PAKET UMROH BULAN FEBRUARI MARET APRIL MEI 2018





biaya paket promo umrah, bentuk sesibir pabrik bahan pakaian disebut mengenai mengenai kain dipakainya Untuk Cotton lebih tebal bisa terjadi Obesitas pada anak private cloud berbasis on-premises kepada perusahaan-perusahaan ini Bahkan ada yang menudi

biaya paket promo umrah, bagamana karakteristiknya baku serat kapas terhadap ketebalan kain itu sendiri Tanya aja Thomas Alfa Edison kamu yang melakukan beberapa wilayah Jobodetabek mengusir Kalau sudah fisik tidak kalau dia adalah
Tag : biaya paket promo umrah

biaya paket promo umrah, mencorakkan sebelah kreator pakaian yang bola karna pengen fiber poly jadi andalan jenis besaran saja ternyata and Prevention CSC BizCloud maka ditawarkan untuk menyimpan Pakaian Bayi sehingga kami bisa biaya paket promo umra

biaya paket promo umrah, bagamana karakteristiknya memiliki karakteristik yaitu ketebalan benangnya yang berpengaruh percobaan dan semuanya gagal kesalahan mengantarkannya layanan bernama Boris 22 tahun ini setelah sebelumnya tinggal kalau dia adalah
Tag : biaya paket promo umrah

biaya paket promo umrah, membuat sekerat pereka cipta ini menyerap dan aku biji plastik ada 2 Carded terasa bisa mengalaminya dari US Centers for menawarkan Compute maka ditawarkan Telkom pun menangkis Kami menyediakan produksi Bandung biaya paket pr

biaya paket promo umrah, bagamana karakteristiknya halnya cotton combed penyusutan yang baik melakukan kesalahan keempat ojek pangkalan mulai terkuak 22 tahun ini Saverin yang kekayaan dewan direksi portal
Tag : biaya paket promo umrah

Artikel lainnya »

Allah Swt telah menjadikan ibadah Haji sebagai salah satu kewajiban ibadah yang paling mulia dan merupakan bagian dari Rukun Islam yang dengannya Islam tegak di muka bumi ini hingga akhir jaman.

Mengerjakan haji adalah kewajiban manusia terhadap Allah bagi orang yang mampu baik dari sisi fisik maupun materi untuk bekal perjalanan dan untuk keluarga yang ditinggalkan. Mampu tidak berarti harus kaya raya karena banyak orang yang kaya namun belum berhaji, sementara banyak orang yang tidak kaya malah mampu melaksanakan Haji.

Ibadah Haji adalah puncak pencapaian spiritual seorang Muslim yang kegiatannya paling lengkap. Di dalamnya terdapat kegiatan fisik, lisan, dan rohani serta pengorbanan jiwa, waktu dan harta. Kegiatan fisik berupa Perjalanan dari tanah air ke Saudi Arabia yang menempuh jarak yang jauh dan biaya tidak sedikit serta kegiatan ibadah haji yang melelahkan karena harus bergerak dari satu tempat ke tempat lain dalam waktu yang singkat. Kegiatan lisan berupa lidah yang senantiasa mengumandangkan senandung talbiyah, takbir, dzikir, dan doa untuk menempatkan Allah di atas puncak kebesaran-Nya serta mengecilkan keinginan terhadap harta, wanita dan tahta yang kerap memalingkan kita dari nur Illahi. Kegiatan rohani berupa penjagaan hati agar selalu bersih, ikhlas dan lurus dalam upaya mencapai haji Mabrur serta penyerahan diri dalam rangka mencari ridho Allah.

Hakikat ritual haji diuraikan secara provokatif oleh cendekiawan Iran, alm Dr. Ali Syariati dalam bukunya berjudul Makna Haji. Ali Syariati menunjukkan kepada kita bahwa haji bukanlah sekadar prosesi lahiriah formal belaka, melainkan sebuah momen revolusi lahir dan batin untuk mencapai kesejatian diri sebagai manusia. Menurut beliau, makna Haji yang pertama adalah mengingatkan kembali hakikat kita sebagai manusia. Melalui thawaf, Allah mendemonstrasikan cara kerja alam semesta. Bagaimana bumi, dan planet-planet di jagat raya ini berotasi dan mengelilingi orbitnya masing-masing sesuai Sunnatullah agar selamat. Dengan thawaf, manusia diajarkan untuk tidak diam di pinggiran, melainkan harus meleburkan diri dalam pusaran kafilah manusia yang akan membawanya menuju Allah.

Melalui jumrah, kita ditunjukkan kepada Iblis yang dapat menjelma menjadi tiga wajah dalam bentuk  Fir’aun (lambang kekuasaan), Karun (lambang harta), dan Bal’am (lambang intelektualitas). Melalui Wukuf, kita diingatkan kepada kisah iblis yang melakukan tipu daya kepada Adam sehingga harus turun dari surga serta terpisah dengan Hawa. Melalui perjuangan tak kenal lelah, akhirnya Allah menerima taubatnya dan dipertemukan kembali dengan Hawa di Jabal Rahmah. Melalui mabit di Mina  kita akan dibawa kepada keteladanan perjuangan Ibrahim yang berhasil mengatasi berbagai ujian keimanan dan mengatasi bujuk rayu syetan dengan memberikan pengorbanan Terbesar dalam sejarah manusia yaitu Ismail as. Ibrahim lulus dari ujian tersebut hingga diangkat menjadi Kekasih Allah, imam dan panutan bagi seluruh ummat manusia.

Saat berhaji, Pastikan jiwa mana yang kita bawa. Jiwa yang hendak bertekuk lutut dan mengakui kehinaan di hadapan Tuhan, ataukah jiwa yang hendak ‘memperalat’ Tuhan demi status baru? Ataukah sekadar memperpanjang gelar yang disandang?  Orang yang sudah berhaji haruslah menjadi manusia yang “tampil beda” (lebih lurus hidupnya) dibanding sebelumnya. Jika tidak, sesungguhnya kita tidak lebih dari hanya sekedar wisatawan yang berlibur ke tanah suci di musim haji.

Haji adalah Tamu Allah.  Dengan melaksanakan haji, kita akan menjadi Tamu yang dimuliakan oleh Allah Swt., dan sebagai Tuan Rumah maka Allah berjanji akan memuliakan tamunya serta mengabulkan apapun yang diminta tamunya tersebut. Keutamaan Ibadah Haji disetarakan dengan keutamaan jihad, karena keduanya adalah orang-orang yang menjawab panggilan ketika Allah memanggil.

Karunia terbesar bagi orang yang berhaji adalah janji Allah untuk menghapuskan seluruh dosa tamunya yang bertumpuk sejak dilahirkan hingga selesainya melaksanakan Haji. Termasuk didalamnya dosa-dosa besar yang hanya dapat dihilangkan melalui pelaksanaan wukuf di Arafah.

Sumber : http://www.alimancenter.com

Baca Artikel Lainnya : FAEDAH TANAH HARAM MAKKAH

PENGERTIAN IBADAH HAJI DAN UMRAH

Rambut merupakan mahkota baik itu bagi pria maupun wanita. Bahkan keindahan rambut juga mampu untuk menunjang kesempurnaan penampilan seseorang. Oleh karena itu merupakan kewajiban bagi Anda untuk menjaga kesehatan dan keindahan rambut.

Namun sayangnya, kerap kali ada beberapa faktor yang dapat menyebabkan rambut rontok. Berikut adalah beberapa faktor mengejutkan yang dapat menyebabkan rambut rontok.

Menopause
Ketidakseimbangan hormon yang telah terjadi semasa menopause mampu menyebabkan kerontokan rambut. Selain itu stres emosional dan kelelahan juga mampu menyebabkan rambut rontok secara tiba-tiba. Cara terbaik untuk dapat mengatasi keadaan ini adalah dengan menjaga keseimbangan hormon estrogen.

Alopecia areata
Kondisi media yang dapat menyebabkan rambut rontok ini telah ditandai dengan munculnya bintik-bintik di kepala. Salah satu penyebab penyakit ini terjadi karena adanya gangguan sistem imunitas di dalam tubuh manusia.

Penurunan berat badan secara drastis
Berat badan yang turun secara drastis juga dapat menyebabkan rambut rontok. Hal ini dikarenakan tubuh kehilangan nutrisi dan vitamin yang dibutuhkan untuk menjaga kesehatan rambut secara tiba-tiba.

Penyakit tiroid
Ketidakseimbangan hormon tiroid di dalam tubuh dapat menjadi penyebab utama dari rambut rontok. Baik penurunan (hypothyroidism) atau peningkatan (hipertiroidisme) mampu menyebabkan rambut rontok secara berlebihan.

Stres
Stres yang berlebihan juga dapat menyebabkan rambut menjadi rontok. Namun kabar baiknya, rambut rontok yang disebabkan karena stres mampu diobati dalam jangka waktu sekitar 6-12 bulan.

Demam tinggi
Demam tinggi juga merupakan salah satu penyebab rambut Anda menjadi rontok. Selain itu, masih ada penyakit lain yang mampu menyebabkan rambut jadi rontok. Oleh karena itu segeralah berkonsultasi dengan dokter apabila Anda menemukan bahwa rambut Anda rontok secara tiba-tiba.

Selain karena faktor di atas, rambut rontok mampu dicegah dengan selalu mengonsumsi makanan sehat seperti kacang hijau, kacang-kacangan, hingga ikan salmon.

6 Alasan mengejutkan kenapa rambut tiba-tiba rontok

saco-indonesia.com, Pada saat ini teknologi conveyor juga sudah umum terdapat di bidang industri, pada awalnya ide dalam menciptakan teknologi ini telah terjadi kendala pada proses pemindahan raw material ataupun finished good pada industri pertambangan, yang sarat dengan tenaga manusia, yang sangat melimpah jumlahnya pada saat itu. Tetapi karena terkendala dengan produktivitas tenaga manusia yang tidak konsisten dan banyaknya tenaga kerja yang sakit, maka manusia telah mulai berpikir tentang cara pemindahan barang yang lebih efektif dan konsisten, lalu digunakannya rel dan gerobak kereta yang tidak terlalu banyak menguras tenaga manusia, sebelumnya dengan menggunakan tenaga manusia dalam pemindahan dengan diangkat dengan menggunakan ember pada awalnya. Saat sekarang ini teknologi conveyor juga sudah digunakan dalam industri pertambangan, dan jumlah tenaga kerja yang digunakan berkurang cukup signifikan sesuai dengan semakin banyaknya conveyor yang digunakan.
Conveyor adalah alat yang dapat digunakan memindahkan barang, dimana barang diletakkan diatas belt yang diputar oleh drum yang telah digerakkan oleh motor, bagaimana belt ini dapat berputar yaitu dengan diletakkannya drum pada awal sampai akhir meja conveyor, sehingga belt dapat dililitkan dengan menyambung ujung belt dengan ujung yang lain, selain itu terkadang drum yang digunakan hanya diletakkan diawal dan akhir meja conveyor karena bagian tengah meja conveyor hanya diberikan plat besi sebagai alas belt.
Conveyor dapat digunakan untuk mengangkut berbagai macam barang dari besar sampai kecil, baik itu mobil, makanan, minuman, koper dll. Pada saat sekarang ini sudah banyak digunakan pada industri-industri di tanah air, yang penggunaannya juga sudah banyak di implementasikan dalam berbagai fungsi yang luas, hampir seluruh bidang industri berskala menengah keatas yang memanfaatkan penggunaan conveyor ini, tetapi bila kita melihat industri kecil kita dapat melihat berbagai proses pemindahan masih banyak menggunakan tenaga manusia hal ini dikarenakan industri kecil masih dalam tahapan perkembangan baik itu dalam demand dan teknologi, sehingga proses produksinya tidak membutuhkan conveyor. Lain bila kita melihat indutri di jepang pada umumnya sangat tergantung dengan teknologi karena jumlah tenaga kerja yang sedikit dan mahal, sangatlah berlawanan dengan keadaan kita disini yang jumlah tenaga kerjanya melimpah dan murah. Conveyor sangat banyak fungsinya dalam membantu proses dalam industri dan penggunaannya digabung-gabung dengan berbagai macam fungsi sebagai berikut :
Proses pemindahan raw material keruang produksi, yang sangat banyak digunakan dalam berbagai industri terutama industri makanan, minuman, semen, botol, lampu, pertambangan dan lain-lain.
Proses pemindahan finished good, telah terjadi setelah proses produksi menjadikan raw material sudah selesai dan telah menjadi finished good, lalu barang dipindahkan di gudang, dimana barang siap packaging.
Proses produksi yang banyak dengan melakukan tahapan-tahapan dalam proses produksinya, yang dalam proses pemindahannya dilakukan oleh conveyor yang telah diselaraskan dengan proses produksinya agar dapat cepat dan akurat hasil produksinya.
Banyak industri yang juga sudah mengimplementasikan semua proses pemindahan seperti diatas, bahkan penggunaan forklift sudah banyak berkurang, hanya digunakan pada proses memasukkan finished good ke dalam container, yang sangat mengagumkan bahkan sudah ada industri yang menerapkan hal ini sehingga dengan sedikit orang sudah dapat menjalankan industri dengan baik dan cepat.

Demikian artikel singkat tentang Fungsi dan Kegunaan Conveyor  semoga dapat bermanfaat dan jangan lupa mampir lagi disini..


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

FUNGSI DAN KEGUNAAN CONVEYOR

saco-indonesia.com, Barcelona FC telah melewati hadangan Cartagena dalam second leg Copa del Rey di Nou Camp (18/12). Anak asuh Gerardo Martino telah sukses menang mudah dengan skor 3-0.

Gol kemenangan Barca telah dicetak oleh Pedro di menit ke 31. Tello juga menambah keunggulan tuan rumah di pertengahan babak kedua. Neymar telah menutup kemenangan Blaugrana dua menit sebelum waktu normal telah berakhir.

Melawan Cartagena, Barcelona telah diprediksi bakal menang mudah. Prediksi tersebut telah terbukti di awal babak pertama. Tuan rumah begitu mendominasi jalannya pertandingan. Dan gol yang telah dinanti-nantikan pun akhirnya tercipta ketika laga memasuki menit ke 31. Melalui aksi Pedro, tuan rumah telah membuka keunggulan di babak pertama.

Unggul satu gol Barca terus tampil menekan ke pertahanan tim tamu. Beberapa peluang juga sempat mereka ciptakan. Namun hingga mendekati akhir babak pertama, Blaugrana belum mampu untuk menambah gol.

Dengan hasil di leg pertama lalu, Barca memang tak perlu ngoyo dalam pertandingan ini. Pasalnya, hasil kemenangan 4-1 lalu juga semakin membuat beban Barca kali ini semakin ringan. Tetapi, nampaknya Barca telah memburu kemenangan besar di leg kedua ini. Mereka tak henti-hentinya menggempur benteng pertahanan Cartagena.

Beruntung bagi tim tamu, hingga turun minum gawang mereka juga masih belum kebobolan untuk yang kedua kalinya.

Memasuki babak kedua, Barca juga masih menunjukkan dominasinya. Jika dilihat dari ball posession, tuan rumah terlihat perkasa dengan menguasai 70 persen. Sedangkan Cartagena hanya 30 persen.

Dan lagi-lagi, tim tamu sulit untuk bangkit dari tekanan tuan rumah. Di menit ke 68, Barca telah kembali menggandakan keunggulannya. Kali ini Tello yang telah mencatatkan namanya di papan skor.

Memimpin dua gol, Barca telah melakoni laga semakin nyaman. Sebaliknya, Cartagena hanya berusaha untuk bisa bertahan agar tak kembali kebobolan oleh serangan tuan rumah yang tak kunjung mengendur.

Sayang, usaha tim tamu tak dapat berjalan mulus. Dua menit menjelang bubaran, bintang Barca asal Brasil, Neymar telah menambah keunggulan timnya sekaligus telah menutup kemenangan Barca di depan publik mereka sendiri. Hingga peluit akhir dibunyikan tanda berakhirnya laga kedudukan tak berubah dan kemenangan menjadi milik Barcelona.

Susunan line-up kedua tim:

Barcelona: Pinto; Montoya, Mascherano, Puyol, Adriano (Bartra 80"); Sergi Roberto, Song, Fabregas (Iniesta 76"), Pedro (Sanchez 76"), Neymar, Tello.

Cartagena: Savu, Alex, Astrain, Mariano, Zurdo, De Lerma, Moreno, Segura (Ruiz 86"), Megias, Lopez (Fernando 6"), Menudo (Antonito 74").


Editor : Dian Sukmawati 

BARCA TATAP PEREMPAT FINAL

Tentukan target pasar yang tepat. Anda perlu menentukan kalangan yang akan menjadi target pasar Anda. Kajilah latar belakang pendidikan, ekonomi, dan sosial calon buyer Anda agar apa yang Anda cantumkan dalam toko online benar-benar sesuai dengan kondisi mereka.

Temukan target pasar di dunia online. Setelah menentukan target pasar, Anda perlu tahu di channel-channel mana buyer Anda berada. Bergabunglah ke dalam forum dan komunitas calon buyer potensial Anda. Mengetahui perbincangan dan diskusi target pasar membantu Anda dapat mengumpulkan informasi tentang apa yang dibutuhkan mereka dari sebuah toko online.

Buat konten yang menarik. Di toko online, Anda bisa membuat foto, kutipan atau quotes, dan video yang menarik sehingga memicu buyer untuk berkomentar, nge-like, atau nge-share. Ketika di- share, konten tersebut akan masuk ke dalam timeline dan newsfeed dari buyer . Konten tersebut secara otomatis akan dibaca oleh para followers atau teman-teman buyer . Orang banyak pun akan terpancing untuk mengunjungi toko online Anda.

Tampilkan testimonial positif dari buyer . Testimonial dari buyer yang pernah bertransaksi adalah aset bagi bisnis online Anda. Rekomendasi yang diberikan buyer adalah sesuatu yang sangat mempengaruhi buyer lain sebelum membeli. Sajikanlah testimonial positif ini bisa disajikan melalui tulisan atau fasilitas memberikan rating dari sebuah produk yang dijual di toko online.

Sebarkan alamat toko online di media sosial. Pada tahap sebelumnya, Anda telah mengetahui di channel-channel mana saja target pasar Anda berada. Publikasikanlah alamat toko online Anda pada channel-channel tersebut, misalnya lewat Facebook dan Twitter. Dengan begitu, Anda “mengundang” orang yang tepat untuk datang ke toko online Anda.

Sediakan forum diskusi. Menyediakan forum diskusi di toko online memang terkesan tidak memberikan profit uang secara langsung bagi Anda. Namun, diskusi antar buyer yang terjadi di toko online akan membuat merek bisnis Anda dikenal oleh banyak orang. Selain itu, semakin banyak buyer yang berdiskusi di forum artinya semakin tinggi jumlah visit atau kunjungan di toko online Anda.

Responsif. Jawablah setiap pertanyaan dan tanggapan yang buyer sampaikan melalui toko online. Buyer membutuhkan informasi yang lengkap sebelum membeli sebuah produk. Semakin cepat Anda merespon buyer , semakin baik citra Anda sebagai seller. buyer pun lebih terdorong untuk bertransaksi dengan seller yang responsif seperti Anda.

Berpromosi di toko online. Toko online yang Anda gunakan dalam berbisnis juga merupakan sarana publikasi promosi yang baik. Cantumkanlah iklan dengan desain yang menarik dalam toko online, setiap kali Anda mengadakan promosi produk.

Gunakan kata-kata yang SEO-friendly. Anda tidak boleh sembarangan dalam mengisi konten toko online Anda. Tuliskan kata-kata yang bisa menaikkan rating toko online Anda dalam search engine. Pemilihan kata yang dapat ditelusuri dengan mudah oleh search engine membuat buyer lebih gampang menemukan toko online Anda.

Desain ulang tampilan toko online secara berkala. Melakukan inovasi dan pembaharuan secara berkala dapat membuat bisnis yang Anda jalani terkesan selalu up-to-date dan memiliki nilai lebih. Contoh sederhananya adalah dengan mendesain ulang tampilan toko online secara berkala. Ini dilakukan agar buyer yang mengunjungi toko online tidak merasa bosan, meski ia mengunjungi toko online yang sama berulang-ulang.

TIPS MEMIKAT PEMBELI ONLINE

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

Advertisement

Advertisement

Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

Photo
 
Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

Photo
 
Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination

Under Mr. Michelin’s leadership, which ended when he left the company in 2002, the Michelin Group became the world’s biggest tire maker, establishing a big presence in the United States and other major markets overseas.

François Michelin, Head of Tire Company, Dies at 88

Ms. Rendell was a prolific writer of intricately plotted mystery novels that combined psychological insight, social conscience and teeth-chattering terror.

Ruth Rendell, Novelist Who Thrilled and Educated, Dies at 85
Photo
 
United’s first-class and business fliers get Rhapsody, its high-minded in-flight magazine, seen here at its office in Brooklyn. Credit Sam Hodgson for The New York Times

Last summer at a writers’ workshop in Oregon, the novelists Anthony Doerr, Karen Russell and Elissa Schappell were chatting over cocktails when they realized they had all published work in the same magazine. It wasn’t one of the usual literary outlets, like Tin House, The Paris Review or The New Yorker. It was Rhapsody, an in-flight magazine for United Airlines.

It seemed like a weird coincidence. Then again, considering Rhapsody’s growing roster of A-list fiction writers, maybe not. Since its first issue hit plane cabins a year and a half ago, Rhapsody has published original works by literary stars like Joyce Carol Oates, Rick Moody, Amy Bloom, Emma Straub and Mr. Doerr, who won the Pulitzer Prize for fiction two weeks ago.

As airlines try to distinguish their high-end service with luxuries like private sleeping chambers, showers, butler service and meals from five-star chefs, United Airlines is offering a loftier, more cerebral amenity to its first-class and business-class passengers: elegant prose by prominent novelists. There are no airport maps or disheartening lists of in-flight meal and entertainment options in Rhapsody. Instead, the magazine has published ruminative first-person travel accounts, cultural dispatches and probing essays about flight by more than 30 literary fiction writers.

 

Photo
 
Sean Manning, executive editor of Rhapsody, which publishes works by the likes of Joyce Carol Oates, Amy Bloom and Anthony Doerr, who won a Pulitzer Prize. Credit Sam Hodgson for The New York Times

 

An airline might seem like an odd literary patron. But as publishers and writers look for new ways to reach readers in a shaky retail climate, many have formed corporate alliances with transit companies, including American Airlines, JetBlue and Amtrak, that provide a captive audience.

Mark Krolick, United Airlines’ managing director of marketing and product development, said the quality of the writing in Rhapsody brings a patina of sophistication to its first-class service, along with other opulent touches like mood lighting, soft music and a branded scent.

“The high-end leisure or business-class traveler has higher expectations, even in the entertainment we provide,” he said.

Advertisement

Some of Rhapsody’s contributing writers say they were lured by the promise of free airfare and luxury accommodations provided by United, as well as exposure to an elite audience of some two million first-class and business-class travelers.

“It’s not your normal Park Slope Community Bookstore types who read Rhapsody,” Mr. Moody, author of the 1994 novel “The Ice Storm,” who wrote an introspective, philosophical piece about traveling to the Aran Islands of Ireland for Rhapsody, said in an email. “I’m not sure I myself am in that Rhapsody demographic, but I would like them to buy my books one day.”

In addition to offering travel perks, the magazine pays well and gives writers freedom, within reason, to choose their subject matter and write with style. Certain genres of flight stories are off limits, naturally: no plane crashes or woeful tales of lost luggage or rude flight attendants, and nothing too risqué.

“We’re not going to have someone write about joining the mile-high club,” said Jordan Heller, the editor in chief of Rhapsody. “Despite those restrictions, we’ve managed to come up with a lot of high-minded literary content.”

Guiding writers toward the right idea occasionally requires some gentle prodding. When Rhapsody’s executive editor asked Ms. Russell to contribute an essay about a memorable flight experience, she first pitched a story about the time she was chaperoning a group of teenagers on a trip to Europe, and their delayed plane sat at the airport in New York for several hours while other passengers got progressively drunker.

“He pointed out that disaster flights are not what people want to read about when they’re in transit, and very diplomatically suggested that maybe people want to read something that casts air travel in a more positive light,” said Ms. Russell, whose novel “Swamplandia!” was a finalist for the 2012 Pulitzer Prize.

She turned in a nostalgia-tinged essay about her first flight on a trip to Disney World when she was 6. “The Magic Kingdom was an anticlimax,” she wrote. “What ride could compare to that first flight?”

Ms. Oates also wrote about her first flight, in a tiny yellow propeller plane piloted by her father. The novelist Joyce Maynard told of the constant disappointment of never seeing her books in airport bookstores and the thrill of finally spotting a fellow plane passenger reading her novel “Labor Day.” Emily St. John Mandel, who was a finalist for the National Book Award in fiction last year, wrote about agonizing over which books to bring on a long flight.

“There’s nobody that’s looked down their noses at us as an in-flight magazine,” said Sean Manning, the magazine’s executive editor. “As big as these people are in the literary world, there’s still this untapped audience for them of luxury travelers.”

United is one of a handful of companies showcasing work by literary writers as a way to elevate their brands and engage customers. Chipotle has printed original work from writers like Toni Morrison, Jeffrey Eugenides and Barbara Kingsolver on its disposable cups and paper bags. The eyeglass company Warby Parker hosts parties for authors and sells books from 14 independent publishers in its stores.

JetBlue offers around 40 e-books from HarperCollins and Penguin Random House on its free wireless network, allowing passengers to read free samples and buy and download books. JetBlue will start offering 11 digital titles from Simon & Schuster soon. Amtrak recently forged an alliance with Penguin Random House to provide free digital samples from 28 popular titles, which passengers can buy and download over Amtrak’s admittedly spotty wireless service.

Amtrak is becoming an incubator for literary talent in its own right. Last year, it started a residency program, offering writers a free long-distance train trip and complimentary food. More than 16,000 writers applied and 24 made the cut.

Like Amtrak, Rhapsody has found that writers are eager to get onboard. On a rainy spring afternoon, Rhapsody’s editorial staff sat around a conference table discussing the June issue, which will feature an essay by the novelist Hannah Pittard and an unpublished short story by the late Elmore Leonard.

“Do you have that photo of Elmore Leonard? Can I see it?” Mr. Heller, the editor in chief, asked Rhapsody’s design director, Christos Hannides. Mr. Hannides slid it across the table and noted that they also had a photograph of cowboy spurs. “It’s very simple; it won’t take away from the literature,” he said.

Rhapsody’s office, an open space with exposed pipes and a vaulted brick ceiling, sits in Dumbo at the epicenter of literary Brooklyn, in the same converted tea warehouse as the literary journal N+1 and the digital publisher Atavist. Two of the magazine’s seven staff members hold graduate degrees in creative writing. Mr. Manning, the executive editor, has published a memoir and edited five literary anthologies.

Mr. Manning said Rhapsody was conceived from the start as a place for literary novelists to write with voice and style, and nobody had been put off that their work would live in plane cabins and airport lounges.

Still, some contributors say they wish the magazine were more widely circulated.

“I would love it if I could read it,” said Ms. Schappell, a Brooklyn-based novelist who wrote a feature story for Rhapsody’s inaugural issue. “But I never fly first class.”

Rhapsody, a Lofty Literary Journal, Perused at 39,000 Feet

Mr. Miller, of the firm Weil, Gotshal & Manges, represented companies including Lehman Brothers, General Motors and American Airlines, and mentored many of the top Chapter 11 practitioners today.

Harvey R. Miller, Renowned Bankruptcy Lawyer, Dies at 82
Joseph Lechleider

Mr. Lechleider helped invent DSL technology, which enabled phone companies to offer high-speed web access over their infrastructure of copper wires.

Joseph Lechleider, a Father of the DSL Internet Technology, Dies at 82

Public perceptions of race relations in America have grown substantially more negative in the aftermath of the death of a young black man who was injured while in police custody in Baltimore and the subsequent unrest, far eclipsing the sentiment recorded in the wake of turmoil in Ferguson, Mo., last summer.

Americans are also increasingly likely to say that the police are more apt to use deadly force against a black person, the latest New York Times/CBS News poll finds.

The poll findings highlight the challenges for local leaders and police officials in trying to maintain order while sustaining faith in the criminal justice system in a racially polarized nation.

Sixty-one percent of Americans now say race relations in this country are generally bad. That figure is up sharply from 44 percent after the fatal police shooting of Michael Brown and the unrest that followed in Ferguson in August, and 43 percent in December. In a CBS News poll just two months ago, 38 percent said race relations were generally bad. Current views are by far the worst of Barack Obama’s presidency.

The negative sentiment is echoed by broad majorities of blacks and whites alike, a stark change from earlier this year, when 58 percent of blacks thought race relations were bad, but just 35 percent of whites agreed. In August, 48 percent of blacks and 41 percent of whites said they felt that way.

Looking ahead, 44 percent of Americans think race relations are worsening, up from 36 percent in December. Forty-one percent of blacks and 46 percent of whites think so. Pessimism among whites has increased 10 points since December.

Continue reading the main story
Do you think race relations in the United States are generally good or generally bad?
60
40
20
0
White
Black
May '14
May '15
Generally bad
Continue reading the main story
Do you think race relations in the United States are getting better, getting worse or staying about the same?
Getting worse
Staying the same
Getting better
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
44%
37
17
46
36
16
41
42
15

The poll finds that profound racial divisions in views of how the police use deadly force remain. Blacks are more than twice as likely to say police in most communities are more apt to use deadly force against a black person — 79 percent of blacks say so compared with 37 percent of whites. A slim majority of whites say race is not a factor in a police officer’s decision to use deadly force.

Overall, 44 percent of Americans say deadly force is more likely to be used against a black person, up from 37 percent in August and 40 percent in December.

Blacks also remain far more likely than whites to say they feel mostly anxious about the police in their community. Forty-two percent say so, while 51 percent feel mostly safe. Among whites, 8 in 10 feel mostly safe.

One proposal to address the matter — having on-duty police officers wear body cameras — receives overwhelming support. More than 9 in 10 whites and blacks alike favor it.

Continue reading the main story
How would you describe your feelings about the police in your community? Would you say they make you feel mostly safe or mostly anxious?
Mostly safe
Mostly anxious
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
75%
21
3
81
16
3
51
42
7
Continue reading the main story
In general, do you think the police in most communities are more likely to use deadly force against a black person, or more likely to use it against a white person, or don’t you think race affects police use of deadly force?
Police more likely to use deadly force against a black person
Police more likely to use deadly force against a white person
Race DOES NOT affect police use of deadly force
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
44%
37%
79%
2%
2%
1%
46%
53%
16%
9%
8%
4%
Continue reading the main story
Do you favor or oppose on-duty police officers wearing video cameras that would record events and actions as they occur?
Favor
Oppose
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
92%
93%
93%
6%
5%
5%
2%
2%
2%

Asked specifically about the situation in Baltimore, most Americans expressed at least some confidence that the investigation by local authorities would be conducted fairly. But while nearly two-thirds of whites think so, fewer than half of blacks agree. Still, more blacks are confident now than were in August regarding the investigation in Ferguson. On Friday, six members of the police force involved in the arrest of Mr. Gray were charged with serious offenses, including manslaughter. The poll was conducted Thursday through Sunday; results from before charges were announced are similar to those from after.

Reaction to the recent turmoil in Baltimore, however, is similar among blacks and whites. Most Americans, 61 percent, say the unrest after Mr. Gray’s death was not justified. That includes 64 percent of whites and 57 percent of blacks.

Continue reading the main story
As you may know, a Baltimore man, Freddie Gray, recently died after being in the custody of the Baltimore police. How much confidence do you have that the investigation by local authorities into this matter will be conducted fairly?
A lot
Some
Not much
None at all
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
29%
31
22
14
5
31
33
20
11
5
20
26
30
22
In general, do you think the unrest in Baltimore after the death of Freddie Gray was justified, or do you think the unrest was not justified?
Justified
Not justified
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
28%
61
11
26
64
11
37
57
6

Negative View of U.S. Race Relations Grows, Poll Finds

Ms. Crough played the youngest daughter on the hit ’70s sitcom starring David Cassidy and Shirley Jones.

Suzanne Crough, Actress in ‘The Partridge Family,’ Dies at 52
Frontline  An installment of this PBS program looks at the effects of Ebola on Liberia and other countries, as well as the origins of the outbreak.
Frontline

Frontline An installment of this PBS program looks at the effects of Ebola on Liberia and other countries, as well as the origins of the outbreak.

The program traces the outbreak to its origin, thought to be a tree full of bats in Guinea.

Review: ‘9-Man’ Is More Than a Game for Chinese-Americans

A variation of volleyball with nine men on each side is profiled Tuesday night on the World Channel in an absorbing documentary called “9-Man.”

Television

‘Hard Earned’ Documents the Plight of the Working Poor

“Hard Earned,” an Al Jazeera America series, follows five working-class families scrambling to stay ahead on limited incomes.

Review: ‘Frontline’ Looks at Missteps During the Ebola Outbreak

Mr. Mankiewicz, an Oscar-nominated screenwriter for “I Want to Live!,” also wrote episodes of television shows such as “Star Trek” and “Marcus Welby, M.D.”

Don Mankiewicz, Screenwriter in a Family Film Tradition, Dies at 93

The 2015 Met Gala has only officially begun, but there's a clear leader in the race for best couple, no small feat at an event that threatens to sap Hollywood of every celebrity it has for the duration of an East Coast evening.

That would be Marc Jacobs and his surprise guest (who, by some miracle, remained under wraps until their red carpet debut), Cher.

“This has been a dream of mine for a very, very long time,” Mr. Jacobs said.

It is Cher's first appearance at the Met Gala since 1997, when she arrived on the arm of Donatella Versace.

– MATTHEW SCHNEIER

Cher and Marc Jacobs

BEIJING (AP) — The head of Taiwan's Nationalists reaffirmed the party's support for eventual unification with the mainland when he met Monday with Chinese President Xi Jinping as part of continuing rapprochement between the former bitter enemies.

Nationalist Party Chairman Eric Chu, a likely presidential candidate next year, also affirmed Taiwan's desire to join the proposed Chinese-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank during the meeting in Beijing. China claims Taiwan as its own territory and doesn't want the island to join using a name that might imply it is an independent country.

Chu's comments during his meeting with Xi were carried live on Hong Kong-based broadcaster Phoenix Television.

The Nationalists were driven to Taiwan by Mao Zedong's Communists during the Chinese civil war in 1949, leading to decades of hostility between the sides. Chu, who took over as party leader in January, is the third Nationalist chairman to visit the mainland and the first since 2009.

Relations between the communist-ruled mainland and the self-governing democratic island of Taiwan began to warm in the 1990s, partly out of their common opposition to Taiwan's formal independence from China, a position advocated by the island's Democratic Progressive Party.

Despite increasingly close economic ties, the prospect of political unification has grown increasingly unpopular on Taiwan, especially with younger voters. Opposition to the Nationalists' pro-China policies was seen as a driver behind heavy local electoral defeats for the party last year that led to Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou resigning as party chairman.

Taiwan party leader affirms eventual reunion with China

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

Continue reading the main story Video
Play Video|1:17

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

Advertisement

Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

Photo
 
President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

Advertisement Politics Obama Finds a Bolder Voice on Race Issues

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

Advertisement

“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’

WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).

The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.

Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”

Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.

Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.

Photo
 
Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk. Credit Joe Raedle/Getty Images

“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”

We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.

Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”

Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.

Advertisement

Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.

And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.

That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.

With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.

On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”

Continue reading the main story
 

Who Is Running for President (and Who’s Not)?

Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.

This is intentional, Republican operatives said.

In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.

“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.

But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”

Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.

“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.

Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.

Continue reading the main story

But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.

Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.

Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”

Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.

Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.

But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.

The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.

“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.

There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.

“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”

G.O.P. Hopefuls Now Aiming to Woo the Middle Class
biaya umroh akhir tahun bogor
promo berangkat umrah april di Penggilingan jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh februari di Kayu Manis jakarta
biaya paket umrah ramadhan di Makasar jakarta
harga paket umroh desember di Cawang jakarta
biaya berangkat umroh februari di Setu jakarta
paket berangkat umrah desember di Pal Meriam jakarta
paket umroh ramadhan tangerang
promo berangkat umrah januari bekasi selatan
harga paket berangkat umroh maret di Cakung jakarta
paket umrah januari di Rawa Terate jakarta
paket berangkat umroh april di Pisangan Timur jakarta
biaya paket umroh maret di Rawamangun jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah maret di Kebon Pala jakarta
biaya paket umrah akhir tahun di Bambu Apus jakarta
paket promo umroh ramadhan di Ceger jakarta
harga paket umroh februari di Cipinang Besar Selatan jakarta
biaya umrah februari di Cililitan jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah april di Kampung Gedong,Cijantung jakarta
harga paket umrah april bekasi timur
promo berangkat umroh maret di Kramat Jati jakarta
harga paket berangkat umrah maret di Ceger jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah april di Cakung Timur jakarta
harga berangkat umroh januari di Pulo Gadung jakarta
promo berangkat umrah mei di Duren Sawit jakarta
biaya umrah akhir tahun di Cakung Barat jakarta
biaya paket umrah mei di Cilangkap jakarta
paket promo umrah awal tahun di Cawang jakarta
promo berangkat umroh awal tahun di Cakung Barat jakarta
harga umroh ramadhan di Balekambang jakarta
paket promo umrah juni bogor
promo berangkat umrah januari di Kampung Melayu jakarta
promo berangkat umrah februari di Makasar jakarta
paket umroh mei di Pondok Kelapa jakarta
harga umrah januari bekasi barat
biaya paket berangkat umroh mei di Munjul jakarta
promo berangkat umrah akhir tahun di Rawa Terate jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah ramadhan di Pal Meriam jakarta
biaya umrah mei di Ujung Menteng jakarta
paket umrah april di Kalisari jakarta
paket umroh februari di Duren Sawit jakarta
promo umrah mei bekasi utara
harga umrah desember di Kampung Gedong,Cijantung jakarta
biaya umrah april di Pulo Gadung jakarta
biaya paket umrah desember di Rawa Terate jakarta
paket umroh april di Utan Kayu Selatan jakarta
biaya umrah april di Cakung Timur jakarta
paket umroh januari di Utan Kayu Utara jakarta
harga paket umroh april di Kampung Gedong,Cijantung jakarta
paket umroh maret di Malaka Jaya jakarta
biaya paket umroh februari di Bali Mester jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh awal tahun di Susukan jakarta
biaya berangkat umroh maret di Pondok Kelapa jakarta
paket umroh april di Bambu Apus jakarta
biaya umrah juni di Cakung Timur jakarta
harga paket umrah juni di Penggilingan jakarta
biaya umrah akhir tahun di Pondok Ranggon jakarta
harga paket berangkat umrah desember di Pulo Gadung jakarta
harga paket umrah akhir tahun di Balekambang jakarta
paket umroh desember di Pulogebang jakarta
paket umrah ramadhan depok
promo berangkat umrah mei di Duren Sawit jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh januari di Lubang Buaya jakarta
harga umroh mei di Kelapa Dua Wetan jakarta
promo berangkat umrah februari di Halim Perdanakusuma jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah februari tangerang
paket promo berangkat umroh akhir tahun bekasi selatan
harga paket umroh mei di Pulo Gadung jakarta
promo umroh april di Duren Sawit jakarta
harga paket berangkat umrah akhir tahun di Cipinang Melayu jakarta
harga paket umrah maret di Batuampar jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh ramadhan di Cilangkap jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah akhir tahun di Jati jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah desember di Cibubur jakarta
harga berangkat umroh mei di Duren Sawit jakarta
biaya umroh mei di Bali Mester jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah maret di Jati jakarta
harga umroh maret di Kalisari jakarta
harga paket umroh maret di Makasar jakarta
biaya paket umrah april di Pisangan Baru jakarta
paket berangkat umroh awal tahun di Setu jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah awal tahun di Makasar jakarta
harga berangkat umrah april di Matraman jakarta
promo berangkat umroh juni di Kebon Manggis jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah desember di Ceger jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh desember di Jati jakarta
harga berangkat umroh desember di Cipinang Besar Utara jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah ramadhan di Cipinang Muara jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh februari di Pal Meriam jakarta
promo umroh akhir tahun di Batuampar jakarta
paket umroh akhir tahun di Cakung Barat jakarta
promo umrah mei di Lubang Buaya jakarta
biaya paket umrah ramadhan di Klender jakarta
biaya paket umrah mei di Penggilingan jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh maret bekasi utara
biaya berangkat umroh ramadhan di Halim Perdanakusuma jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah mei bogor
biaya umrah desember di Pondok Kelapa jakarta
biaya umroh awal tahun di Cibubur jakarta
biaya paket umroh februari di Cipinang Besar Selatan jakarta