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saco-indonesia.com,

Bukan lautan hanya kolam susu
Kail dan jalan cukup menghidupimu
Tiada badai tiada topan kau temui
Ikan dan udang menghampiri dirimu

Bukan lautan hanya kolam susu
Kail dan jala cukup menghidupmu.
Tiada badai tiada topan kau temui
Ikan dan udang menghampiri dirimu

Orang bilang tanah kita tanah surga
Tongkat kayu dan batu jadi tanaman.
Orang bilang tanah kita tanah surga
Tongkah kayu dan batu jadi tanaman

Bukan lautan hanya kolam susu
Kail dan jalan cukup menghidupimu.
Tiada badai tiada topan kau temui
Ikan dan udang menghampiri dirimu

Bukan lautan hanya kolam susu
Kail dan jala cukup menghidupmu.
Tiada badai tiada topan kau temui
Ikan dan udang menghampiri dirimu

Orang bilang tanah kita tanah surga
Tongkat kayu dan batu jadi tanaman
Orang bilang tanah kita tanah surga
Tongkah kayu dan batu jadi tanaman.

Koes Plus - Kolam Susu

Saat ini wisata bromo menjadi pusat perhatian dari berbagai penyelenggara agen wisata di seluruh kawasan Jawa Timur akan kenaikan tiket wisata yang akan dimulai pada bulan mei 2014 nanti.Berbagai cara untuk tidak jadinya kenaikan tiket masuk bromo sudah dilakukan dengan berbagai cara oleh pelaku wisata dan bahkan oleh masyarakat sekitar gunung bromo yang menggantungkan penghasilan ekonominya dari wisatawan yang datang ke gunung bromo.

Paket Wisata Bromo

Agen perjalalanan wisata bromo meski belum resmi dinaikkan tentang tiket masuknya sudah merasakan dampaknya seperti misalnya,banyak agen travel yang sudah ada calon pelanggan pada bulan mei banyak cancel karena tingginya harga paket dari awal tahun ini yang sudah ada kesepakatan harga sebelumnya.Tidak hanya itu saja,dampak saat ini juga sudah mulai terasa dengan menurunnya jumlah pengunjung ke bromo dan dapat dipastikan para agen persewaan jeep,kuda,hotel,homestay di bromo diperkirakan akan banyak yang gulung tikar.

Bromo Tour

Gunung bromo sendiri sangat diminati pengunjung tiap tahunnya oleh wisatawan dari berbagai wilayah di Indonesia maupun juga dari berbagai belahan dunia karena keindahan dan keistimewaan yang dimiliki Wisata Gunung Bromo

WISATA GUNUNG BROMO JAWA TIMUR

saco-indonesia.com, Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono pagi ini akan meninjau pabrik pembuatan tahu di Sumedang, Jawa Barat. Dengan didampingi Ibu Negara, Ani Yudhoyono, SBY juga akan meninjau ke lokasi pabrik tahu Palasari pukul 09.00 pagi WIB.

"Peninjauan rencananya akan dilakukan mulai pukul 09.00 pagi WIB ," seperti yang telah tertulis di website www.presidenri.go.id, Senin (3/2).

Selain meninjau pabrik tahu, SBY juga direncanakan akan meninjau RSUD Sumedang. Peninjauan itu untuk dapat melihat langsung penerapan BPJS Kesehatan yang telah diluncurkan.

Rangkaian kegiatan ini juga merupakan kunjungan kerja SBY ke Jawa Barat dan Jawa Tengah. Sejak Minggu pagi (2/2) kemarin , SBY bersama rombongan telah berada di Jatinangor, dan kunker ini akan berlangsung hingga Rabu (4/2) siang.

Berdasarkan situs www.presidenri.go.id, SBY diagendakan menuju kompleks Makam Cut Nyak Dien, Gunung Puyuh, Sumedang Selatan. Kemudian dilanjutkan dengan peninjauan ke PT Sinjaraga Santika Sport.

Sore harinya, SBY juga akan melakukan kunjungan ke Kabupaten Majalengka. SBY juga akan menerima laporan dri Gubernur Jawa Barat Ahmad Heryawan terkait dalam pembangunan megaproyek infrastruktur di antaranya, pembangunan Bandar Udara Internasional Kertajati dan pembangunan jalan Tol Cisumdawu (Cileunyi-Sumedang-Dawuan). Dan juga, Jalan Tol Cikapali (Cikampek-Palimanan).

Usai dalam melakukan kegiatan tersebut, SBY dan Bu Ani juga akan menanam pohon di Alun-alun Majalengka. Kemudian, SBY beserta rombongan menginap dan berkantor di Kuningan Jawa Barat.

Rombongan yang ikut dalam kunker kali ini yakni Menko Perekonomian Hatta Rajasa, Menteri Koperasi dan UKM Syarief Hasan, Mendikbud M Nuh, Menkes Nafsiah Mboi, Menteri PU Djoko Kirmanto, Menko Kesra Agung Laksono, Mensesneg Sudi Silalahi, Wakil Menteri Perindustrian Alex Retraubun dan Dirut Badan Penyelenggara Jaminan Sosial.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

SBY TINJAU PABRIK TAHU DAN RSUD DI SUMEDANG
Seperti yang telah disebutkan pada bagian terdahulu, bahwa pada pertengahan abad ke tujuh agama Islam sudah mulai memasuki Minangkabau. Namun pada waktu itu perkembangan Islam di Minangkabau masih boleh dikatakan merupakan usaha yang kebetulan saja, karena adanya pedagang-pedagang yang beragama Islam datang ke Minangkabau. Pengaruh Islam pun hanya terbatas pada daerah-daerah yang didatangi oleh pedagang-pedagang Islam, yaitu di sekitar kota-kota dagang di pantai Timur Sumatera. Masuknya agama Islam itu ada yang secara langsung dibawa oleh pedagang Arab dan ada yang dibawa oleh Pedagang India atau lainnya, artinya tidak langsung datang dari negeri Arab. Perkembangan yang demikian berlangsung agak lama juga, karena terbentur kepentingan perkembangan Politikk Cina dan Agama Budha. Di kerajaan Pagaruyung sampai dengan berkuasanya Adityawarman, agama yang dianut adalah agama Budha sekte Baiwara dan pengaruh agama Budha ini berkisar di sekitar lingkungan istana raja saja. Tidak ada bukti-bukti yang menyatakan kepada kita bahwa rakyat Minangkabau juga menganut agama tersebut. Secara teratur agama Islam pada akhir abad ke tiga belas yang datang dari Aceh. Pada waktu itu daerah-daerah pesisir barat pulau Sumatera dikuasai oleh kerajaan Aceh yang telah menganut agama Islam. Pedagang Islam sambil berdagang sekaligus mereka langsung menyiarkan agama Islam kepada setiap langganannya. Dari daerah pesisir ini, yaitu daerah-daerah seperti Tiku, Pariaman, Air Bangis dan lain-lain dan kemudian masuk daerah perdalaman Minangkabau. Masuknya agama Islam ke Minangkabau terjadai secara damai dan nampaknya agama Islam lebih cepat menyesuaikan diri dengan anak nagari. Barangkali itulah sebabnya bekas-bekas peninggalan Hindu dan Budha tidak banyak kita jumpai di Minangkabau, karena agama itu tidak sampai masuk ketengah-tengah masyarakat, tetapi hanya disekitar istana saja. Habis orang-orang istana itu, maka habis pulalah bekas-bekas pengaruh Hindu dan Budha. Perkembangan agama Islam menjadi sangat pesat setelah di Aceh diperintah oleh Sultan Alaudin Riayat Syah Al Kahar (1537-1568 ), karena Sultan tersebut berhasil meluaskan wilayahnya hampir ke seluruh pantai barat Sumatera. Pada permulaan abad ketujuh belas, seorang ulama dari golongan Sufi penganut Tarikat Naksabandiyah mengunjungi Pariaman dan Aceh. Kemudian beberapa lama menetap di Luhuk Agam dan Lima Puluh Kota. Juga dalam ke abad ke-17 itu di Ulakan Pariaman bermukim seorang ulama Islam yang bernama Syeh Burhanuddin, murid dari Syeh Abdurauf yang berasal dari Aceh. Syeh Burhanuddin adalah penganut Tarikat Syatariah. Murid-murid Syeh Burhanuddin itulah yang menyebarkan agama Islam di pedalaman Minangkabau dan mendirikan pusat pengajian di Pamansiangan Luhak Agam. Sebaliknya ulama-ulama dari Luhak Agam ini pergi memperdalam ilmunya ke Ulakan Pariaman, yaitu tempat yang dianggap sebagai pusat penyebaran dan penyiaran Islam di Minangkabau. Dari Luhak Agam inilah nanti lahir ulama-ulama besar yang akan membangun agama Islam selanjutnya di Minangkabau seperti Tuanku Nan Tuo dari daerah Cangkiang Batu Taba Ampek Angkek Agam. Tuanku Imam Bonjol sendiri merupakan salah seorang murid Tuanku Nan Renceh Kamang Mudiak Agam. Pada awalnya agama Islam di Minangkabau tidak dijalankan secara ketat, karena disamping melaksanakan agama Islam para penganut juga masih menjalankan praktek-praktek adat yang pada dasarnya bertentangan dengan ajaran agama Islam itu sendiri. Keadaan ini ternyata kemudian setelah datangnya beberapa orang ulama Islam dari Mekkah yang menganut paham Wahabi. Yaitu suatu paham dimana penganut-penganutnya melaksanakan ajaran Islam secara murni. Di tanah Arab sendiri tujuan gerakan kaum Wahabi adalah utnuk membersihkan Islam dari Anasir-anasir bid’ah. Kaum Wahabi menganut Mazhab Hambali dan bertujuan kembali kepada pelaksanaan Islam berdasarkan Qur’an dan Hadist. Pada waktu beberapa ulama di Minangkabau, seperti Tuanku Pamansiangan, Tuanku Nan Tuo di Cangkiang, Tuanku Nan Renceh dan lain-lain juga sudah melihat ketidak beresan dalam pelaksanaan praktek ajaran Islam di Minagkabau dan ingin melakukan pembersihan terhadap hal tersebut, tetapi mereka belum menemukan bagaimana caranya yang baik. Baru pada tahun 1803 dengan kembalinya tiga orang haji dari Mekkah, yaitu Haji Miskin, Haji Sumanik dan Haji Piobang, sesudah mereka itu menceritakan bagaimana yang dilakukan oleh gerakan Wahabi disana (di Makkah). Untuk melaksanakan pembersihan terhadap ajaran agama Islam itu Tuanku Nan Renceh membentuk suatu badan yang dinamakan “Harimau Nan Salapan” terdiri dari delapan orang tuanku yang terkenal pada waktu itu di Minangkabau. Diakhir tahun 1803 mereka memproklamirkan berdirinya gerakan Paderi dan mulai saat itu mereka melancarkan gerakan permurnian agama Islam di Minangkabau. Mula-mula Paderi memulai gerakan pembersihannya di daerah Luhak Agam yang tidak terlalu lama telah mereka kuasai, dengan berpusat di Kamang Mudik. Selanjutnya gerakan Paderi melancarkan kegiatannya ke daerah Lima Puluh Kota dan di daerah ini mereka mendapat sambutan yang baik dari rakyat Lima Puluh Kota. Gerakan kaum paderi baru mendapat perlawanan yang berat dalam usahanya di Luhak Tanah Datar, karena pada waktu itu Luhak Tanah Datar masih merupakan pusat kerajaan Pagaruyung yang mempunyai kebiasaan-kebiasaan tertentu secara tradisional. Tetapi berkat kegigihan para pejuiang paderi akhirnya daerah Luhak Tanah Datar dapat juga diperbaharui ajaran Islam nya berdasarkan Qur’an dan Hadist, selanjutnya gerakan kaum paderi mulai meluas ke daerah rantau. Pada waktu itu di daerah Pasaman muncul seorang ulama besar yang membawa rakyatnya ke arah pembaharuan pelaksanaan ajaran Islam sesuai dengan Alquran dan Hadist Nabi. Karena gerakannya berpusat di Benteng Bonjol maka ulama tersebut akhirnya terkenal dengan nama Tuanku Imam Bonjol, yang semulanya terkenal dengan nama Ahmad Sahab Peto Syarif. Setelah di daerah Minangkabau dapat diperbaharaui ajaran Islamnya oleh kaum paderi, maka gerakan selanjutnya menuju keluar daerah Minangkabau, yaitu ke daerah Tapanuli Selatan yang akhirnya juga dapat dikuasai dan menyebarkan ajaran Islam di sana. Setelah Tuanku Nan Renceh meninggal tahun 1820, maka pimpinan gerakan paderi diserahkan kepada Tuanku Imam Bonjol dan diwaktu itu gerakan paderi sudah dihadapkan kepada kekuasaan Belanda yang semenjak tahun 1819 sudah menerima kembali daerah Minangkabau dari tangan Inggris. Karena terjadinya perbenturan kedua kekuatan di Minangkabau yaitu antara kekuatan paderi di satu pihak yang berusaha dengan sekuat tenaga menyebarkan agama Islam secara murni dengan kekuatan Belanda di lain pihak yang ingin meluaskan pengaruhnya di Minangkabau maka terjadilah ketegangan antara kedua kekuatan itu dan akhirnya terjadi perang antara kaum paderi dengan Belanda di Minangkabau. Perang ini terjadi antara tahun 1821-1833. pada akhirnya rakyat Minangkabau melihat bahwa kekuatan Belanda tidak hanya ditujukan kepada gerakan kaum paderi saja, maka pada tahun 1833 rakyat Minangkabau secara keseluruhannya juga mengangkat senjata melawan pihak Belanda. Perang ini berlangsung sampai tahun 1837. Tetapi karena kecurangan dan kelicikan yang dilakukan pihak Belanda akhirnya peperangan itu dapat dimenangkan Belanda, dalam arti kata semenjak tahun 1837 itu seluruh daerah Minangkabau jatuh ke bawah kekuasaan pemerintah Hindia Belanda. Dari masa inilah Minangkabau di rundung duka yang dalam, karena menjadi anak jajahan Belanda. Tuanku Imam ditangkap Belanda dengan tipu muslihat, dikatakan untuk berunding tetapi nyatanya Belanda menangkap beliau, dibuang semula ke Betawi, tinggal di Kampung Bali, selanjutnya dipindahkan ke Menado. Ditempat yang sangat jauh dari kampung halaman, badan yang telah sangat tua itu akhirnya dihentikan Tuhan Dari penderitaan yang berat, berpulanglah seorang Patriot Islam Minangkabau dirantau orang. Beliau telah berjuang sekuat tenaga menegakkan Syiar Islam di Ranah Minangkabau tercinta ini, jasatnya terbujur disebuah desa kecil yang sepi bernama “Lotak” nun jauh diujung pulau Selebes, harapannya kepada kita semua anak Minangkabau, lanjutkan perjuangan beliau dengan menegakkan akidah Islam dalam kehidupan sehari-hari, jawabnya barangkali yang paling tepat bagi kita sekarang, ” Mari kita berbenar-benar menegakkan Adat Basandi Syarak-syarak Basandi Kitabullah “ dalam kehidupan kita.PEMBAHARUAN OLEH AGAMA ISLAM

saco-indonesia.com, Hujan yang telah mengguyur Jakarta pagi ini telah menyebabkan Jalan Administrasi Negara I, Tanah Abang, Jakarta Pusat longsor. Peristiwa itu telah terjadi pada pukul 09.15 WIB.

"Longsor sepanjang 50 meter," ujar petugas Polsek Tanah Abang Iptu Sardino, Selasa (31/12).

Sardino juga mengatakan akibat kejadian itu empat mobil telah terperosok ke dalam kali. "Itu mobil memang sedang parkir di situ," katanya.

Petugas yang ke lokasi langsung melakukan evakuasi. Tidak ada korban jiwa dalam insiden itu.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

JALAN ADMINISTRASI NEGARA LONGSOR

Pronovost, who played for the Red Wings, was not a prolific scorer, but he was a consummate team player with bruising checks and fearless bursts up the ice that could puncture a defense.

Marcel Pronovost, 84, Dies; Hall of Famer Shared in Five N.H.L. Titles

Mr. Mankiewicz, an Oscar-nominated screenwriter for “I Want to Live!,” also wrote episodes of television shows such as “Star Trek” and “Marcus Welby, M.D.”

Don Mankiewicz, Screenwriter in a Family Film Tradition, Dies at 93

WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).

The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.

Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”

Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.

Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.

Photo
 
Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk. Credit Joe Raedle/Getty Images

“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”

We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.

Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”

Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.

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Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.

And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.

That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.

With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.

On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”

Continue reading the main story
 

Who Is Running for President (and Who’s Not)?

Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.

This is intentional, Republican operatives said.

In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.

“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.

But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”

Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.

“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.

Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.

Continue reading the main story

But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.

Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.

Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”

Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.

Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.

But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.

The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.

“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.

There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.

“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”

G.O.P. Hopefuls Now Aiming to Woo the Middle Class

Mr. Miller, of the firm Weil, Gotshal & Manges, represented companies including Lehman Brothers, General Motors and American Airlines, and mentored many of the top Chapter 11 practitioners today.

Harvey R. Miller, Renowned Bankruptcy Lawyer, Dies at 82

Ms. Turner and her twin sister founded the Love Kitchen in 1986 in a church basement in Knoxville, Tenn., and it continues to provide clothing and meals.

Ellen Turner Dies at 87; Opened Kitchen to Feed the Needy of Knoxville

As governor, Mr. Walker alienated Republicans and his fellow Democrats, particularly the Democratic powerhouse Richard J. Daley, the mayor of Chicago.

Dan Walker, 92, Dies; Illinois Governor and Later a U.S. Prisoner

The magical quality Mr. Lesnie created in shooting the “Babe” films caught the eye of the director Peter Jackson, who chose him to film the fantasy epic.

Andrew Lesnie, Cinematographer of ‘Lord of the Rings,’ Dies at 59

GREENWICH, Conn. — Mago is in the bedroom. You can go in.

The big man lies on a hospital bed with his bare feet scraping its bottom rail. His head is propped on a scarlet pillow, the left temple dented, the right side paralyzed. His dark hair is kept just long enough to conceal the scars.

The occasional sounds he makes are understood only by his wife, but he still has that punctuating left hand. In slow motion, the fingers curl and close. A thumbs-up greeting.

Hello, Mago.

This is Magomed Abdusalamov, 34, also known as the Russian Tyson, also known as Mago. He is a former heavyweight boxer who scored four knockouts and 14 technical knockouts in his first 18 professional fights. He preferred to stand between rounds. Sitting conveyed weakness.

But Mago lost his 19th fight, his big chance, at the packed Theater at Madison Square Garden in November 2013. His 19th decision, and his last.

Now here he is, in a small bedroom in a working-class neighborhood in Greenwich, in a modest house his family rents cheap from a devoted friend. The air-pressure machine for his mattress hums like an expectant crowd.

 

Photo
 
Mike Perez, left, and Magomed Abdusalamov during the fight in which Abdusalamov was injured. Credit Joe Camporeale/USA Today Sports, via Reuters

 

Today is like any other day, except for those days when he is hurried in crisis to the hospital. Every three hours during the night, his slight wife, Bakanay, 28, has risen to turn his 6-foot-3 body — 210 pounds of dead weight. It has to be done. Infections of the gaping bedsore above his tailbone have nearly killed him.

Then, with the help of a young caretaker, Baka has gotten two of their daughters off to elementary school and settled down the toddler. Yes, Mago and Baka are blessed with all girls, but they had also hoped for a son someday.

They feed Mago as they clean him; it’s easier that way. For breakfast, which comes with a side of crushed antiseizure pills, he likes oatmeal with a squirt of Hershey’s chocolate syrup. But even oatmeal must be puréed and fed to him by spoon.

He opens his mouth to indicate more, the way a baby does. But his paralysis has made everything a choking hazard. His water needs a stirring of powdered food thickener, and still he chokes — eh-eh-eh — as he tries to cough up what will not go down.

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Mago used to drink only water. No alcohol. Not even soda. A sip of juice would be as far as he dared. Now even water betrays him.

With the caretaker’s help, Baka uses a washcloth and soap to clean his body and shampoo his hair. How handsome still, she has thought. Sometimes, in the night, she leaves the bedroom to watch old videos, just to hear again his voice in the fullness of life. She cries, wipes her eyes and returns, feigning happiness. Mago must never see her sad.

 

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 Abdusalamov's hand being massaged. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

When Baka finishes, Mago is cleanshaven and fresh down to his trimmed and filed toenails. “I want him to look good,” she says.

Theirs was an arranged Muslim marriage in Makhachkala, in the Russian republic of Dagestan. He was 23, she was 18 and their future hinged on boxing. Sometimes they would shadowbox in love, her David to his Goliath. You are so strong, he would tell her.

His father once told him he could either be a bandit or an athlete, but if he chose banditry, “I will kill you.” This paternal advice, Mago later told The Ventura County Reporter, “made it a very easy decision for me.”

Mago won against mediocre competition, in Moscow and Hollywood, Fla., in Las Vegas and Johnstown, Pa. He was knocked down only once, and even then, it surprised more than hurt. He scored a technical knockout in the next round.

It all led up to this: the undercard at the Garden, Mike Perez vs. Magomed Abdusalamov, 10 rounds, on HBO. A win, he believed, would improve his chances of taking on the heavyweight champion Wladimir Klitschko, who sat in the crowd of 4,600 with his fiancée, the actress Hayden Panettiere, watching.

Wearing black-and-red trunks and a green mouth guard, Mago went to work. But in the first round, a hard forearm to his left cheek rocked him. At the bell, he returned to his corner, and this time, he sat down. “I think it’s broken,” he repeatedly said in Russian.

 

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Bakanay Abdusalamova, Abdusalamov's wife, and her injured husband and a masseur in the background. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

Maybe at that point, somebody — the referee, the ringside doctors, his handlers — should have stopped the fight, under a guiding principle: better one punch too early than one punch too late. But the bloody trade of blows continued into the seventh, eighth, ninth, a hand and orbital bone broken, his face transforming.

Meanwhile, in the family’s apartment in Miami, Baka forced herself to watch the broadcast. She could see it in his swollen eyes. Something was off.

After the final round, Perez raised his tattooed arms in victory, and Mago wandered off in a fog. He had taken 312 punches in about 40 minutes, for a purse of $40,000.

 

 

In the locker room, doctors sutured a cut above Mago’s left eye and tested his cognitive abilities. He did not do well. The ambulance that waits in expectation at every fight was not summoned by boxing officials.

Blood was pooling in Mago’s cranial cavity as he left the Garden. He vomited on the pavement while his handlers flagged a taxi to St. Luke’s-Roosevelt Hospital. There, doctors induced a coma and removed part of his skull to drain fluids and ease the swelling.

Then came the stroke.

 

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A championship belt belonging to Abdusalamov and a card from one of his daughters. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

It is lunchtime now, and the aroma of puréed beef and potatoes lingers. So do the questions.

How will Mago and Baka pay the $2 million in medical bills they owe? What if their friend can no longer offer them this home? Will they win their lawsuits against the five ringside doctors, the referee, and a New York State boxing inspector? What about Mago’s future care?

Most of all: Is this it?

A napkin rests on Mago’s chest. As another spoonful of mush approaches, he opens his mouth, half-swallows, chokes, and coughs until it clears. Eh-eh-eh. Sometimes he turns bluish, but Baka never shows fear. Always happy for Mago.

Some days he is wheeled out for physical therapy or speech therapy. Today, two massage therapists come to knead his half-limp body like a pair of skilled corner men.

Soon, Mago will doze. Then his three daughters, ages 2, 6 and 9, will descend upon him to talk of their day. Not long ago, the oldest lugged his championship belt to school for a proud show-and-tell moment. Her classmates were amazed at the weight of it.

Then, tonight, there will be more puréed food and pulverized medication, more coughing, and more tender care from his wife, before sleep comes.

Goodbye, Mago.

He half-smiles, raises his one good hand, and forms a fist.

Meet Mago, Former Heavyweight

BALTIMORE — In the afternoons, the streets of Locust Point are clean and nearly silent. In front of the rowhouses, potted plants rest next to steps of brick or concrete. There is a shopping center nearby with restaurants, and a grocery store filled with fresh foods.

And the National Guard and the police are largely absent. So, too, residents say, are worries about what happened a few miles away on April 27 when, in a space of hours, parts of this city became riot zones.

“They’re not our reality,” Ashley Fowler, 30, said on Monday at the restaurant where she works. “They’re not what we’re living right now. We live in, not to be racist, white America.”

As Baltimore considers its way forward after the violent unrest brought by the death of Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old black man who died of injuries he suffered while in police custody, residents in its predominantly white neighborhoods acknowledge that they are sometimes struggling to understand what beyond Mr. Gray’s death spurred the turmoil here. For many, the poverty and troubled schools of gritty West Baltimore are distant troubles, glimpsed only when they pass through the area on their way somewhere else.

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Officers blocked traffic at Pennsylvania and West North Avenues after reports that a gun was discharged in the area. Credit Drew Angerer for The New York Times

And so neighborhoods of Baltimore are facing altogether different reckonings after Mr. Gray’s death. In mostly black communities like Sandtown-Winchester, where some of the most destructive rioting played out last week, residents are hoping businesses will reopen and that the police will change their strategies. But in mostly white areas like Canton and Locust Point, some residents wonder what role, if any, they should play in reimagining stretches of Baltimore where they do not live.

“Most of the people are kind of at a loss as to what they’re supposed to do,” said Dr. Richard Lamb, a dentist who has practiced in the same Locust Point office for nearly 39 years. “I listen to the news reports. I listen to the clergymen. I listen to the facts of the rampant unemployment and the lack of opportunities in the area. Listen, I pay my taxes. Exactly what can I do?”

And in Canton, where the restaurants have clever names like Nacho Mama’s and Holy Crepe Bakery and Café, Sara Bahr said solutions seemed out of reach for a proudly liberal city.

“I can only imagine how frustrated they must be,” said Ms. Bahr, 36, a nurse who was out with her 3-year-old daughter, Sally. “I just wish I knew how to solve poverty. I don’t know what to do to make it better.”

The day of unrest and the overwhelmingly peaceful demonstrations that followed led to hundreds of arrests, often for violations of the curfew imposed on the city for five consecutive nights while National Guard soldiers patrolled the streets. Although there were isolated instances of trouble in Canton, the neighborhood association said on its website, many parts of southeast Baltimore were physically untouched by the tumult.

Tensions in the city bubbled anew on Monday after reports that the police had wounded a black man in Northwest Baltimore. The authorities denied those reports and sent officers to talk with the crowds that gathered while other officers clutching shields blocked traffic at Pennsylvania and West North Avenues.

Lt. Col. Melvin Russell, a community police officer, said officers had stopped a man suspected of carrying a handgun and that “one of those rounds was spent.”

Colonel Russell said officers had not opened fire, “so we couldn’t have shot him.”

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Lambi Vasilakopoulos, right, who runs a casual restaurant in Canton, said he was incensed by last week's looting and predicted tensions would worsen. Credit Drew Angerer for The New York Times

The colonel said the man had not been injured but was taken to a hospital as a precaution. Nearby, many people stood in disbelief, despite the efforts by the authorities to quash reports they described as “unfounded.”

Monday’s episode was a brief moment in a larger drama that has yielded anger and confusion. Although many people said they were familiar with accounts of the police harassing or intimidating residents, many in Canton and Locust Point said they had never experienced it themselves. When they watched the unrest, which many protesters said was fueled by feelings that they lived only on Baltimore’s margins, even those like Ms. Bahr who were pained by what they saw said they could scarcely comprehend the emotions associated with it.

But others, like Lambi Vasilakopoulos, who runs a casual restaurant in Canton, said they were incensed by what unfolded last week.

“What happened wasn’t called for. Protests are one thing; looting is another thing,” he said, adding, “We’re very frustrated because we’re the ones who are going to pay for this.”

There were pockets of optimism, though, that Baltimore would enter a period of reconciliation.

“I’m just hoping for peace,” Natalie Boies, 53, said in front of the Locust Point home where she has lived for 50 years. “Learn to love each other; be patient with each other; find justice; and care.”

A skeptical Mr. Vasilakopoulos predicted tensions would worsen.

“It cannot be fixed,” he said. “It’s going to get worse. Why? Because people don’t obey the laws. They don’t want to obey them.”

But there were few fears that the violence that plagued West Baltimore last week would play out on these relaxed streets. The authorities, Ms. Fowler said, would make sure of that.

“They kept us safe here,” she said. “I didn’t feel uncomfortable when I was in my house three blocks away from here. I knew I was going to be O.K. because I knew they weren’t going to let anyone come and loot our properties or our businesses or burn our cars.”

Baltimore Residents Away From Turmoil Consider Their Role

Ms. Rendell was a prolific writer of intricately plotted mystery novels that combined psychological insight, social conscience and teeth-chattering terror.

Ruth Rendell, Novelist Who Thrilled and Educated, Dies at 85
Frontline  An installment of this PBS program looks at the effects of Ebola on Liberia and other countries, as well as the origins of the outbreak.
Frontline

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The program traces the outbreak to its origin, thought to be a tree full of bats in Guinea.

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Take the Money and Run

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

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Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’

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Gilbert Haroche, Builder of an Economy Travel Empire, Dies at 87

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