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saco-indonesia.com,

Bukan lautan hanya kolam susu
Kail dan jalan cukup menghidupimu
Tiada badai tiada topan kau temui
Ikan dan udang menghampiri dirimu

Bukan lautan hanya kolam susu
Kail dan jala cukup menghidupmu.
Tiada badai tiada topan kau temui
Ikan dan udang menghampiri dirimu

Orang bilang tanah kita tanah surga
Tongkat kayu dan batu jadi tanaman.
Orang bilang tanah kita tanah surga
Tongkah kayu dan batu jadi tanaman

Bukan lautan hanya kolam susu
Kail dan jalan cukup menghidupimu.
Tiada badai tiada topan kau temui
Ikan dan udang menghampiri dirimu

Bukan lautan hanya kolam susu
Kail dan jala cukup menghidupmu.
Tiada badai tiada topan kau temui
Ikan dan udang menghampiri dirimu

Orang bilang tanah kita tanah surga
Tongkat kayu dan batu jadi tanaman
Orang bilang tanah kita tanah surga
Tongkah kayu dan batu jadi tanaman.

Koes Plus - Kolam Susu

Apakah semua rangkaian haji yang merupakan wajib haji kalau ditinggalkan karena sesuatu dan lain hal boleh digantikan dengan dam?

Jawab:
Betul. Wajib haji yang tidak bisa dilaksanakan harus diganti dengan Dam yaitu memotong seekor kambing, seperti:
- Tidak Mabit di Muzdalifah atau Mina.
- Melewati Miqot Makani tidak berniat Ihrom.
- Membungkus kaki atau menutup kepala karena uzur bagi pria.
Tapi kalau melanggar larangan ihrom seperti pakai minyak wangi, memotong rambut atau kuku, memetik tumbuh-tumbuhan Damnya cukup sekitar 20 real, tidak memotong seekor kambing.

Sumber : http://www.jurnalhaji.com

Baca Artikel lainnya : JANGAN BERCUKUR SEMBARANGAN

TINGGALKAN WAJIB HAJI, BOLEH DIGANTI DAM?

JAKARTA, Saco-Indonesia.com — Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) dinilai inkonsisten dalam menyikapi kebijakan pemerintah. Sebagai partai koalisi, PKS diminta tidak merongrong pemerintah hanya untuk menarik simpati masyarakat.

"Koalisi itu kan dengan niat baik, kesamaan visi, bukan sebaliknya merongrong pemerintah di saat rakyat memerlukan bantuan," kata Wakil Ketua Umum Partai Demokrat Nurhayati Ali Assegaf seusai menghadiri rapat Sekretariat Gabungan (Setgab) di rumah dinas Wakil Presiden Boediono, Menteng, Jakarta Pusat, Selasa (4/6/2013) malam. Dalam rapat tersebut, hanya pimpinan PKS yang tak hadir di antara semua partai dalam koalisi pendukung pemerintah.

Sekretaris Fraksi PKS di DPR Abdul Hakim mengatakan, ketidakhadiran pimpinan PKS dalam rapat tersebut semata karena alasan teknis. Pada saat rapat digelar, Presiden PKS Anis Matta sedang ada kegiatan di Jombang, Jawa Timur. Terlebih lagi, ujar dia, semula undangan rapat ditujukan pada pimpinan fraksi, tetapi kemudian dibatalkan sehingga, imbuh dia, pimpinan fraksi yang wonsemula akan menghadiri pertemuan juga membatalkan kehadirannya.

Agenda pertemuan Setgab ini adalah membahas rencana pemerintah menaikkan harga bahan bakar minyak (BBM), pemberian bantuan langsung sementara miskin (BLSM) sebagai kompensasi, dan konsolidasi koalisi. Rapat ini digelar sesuai arahan Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

Menyikapi ketidakhadiran PKS dalam rapat, Nurhayati mengatakan sudah kebal dengan polah partai itu. Dia pun mengecam langkah PKS yang pada satu sisi menyatakan menolak kenaikan harga BBM dengan alasan membela rakyat, tetapi di sisi lain tetap bergabung di gerbong partai koalisi pendukung pemerintah.

Nurhayati enggan menghakimi atau mengusulkan agar PKS hengkang dari koalisi. Sebagai partai cerdas, PKS dianggapnya mampu bersikap lebih konsisten, termasuk menentukan keputusan bersama partai koalisi. "Tidak perlu diusulkan (untuk keluar koalisi). Kalau sudah tidak bisa bersama, apa harus dipertahankan?" ujar dia.

 
Editor :Liwon Maulana(galipat)
Demokrat: PKS Hendaknya Jangan Merongrong Pemerintah

saco-indonesia.com, Ketinggian air di wilayah Kampung Pulo, Jatinegara, Jakarta Timur, telah berangsur-angsur surut. Namun, ribuan warga telah memilih tetap tinggal di posko pengungsian yang telah disediakan di beberapa titik.

Nurdin yang berusia (52) tahun, warga RT 4 RW 3, telah mengatakan, air mulai surut sejak pukul 05.00 WIB tadi. Namun, air berwarna cokelat tersebut masih telah menggenangi rumahnya setinggi 1 meter.

"Alhamdulillah, sudah mulai surut. Mudah-mudahan, nanti malam udah kering kalo cuacanya cerah," kata Nurdin saat ditemui di tenda pengungsian, Kamis (23/1).

Nurdin juga berharap, banjir tidak lagi bertambah parah seperti yang telah terjadi pada Rabu (22/1) kemarin, sehingga tidak terjadi lagi banjir susulan yang sempat telah terjadi dua kali selama sepekan kemarin.

"Khawatir sih naik lagi, karena katanya kan hujan akan terus terjadi sampai bulan depan. Mudah-mudahan kagak naik, sudah capai soalnya. Bosan di pengungsian," jelasnya.

Warga lainnya, Gatot yang berusia (38) tahun juga mengatakan, banjir yang telah menimpa Jakarta pada tahun ini merupakan banjir terparah yang telah dialami olehnya.

"Banjir sekarang memang parah, kampung pulo biasanya banjir sehari langsung surut. Ini udah surut naik lagi, surut lagi, naik lagi. Kita sih pasrah ajalah," paparnya.

Sementara itu, Ketua RT 03/03 Kampung Melayu, Budi juga mengatakan, saat ini warga dan kelurahan masih akan terus memantau keadaan pintu air di Katulampa, Bogor untuk dapat mengantisipasi adanya banjir susulan.

"Sekarang posisinya siaga tiga. Kita juga masih lakukan pemantauan dan koordinasi. Laporan yang baru saya terima katulampa naik jadi 110 dari 80 cm. Kita siaga lagi," tandasnya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

 

WARGA KAMPUNG PULO PILIH BERTAHAN DI POSKO

Saco-Indonesia.com - Anak kecil bukan orang dewasa berukuran mini. Dengan kepribadian dan dunia yang khas, orangtua harus memasuki dunia anak-anak untuk memahami dan mengenal siapa diri mereka. Dengan memasuki dunia anak, para orangtua akan lebih mengetahui dan menghargai berbagai kelebihan serta kekurangan anak.

Menurut psikologTika Bisono, orang tua perlu memahami dan mengenal dunia anak mereka untuk mengembangkan pola asuh yang demokratis.

"Nantinya pola asuh akan lebih demokratis. Tidak ada pemaksaan antar anak dan orangtua," kata psikolog Tika Bisono, Sabtu (27/4/2013) di Jakarta.

Pola asuh demokratis memungkinkan orangtua dan anak saling menyesuaikan diri dengan berbagai keadaan dirinya. Pola asuh demokratis, papar Tika, memprioritaskan kepentingan anak, tetapi tidak ragu dalam mengendalikan mereka.

Orang tua seperti ini bersikap rasional dan selalu mendasari tindakannya pada pemikiran. Orang tua tipe ini juga bersikap realistis terhadap kemampuan anak. Mereka tidak berharap lebih pada kemampuan yang dimiliki anak. Orang tua demokratis  juga memberikan kebebasan kepada anak untuk memilih. Mereka juga membebaskan anak dalam memutuskan suatu tindakan. Apabila hendak menasehati, orangtua demokratis selalu melakukannya dengan pendekatan yang hangat.

Pola asuh demokratis cocok diterapkan pada usia 6-12 tahun. Pada tahap ini anak mulai mampu memilih apa yang diminati. Anak juga tertarik pada hal baru, dan cenderung bosan pada sesuatu yang monoton. Yang lebih penting, menurut Tika, anak mulai faham hal yang bersifat konseptual seperti hak dan kewajiban.

"Demokratis mengharuskan orangtua memberi alasan logis pada tiap aturan yang diberikan, jadi tidak asal suruh. Pola asuh demokratis memungkinkan anak bebas tapi tetap bisa bertanggungjawab," kata Tika.

Dengan kebebasan yang ada, pola asuh demokratis memungkinkan anak dan orangtua berekspresi terkait keadaan di sekelilingnya. Sehingga, orangtua harus memperhatikan dengan tepat kapan ekspresi dan mood anak berubah. Perubahan mood akan menentukan cara berkomunikasi antar orangtua dan anak, sehingga menjadi lebih efektif.

 

Editor :Liwon Maulana
Sumber:http://health.kompas.com/read/2013/04/29/15433449/Pentingnya.Pola.Asuh.Demokratis.p ada.Anak
Pentingnya Cara Asuh Demokratis pada Anak

Ms. Plisetskaya, renowned for her fluidity of movement, expressive acting and willful personality, danced on the Bolshoi stage well into her 60s, but her life was shadowed by Stalinism.

Maya Plisetskaya, Ballerina Who Embodied Bolshoi, Dies at 89

Pronovost, who played for the Red Wings, was not a prolific scorer, but he was a consummate team player with bruising checks and fearless bursts up the ice that could puncture a defense.

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Ms. Meadows was the older sister of Audrey Meadows, who played Alice Kramden on “The Honeymooners.”

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GREENWICH, Conn. — Mago is in the bedroom. You can go in.

The big man lies on a hospital bed with his bare feet scraping its bottom rail. His head is propped on a scarlet pillow, the left temple dented, the right side paralyzed. His dark hair is kept just long enough to conceal the scars.

The occasional sounds he makes are understood only by his wife, but he still has that punctuating left hand. In slow motion, the fingers curl and close. A thumbs-up greeting.

Hello, Mago.

This is Magomed Abdusalamov, 34, also known as the Russian Tyson, also known as Mago. He is a former heavyweight boxer who scored four knockouts and 14 technical knockouts in his first 18 professional fights. He preferred to stand between rounds. Sitting conveyed weakness.

But Mago lost his 19th fight, his big chance, at the packed Theater at Madison Square Garden in November 2013. His 19th decision, and his last.

Now here he is, in a small bedroom in a working-class neighborhood in Greenwich, in a modest house his family rents cheap from a devoted friend. The air-pressure machine for his mattress hums like an expectant crowd.

 

Photo
 
Mike Perez, left, and Magomed Abdusalamov during the fight in which Abdusalamov was injured. Credit Joe Camporeale/USA Today Sports, via Reuters

 

Today is like any other day, except for those days when he is hurried in crisis to the hospital. Every three hours during the night, his slight wife, Bakanay, 28, has risen to turn his 6-foot-3 body — 210 pounds of dead weight. It has to be done. Infections of the gaping bedsore above his tailbone have nearly killed him.

Then, with the help of a young caretaker, Baka has gotten two of their daughters off to elementary school and settled down the toddler. Yes, Mago and Baka are blessed with all girls, but they had also hoped for a son someday.

They feed Mago as they clean him; it’s easier that way. For breakfast, which comes with a side of crushed antiseizure pills, he likes oatmeal with a squirt of Hershey’s chocolate syrup. But even oatmeal must be puréed and fed to him by spoon.

He opens his mouth to indicate more, the way a baby does. But his paralysis has made everything a choking hazard. His water needs a stirring of powdered food thickener, and still he chokes — eh-eh-eh — as he tries to cough up what will not go down.

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Mago used to drink only water. No alcohol. Not even soda. A sip of juice would be as far as he dared. Now even water betrays him.

With the caretaker’s help, Baka uses a washcloth and soap to clean his body and shampoo his hair. How handsome still, she has thought. Sometimes, in the night, she leaves the bedroom to watch old videos, just to hear again his voice in the fullness of life. She cries, wipes her eyes and returns, feigning happiness. Mago must never see her sad.

 

Photo
 
 Abdusalamov's hand being massaged. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

When Baka finishes, Mago is cleanshaven and fresh down to his trimmed and filed toenails. “I want him to look good,” she says.

Theirs was an arranged Muslim marriage in Makhachkala, in the Russian republic of Dagestan. He was 23, she was 18 and their future hinged on boxing. Sometimes they would shadowbox in love, her David to his Goliath. You are so strong, he would tell her.

His father once told him he could either be a bandit or an athlete, but if he chose banditry, “I will kill you.” This paternal advice, Mago later told The Ventura County Reporter, “made it a very easy decision for me.”

Mago won against mediocre competition, in Moscow and Hollywood, Fla., in Las Vegas and Johnstown, Pa. He was knocked down only once, and even then, it surprised more than hurt. He scored a technical knockout in the next round.

It all led up to this: the undercard at the Garden, Mike Perez vs. Magomed Abdusalamov, 10 rounds, on HBO. A win, he believed, would improve his chances of taking on the heavyweight champion Wladimir Klitschko, who sat in the crowd of 4,600 with his fiancée, the actress Hayden Panettiere, watching.

Wearing black-and-red trunks and a green mouth guard, Mago went to work. But in the first round, a hard forearm to his left cheek rocked him. At the bell, he returned to his corner, and this time, he sat down. “I think it’s broken,” he repeatedly said in Russian.

 

Photo
 
Bakanay Abdusalamova, Abdusalamov's wife, and her injured husband and a masseur in the background. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

Maybe at that point, somebody — the referee, the ringside doctors, his handlers — should have stopped the fight, under a guiding principle: better one punch too early than one punch too late. But the bloody trade of blows continued into the seventh, eighth, ninth, a hand and orbital bone broken, his face transforming.

Meanwhile, in the family’s apartment in Miami, Baka forced herself to watch the broadcast. She could see it in his swollen eyes. Something was off.

After the final round, Perez raised his tattooed arms in victory, and Mago wandered off in a fog. He had taken 312 punches in about 40 minutes, for a purse of $40,000.

 

 

In the locker room, doctors sutured a cut above Mago’s left eye and tested his cognitive abilities. He did not do well. The ambulance that waits in expectation at every fight was not summoned by boxing officials.

Blood was pooling in Mago’s cranial cavity as he left the Garden. He vomited on the pavement while his handlers flagged a taxi to St. Luke’s-Roosevelt Hospital. There, doctors induced a coma and removed part of his skull to drain fluids and ease the swelling.

Then came the stroke.

 

Photo
 
A championship belt belonging to Abdusalamov and a card from one of his daughters. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

It is lunchtime now, and the aroma of puréed beef and potatoes lingers. So do the questions.

How will Mago and Baka pay the $2 million in medical bills they owe? What if their friend can no longer offer them this home? Will they win their lawsuits against the five ringside doctors, the referee, and a New York State boxing inspector? What about Mago’s future care?

Most of all: Is this it?

A napkin rests on Mago’s chest. As another spoonful of mush approaches, he opens his mouth, half-swallows, chokes, and coughs until it clears. Eh-eh-eh. Sometimes he turns bluish, but Baka never shows fear. Always happy for Mago.

Some days he is wheeled out for physical therapy or speech therapy. Today, two massage therapists come to knead his half-limp body like a pair of skilled corner men.

Soon, Mago will doze. Then his three daughters, ages 2, 6 and 9, will descend upon him to talk of their day. Not long ago, the oldest lugged his championship belt to school for a proud show-and-tell moment. Her classmates were amazed at the weight of it.

Then, tonight, there will be more puréed food and pulverized medication, more coughing, and more tender care from his wife, before sleep comes.

Goodbye, Mago.

He half-smiles, raises his one good hand, and forms a fist.

Meet Mago, Former Heavyweight

Ms. Crough played the youngest daughter on the hit ’70s sitcom starring David Cassidy and Shirley Jones.

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A former member of the Boston Symphony Orchestra, Mr. Smedvig helped found the wide-ranging Empire Brass quintet.

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The bottle Mr. Sokolin famously broke was a 1787 Château Margaux, which was said to have belonged to Thomas Jefferson. Mr. Sokolin had been hoping to sell it for $519,750.

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With 12 tournament victories in his career, Mr. Peete was the most successful black professional golfer before Tiger Woods.

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Mr. Tepper was not a musical child and had no formal training, but he grew up to write both lyrics and tunes, trading off duties with the other member of the team, Roy C. Bennett.

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Mr. Fox, known for his well-honed countrified voice, wrote about things dear to South Carolina and won over Yankee critics.

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Mr. Paczynski was one of the concentration camp’s longest surviving inmates and served as the personal barber to its Nazi commandant Rudolf Höss.

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BEIJING (AP) — The head of Taiwan's Nationalists reaffirmed the party's support for eventual unification with the mainland when he met Monday with Chinese President Xi Jinping as part of continuing rapprochement between the former bitter enemies.

Nationalist Party Chairman Eric Chu, a likely presidential candidate next year, also affirmed Taiwan's desire to join the proposed Chinese-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank during the meeting in Beijing. China claims Taiwan as its own territory and doesn't want the island to join using a name that might imply it is an independent country.

Chu's comments during his meeting with Xi were carried live on Hong Kong-based broadcaster Phoenix Television.

The Nationalists were driven to Taiwan by Mao Zedong's Communists during the Chinese civil war in 1949, leading to decades of hostility between the sides. Chu, who took over as party leader in January, is the third Nationalist chairman to visit the mainland and the first since 2009.

Relations between the communist-ruled mainland and the self-governing democratic island of Taiwan began to warm in the 1990s, partly out of their common opposition to Taiwan's formal independence from China, a position advocated by the island's Democratic Progressive Party.

Despite increasingly close economic ties, the prospect of political unification has grown increasingly unpopular on Taiwan, especially with younger voters. Opposition to the Nationalists' pro-China policies was seen as a driver behind heavy local electoral defeats for the party last year that led to Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou resigning as party chairman.

Taiwan party leader affirms eventual reunion with China

Ms. Turner and her twin sister founded the Love Kitchen in 1986 in a church basement in Knoxville, Tenn., and it continues to provide clothing and meals.

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WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’
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