan Perppu yang sudah dikeluarkan oleh presiden. Itu juga sudah ketentuan di UUD 45," kata SBY di Taman Mini Indonesia Indah, Jakarta, Rabu (18/12/2013).

Menurut SBY, salah satu alasan mengapa ia telah menerbitkan Perrpu MK karena telah melihat adanya krisis kepercayaan dari masyarakat kepada MK pasca mantan ketuanya, Akil Mochtar, tertangkap tangan menerima suap.

"Yang perlu saya sampaikan adalah mengapa Perppu MK saya terbitkan? Karena ada sejumlah latar belakang dan alasan. Saat ada sesuatu telah terjadi di tubuh MK, maka ada krisis kepercayaan dari rakyat terhadap MK kendati tidak ada persoalan dengan MK secara lembaga. Namun karena terkait pimpinan MK, ada gelombang ketidakpercayaan yang tinggi kepada MK," beber SBY.

Oleh karena itu, ia juga berkonsultasi dengan pimpinan lembaga tinggi negara dan memutuskan untuk segera menerbitkan Perppu MK tersebut.

"Setelah saya berkonsultasi dengan pimpinan berbagai lembaga negara, para pimpinan partai koalisi pemerintah dan para pakar tata negara, saya terbitkan. Perppu itu juga mengatakan kewibawaan MK agar tetap terjaga dan telah memiliki kepercayaan dari rakyat," ungkapnya.

Perppu MK ini, kata SBY, sangat penting untuk dapat memperkuat MK dan mengembalikan kepercayaan rakyat.

"Hal ini penting untuk berjalannya MK sebagai lembaga negara. Karena harus ada sesuatu yang baru untuk MK. Tujuan Perppu untuk dapat memperkuat, menjaga wibawa dan mengembalikan kepercayaan rakyat terhadap MK," tukasnya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

ALASAN SBY TERBITKAN PERPPU MK

Gantungan kayu adalah tambahan indah untuk lemari apapun. Mereka tampak besar, seragam dan efisien saat menggantung. Mereka dapat mengisi ruang lemari Anda dengan sempurna dan bahkan melindungi pakaian anda dari jamur dan jamur. Dengan begitu banyak pilihan di pasar saat ini, Anda mungkin bertanya-tanya mana kayu gantungan yang harus Anda pilih?
Ada beberapa jenis standar kayu yang digunakan untuk gantungan Kayu yang beredar saat ini dipasaran, masing- masing bisa datang dalam nuansa dan Finishing Warna yang berbeda, mari lihat lebih dekat pada fungsi dari setiap jenis kayu.
Pine akan menjadi salah satu pilihan Anda yang paling murah. Gantungan kayu Pinus memiliki tekstur kayu yang benar-benar bagus. Mereka adalah tahan lama dan kuat, tetapi mereka terbuat dari kayu lunak. Anda dapat mengharapkan beberapa penyok terjadi selama bertahun-tahun, tapi gantungan itu sendiri harus bertahan sangat lama. Gantungan kayu pinus biasanya ditawarkan dalam warna cahaya alami, atau mungkin dicat hitam atau putih. Gantungan pinus yang ringan dan dapat membuat tambahan yang bagus untuk lemari apapun.
Walnut gantungan kayu yang sangat bagus. Mereka biasanya datang dalam warna, coklat gelap kemerahan. Warna alami kenari sangat gelap dibandingkan kayu lainnya. Walnut adalah kayu padat yang tidak akan penyok atau mudah tergores. Mereka membuat gantungan sangat tahan lama dan indah yang yakin untuk canggih lemari Anda.
Cedar adalah salah satu gantungan sepanjang masa yang paling populer kayu, dan untuk alasan yang baik. Cedar adalah gantungan kayu merah yang indah. Mereka biasanya tidak dilapisi, bernoda atau dipernis. Hal ini karena kayu cedar memiliki banyak sifat yang membuatnya ideal untuk gantungan kayu. Cedar memiliki aroma yang alami mengusir ngengat. Ini adalah alternatif yang lebih aman untuk bola ngengat berbahaya. Cedar memiliki bau kayu yang menyenangkan bahwa banyak orang cinta. Tidak hanya menjaga pakaian Anda berbau segar, tapi cedar membantu untuk menghentikan pertumbuhan jamur dan jamur di lemari Anda. Jika Anda membeli gantungan kayu untuk lemari penyimpanan, seperti lemari mantel, maka Anda benar-benar harus mempertimbangkan gantungan kayu di lemari mereka.

Nilai Seni Pada Gantungan Baju kita akan melihat lebih dekat pada itu, dibuat dengan baik kayu gantungan pakaian adalah objek yang luar biasa dari kedua desain dan utilitas. Apa yang tampaknya menjadi objek yang tampaknya biasa sebenarnya dapat dianggap cukup sebuah penelitian di estetika, dengan kurva elegan dan satin finish halus. Bahkan, begitu banyak menakjubkan berkualitas tinggi keahlian masuk ke dalam pembuatan setiap gantungan pakaian yang benar-benar dapat setiap gantungan dikatakan sebuah karya seni dalam dirinya sendiri.
Alasan seperti tingkat tinggi keahlian adalah bahwa setiap gantungan kayu harus dibuat dengan standar yang sangat menuntut kualitas dalam rangka untuk itu untuk memiliki tingkat tinggi dari daya tahan. Ini adalah kasus fungsi formulir berikut: gantungan indahnya dapat diharapkan untuk melakukan serta terlihat.
Pertama-tama, kayu yang digunakan dalam gantungan baju harus kualitas tak tertandingi. Setiap bagian kayu harus diperiksa sangat hati-hati, memastikan bahwa kualitas yang melekat alami dari kekuatan dan daya tahan yang utuh. Serat dan Urat di gantungan baju kayu harus halus dan seragam, dengan sedikit sentuhan tidak tajam yang bisa merobek atau merusak setelan Pakaian. Kayu yang baik juga harus dikeringkan dan diperlakukan dengan baik sehingga memenangkan Kayu dari waktu ke waktu.
Kedua, setiap gantungan kayu harus hati-hati dipotong dan diukir ke dalam bentuk yang optimal yang diperlukan untuk jenis pakaian yang memang ditujukan. Hal ini tentu saja tidak ada prestasi kecil, seperti gantungan harus ringan dan seimbang, namun cukup kuat untuk membawa berat setelan penuh untuk waktu yang lama.
Terakhir, gantungan harus dilapisi dengan finishing yang melengkapi komposisi kayunya serta bahan pakaian yang akan datang ke dalam kontak dengan itu. Ada berbagai jenis tehnik pengecatan, semi-gloss, dan mengkilap, serta berbagai warna yang tersedia.
Ketika membeli gantungan baju kayu, memilih produk yang dirancang dengan baik yang tidak hanya terlihat baik tetapi juga akan melindungi pakaian Anda untuk waktu yang lama. Setelah semua, fungsi utama kayu gantungan pakaian adalah untuk membawa yang terbaik dari pakaian apapun, terlepas dari apakah itu di toko pakaian high-end atau dalam lemari lemari rendah hati.
Agen Hanger menawarkan Pembuatan Wooden Hangers dari kayu berkualitas tinggi produk gantungan baju, didukung pengalaman di bidang manufaktur kustom gantungan mewah. Unit Usaha kami juga mendistribusikan benda cantik siap pakai gantungan serta gantungan sepenuhnya disesuaikan agar sesuai dengan selera yang spesifik setiap klien.
Kunjungi http://agenhanger.wordpress.com

WOODEN HANGER

Mr. Fox, known for his well-honed countrified voice, wrote about things dear to South Carolina and won over Yankee critics.

William Price Fox, Admired Southern Novelist and Humorist, Dies at 89

Ms. Meadows was the older sister of Audrey Meadows, who played Alice Kramden on “The Honeymooners.”

Jayne Meadows, Actress and Steve Allen’s Wife and Co-Star, Dies at 95

Fullmer, who reigned when fight clubs abounded and Friday night fights were a television staple, was known for his title bouts with Sugar Ray Robinson and Carmen Basilio.

Gene Fullmer, a Brawling Middleweight Champion, Dies at 83

A 2-minute-42-second demo recording captured in one take turned out to be a one-hit wonder for Mr. Ely, who was 19 when he sang the garage-band classic.

Jack Ely, Who Sang the Kingsmen’s ‘Louie Louie’, Dies at 71

Ms. Plisetskaya, renowned for her fluidity of movement, expressive acting and willful personality, danced on the Bolshoi stage well into her 60s, but her life was shadowed by Stalinism.

Maya Plisetskaya, Ballerina Who Embodied Bolshoi, Dies at 89

At the National Institutes of Health, Dr. Suzman’s signature accomplishment was the central role he played in creating a global network of surveys on aging.

Richard Suzman, 72, Dies; Researcher Influenced Global Surveys on Aging

From sea to shining sea, or at least from one side of the Hudson to the other, politicians you have barely heard of are being accused of wrongdoing. There were so many court proceedings involving public officials on Monday that it was hard to keep up.

In Newark, two underlings of Gov. Chris Christie were arraigned on charges that they were in on the truly deranged plot to block traffic leading onto the George Washington Bridge.

Ten miles away, in Lower Manhattan, Dean G. Skelos, the leader of the New York State Senate, and his son, Adam B. Skelos, were arrested by the Federal Bureau of Investigation on accusations of far more conventional political larceny, involving a job with a sewer company for the son and commissions on title insurance and bond work.

The younger man managed to receive a 150 percent pay increase from the sewer company even though, as he said on tape, he “literally knew nothing about water or, you know, any of that stuff,” according to a criminal complaint the United States attorney’s office filed.

The success of Adam Skelos, 32, was attributed by prosecutors to his father’s influence as the leader of the Senate and as a potentate among state Republicans. The indictment can also be read as one of those unfailingly sad tales of a father who cannot stop indulging a grown son. The senator himself is not alleged to have profited from the schemes, except by being relieved of the burden of underwriting Adam.

The bridge traffic caper is its own species of crazy; what distinguishes the charges against the two Skeloses is the apparent absence of a survival instinct. It is one thing not to know anything about water or that stuff. More remarkable, if true, is the fact that the sewer machinations continued even after the former New York Assembly speaker, Sheldon Silver, was charged in January with taking bribes disguised as fees.

It was by then common gossip in political and news media circles that Senator Skelos, a Republican, the counterpart in the Senate to Mr. Silver, a Democrat, in the Assembly, could be next in line for the criminal dock. “Stay tuned,” the United States attorney, Preet Bharara said, leaving not much to the imagination.

Even though the cat had been unmistakably belled, Skelos father and son continued to talk about how to advance the interests of the sewer company, though the son did begin to use a burner cellphone, the kind people pay for in cash, with no traceable contracts.

That was indeed prudent, as prosecutors had been wiretapping the cellphones of both men. But it would seem that the burner was of limited value, because by then the prosecutors had managed to secure the help of a business executive who agreed to record calls with the Skeloses. It would further seem that the business executive was more attentive to the perils of pending investigations than the politician.

Through the end of the New York State budget negotiations in March, the hopes of the younger Skelos rested on his father’s ability to devise legislation that would benefit the sewer company. That did not pan out. But Senator Skelos did boast that he had haggled with Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, a Democrat, in a successful effort to raise a $150 million allocation for Long Island to $550 million, for what the budget called “transformative economic development projects.” It included money for the kind of work done by the sewer company.

The lawyer for Adam Skelos said he was not guilty and would win in court. Senator Skelos issued a ringing declaration that he was unequivocally innocent.

THIS was also the approach taken in New Jersey by Bill Baroni, a man of great presence and eloquence who stopped outside the federal courthouse to note that he had taken risks as a Republican by bucking his party to support paid family leave, medical marijuana and marriage equality. “I would never risk my career, my job, my reputation for something like this,” Mr. Baroni said. “I am an innocent man.”

The lawyer for his co-defendant, Bridget Anne Kelly, the former deputy chief of staff to Mr. Christie, a Republican, said that she would strongly rebut the charges.

Perhaps they had nothing to do with the lane closings. But neither Mr. Baroni nor Ms. Kelly addressed the question of why they did not return repeated calls from the mayor of Fort Lee, N.J., begging them to stop the traffic tie-ups, over three days.

That silence was a low moment. But perhaps New York hit bottom faster. Senator Skelos, the prosecutors charged, arranged to meet Long Island politicians at the wake of Wenjian Liu, a New York City police officer shot dead in December, to press for payments to the company employing his son.

Sometimes it seems as though for some people, the only thing to be ashamed of is shame itself.

Finding Scandal in New York and New Jersey, but No Shame
Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”
Todd Heisler/The New York Times

Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’

A lapsed seminarian, Mr. Chambers succeeded Saul Alinsky as leader of the social justice umbrella group Industrial Areas Foundation.

Edward Chambers, Early Leader in Community Organizing, Dies at 85

BALTIMORE — In the afternoons, the streets of Locust Point are clean and nearly silent. In front of the rowhouses, potted plants rest next to steps of brick or concrete. There is a shopping center nearby with restaurants, and a grocery store filled with fresh foods.

And the National Guard and the police are largely absent. So, too, residents say, are worries about what happened a few miles away on April 27 when, in a space of hours, parts of this city became riot zones.

“They’re not our reality,” Ashley Fowler, 30, said on Monday at the restaurant where she works. “They’re not what we’re living right now. We live in, not to be racist, white America.”

As Baltimore considers its way forward after the violent unrest brought by the death of Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old black man who died of injuries he suffered while in police custody, residents in its predominantly white neighborhoods acknowledge that they are sometimes struggling to understand what beyond Mr. Gray’s death spurred the turmoil here. For many, the poverty and troubled schools of gritty West Baltimore are distant troubles, glimpsed only when they pass through the area on their way somewhere else.

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Officers blocked traffic at Pennsylvania and West North Avenues after reports that a gun was discharged in the area. Credit Drew Angerer for The New York Times

And so neighborhoods of Baltimore are facing altogether different reckonings after Mr. Gray’s death. In mostly black communities like Sandtown-Winchester, where some of the most destructive rioting played out last week, residents are hoping businesses will reopen and that the police will change their strategies. But in mostly white areas like Canton and Locust Point, some residents wonder what role, if any, they should play in reimagining stretches of Baltimore where they do not live.

“Most of the people are kind of at a loss as to what they’re supposed to do,” said Dr. Richard Lamb, a dentist who has practiced in the same Locust Point office for nearly 39 years. “I listen to the news reports. I listen to the clergymen. I listen to the facts of the rampant unemployment and the lack of opportunities in the area. Listen, I pay my taxes. Exactly what can I do?”

And in Canton, where the restaurants have clever names like Nacho Mama’s and Holy Crepe Bakery and Café, Sara Bahr said solutions seemed out of reach for a proudly liberal city.

“I can only imagine how frustrated they must be,” said Ms. Bahr, 36, a nurse who was out with her 3-year-old daughter, Sally. “I just wish I knew how to solve poverty. I don’t know what to do to make it better.”

The day of unrest and the overwhelmingly peaceful demonstrations that followed led to hundreds of arrests, often for violations of the curfew imposed on the city for five consecutive nights while National Guard soldiers patrolled the streets. Although there were isolated instances of trouble in Canton, the neighborhood association said on its website, many parts of southeast Baltimore were physically untouched by the tumult.

Tensions in the city bubbled anew on Monday after reports that the police had wounded a black man in Northwest Baltimore. The authorities denied those reports and sent officers to talk with the crowds that gathered while other officers clutching shields blocked traffic at Pennsylvania and West North Avenues.

Lt. Col. Melvin Russell, a community police officer, said officers had stopped a man suspected of carrying a handgun and that “one of those rounds was spent.”

Colonel Russell said officers had not opened fire, “so we couldn’t have shot him.”

Photo
 
Lambi Vasilakopoulos, right, who runs a casual restaurant in Canton, said he was incensed by last week's looting and predicted tensions would worsen. Credit Drew Angerer for The New York Times

The colonel said the man had not been injured but was taken to a hospital as a precaution. Nearby, many people stood in disbelief, despite the efforts by the authorities to quash reports they described as “unfounded.”

Monday’s episode was a brief moment in a larger drama that has yielded anger and confusion. Although many people said they were familiar with accounts of the police harassing or intimidating residents, many in Canton and Locust Point said they had never experienced it themselves. When they watched the unrest, which many protesters said was fueled by feelings that they lived only on Baltimore’s margins, even those like Ms. Bahr who were pained by what they saw said they could scarcely comprehend the emotions associated with it.

But others, like Lambi Vasilakopoulos, who runs a casual restaurant in Canton, said they were incensed by what unfolded last week.

“What happened wasn’t called for. Protests are one thing; looting is another thing,” he said, adding, “We’re very frustrated because we’re the ones who are going to pay for this.”

There were pockets of optimism, though, that Baltimore would enter a period of reconciliation.

“I’m just hoping for peace,” Natalie Boies, 53, said in front of the Locust Point home where she has lived for 50 years. “Learn to love each other; be patient with each other; find justice; and care.”

A skeptical Mr. Vasilakopoulos predicted tensions would worsen.

“It cannot be fixed,” he said. “It’s going to get worse. Why? Because people don’t obey the laws. They don’t want to obey them.”

But there were few fears that the violence that plagued West Baltimore last week would play out on these relaxed streets. The authorities, Ms. Fowler said, would make sure of that.

“They kept us safe here,” she said. “I didn’t feel uncomfortable when I was in my house three blocks away from here. I knew I was going to be O.K. because I knew they weren’t going to let anyone come and loot our properties or our businesses or burn our cars.”

Baltimore Residents Away From Turmoil Consider Their Role

Public perceptions of race relations in America have grown substantially more negative in the aftermath of the death of a young black man who was injured while in police custody in Baltimore and the subsequent unrest, far eclipsing the sentiment recorded in the wake of turmoil in Ferguson, Mo., last summer.

Americans are also increasingly likely to say that the police are more apt to use deadly force against a black person, the latest New York Times/CBS News poll finds.

The poll findings highlight the challenges for local leaders and police officials in trying to maintain order while sustaining faith in the criminal justice system in a racially polarized nation.

Sixty-one percent of Americans now say race relations in this country are generally bad. That figure is up sharply from 44 percent after the fatal police shooting of Michael Brown and the unrest that followed in Ferguson in August, and 43 percent in December. In a CBS News poll just two months ago, 38 percent said race relations were generally bad. Current views are by far the worst of Barack Obama’s presidency.

The negative sentiment is echoed by broad majorities of blacks and whites alike, a stark change from earlier this year, when 58 percent of blacks thought race relations were bad, but just 35 percent of whites agreed. In August, 48 percent of blacks and 41 percent of whites said they felt that way.

Looking ahead, 44 percent of Americans think race relations are worsening, up from 36 percent in December. Forty-one percent of blacks and 46 percent of whites think so. Pessimism among whites has increased 10 points since December.

Continue reading the main story
Do you think race relations in the United States are generally good or generally bad?
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Generally bad
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Do you think race relations in the United States are getting better, getting worse or staying about the same?
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44%
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The poll finds that profound racial divisions in views of how the police use deadly force remain. Blacks are more than twice as likely to say police in most communities are more apt to use deadly force against a black person — 79 percent of blacks say so compared with 37 percent of whites. A slim majority of whites say race is not a factor in a police officer’s decision to use deadly force.

Overall, 44 percent of Americans say deadly force is more likely to be used against a black person, up from 37 percent in August and 40 percent in December.

Blacks also remain far more likely than whites to say they feel mostly anxious about the police in their community. Forty-two percent say so, while 51 percent feel mostly safe. Among whites, 8 in 10 feel mostly safe.

One proposal to address the matter — having on-duty police officers wear body cameras — receives overwhelming support. More than 9 in 10 whites and blacks alike favor it.

Continue reading the main story
How would you describe your feelings about the police in your community? Would you say they make you feel mostly safe or mostly anxious?
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Blacks
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3
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Continue reading the main story
In general, do you think the police in most communities are more likely to use deadly force against a black person, or more likely to use it against a white person, or don’t you think race affects police use of deadly force?
Police more likely to use deadly force against a black person
Police more likely to use deadly force against a white person
Race DOES NOT affect police use of deadly force
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Asked specifically about the situation in Baltimore, most Americans expressed at least some confidence that the investigation by local authorities would be conducted fairly. But while nearly two-thirds of whites think so, fewer than half of blacks agree. Still, more blacks are confident now than were in August regarding the investigation in Ferguson. On Friday, six members of the police force involved in the arrest of Mr. Gray were charged with serious offenses, including manslaughter. The poll was conducted Thursday through Sunday; results from before charges were announced are similar to those from after.

Reaction to the recent turmoil in Baltimore, however, is similar among blacks and whites. Most Americans, 61 percent, say the unrest after Mr. Gray’s death was not justified. That includes 64 percent of whites and 57 percent of blacks.

Continue reading the main story
As you may know, a Baltimore man, Freddie Gray, recently died after being in the custody of the Baltimore police. How much confidence do you have that the investigation by local authorities into this matter will be conducted fairly?
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Blacks
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In general, do you think the unrest in Baltimore after the death of Freddie Gray was justified, or do you think the unrest was not justified?
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28%
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6

Negative View of U.S. Race Relations Grows, Poll Finds

The 6-foot-10 Phillips played alongside the 6-11 Rick Robey on the Wildcats team that won the 1978 N.C.A.A. men’s basketball title.

Mike Phillips, Half of Kentucky’s ‘Twin Towers’ of Basketball, Dies at 59

Ms. Rendell was a prolific writer of intricately plotted mystery novels that combined psychological insight, social conscience and teeth-chattering terror.

Ruth Rendell, Novelist Who Thrilled and Educated, Dies at 85
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Many bodies prepared for cremation last week in Kathmandu were of young men from Gongabu, a common stopover for Nepali migrant workers headed overseas. Credit Daniel Berehulak for The New York Times

KATHMANDU, Nepal — When the dense pillar of smoke from cremations by the Bagmati River was thinning late last week, the bodies were all coming from Gongabu, a common stopover for Nepali migrant workers headed overseas, and they were all of young men.

Hindu custom dictates that funeral pyres should be lighted by the oldest son of the deceased, but these men were too young to have sons, so they were burned by their brothers or fathers. Sukla Lal, a maize farmer, made a 14-hour journey by bus to retrieve the body of his 19-year-old son, who had been on his way to the Persian Gulf to work as a laborer.

“He wanted to live in the countryside, but he was compelled to leave by poverty,” Mr. Lal said, gazing ahead steadily as his son’s remains smoldered. “He told me, ‘You can live on your land, and I will come up with money, and we will have a happy family.’ ”

Weeks will pass before the authorities can give a complete accounting of who died in the April 25 earthquake, but it is already clear that Nepal cannot afford the losses. The countryside was largely stripped of its healthy young men even before the quake, as they migrated in great waves — 1,500 a day by some estimates — to work as laborers in India, Malaysia or one of the gulf nations, leaving many small communities populated only by elderly parents, women and children. Economists say that at some times of the year, one-quarter of Nepal’s population is working outside the country.

Nepal’s Young Men, Lost to Migration, Then a Quake
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