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kesabaran

saco-indonesia.com, Seorang wanita setengah baya di Kabupaten Batang, Jawa tengah telah ditemukan tewas dibunuh, sedangkan seorang balita lemas diikat tangannya.

Hingga berita ini diturunkan, kasus pembunuhan tersebut juga masih dalam pengusutan aparat Polres Batang, diduga keduanya telah menjadi korban kebrutalan perampok. Peristiwa yang mengagetkan itu telah terjadi di Desa/Kecamatan Warungasem, Kabupaten Batang.

Korban tewas diketahui bernama Siti Asimah yang berusia 41 tahun, warga setempat , sedang Balita yang masih keponakan korban yang telah ditemukan terikat adalah Naza Alima Syafira, yang berusia 2 tahun . Siti Asimah telah ditemukan tewas dengan kondisi dilakban mulut dan hidungnya serta tulang leher belakangnya patah. Menurut laporan polisi, pembunuhan ini terungkap berawal dari keponakan korban bernama Nurul , yang berusia 12 tahun , siswa SMP 1 Warungasem Batang saat pulang dari sekolah . Seperti yang telah diketahui rumah kuno besar yang ditempati korban selama ini ditempati empat keluarga yang masih bersaudara .

Sesampai di rumah yang telah terletak di tepi jalan raya Warungasem-Batang , saksi Nurul tidak bisa masuk rumah karena, pintu terkunci. Meski pintu sudah diketuk berulang kali, namun tidak ada yang membukakan. Sementara suara radio dari dalam telah terdengar sangat keras. Setiap hari mulai dari pagi hingga siang , di rumah yang telah ditempati empat keluarga itu hanya ada korban dan keponakannya Naza Alima Syafira, yang berusia 2 tahun . Karena tidak bisa masuk rumah , selanjutnya Nurul telah meminta bantuan tetangganya Mudhor untuk dapat membukakan pintu.

Pintu telah berhasil dibuka, namun suasana rumah sepi karena Siti Asimah dan Naza Alima Syafira tidak terlihat . Dalam rumah kuno model khas Batang yang telah terdiri atas banyak kamar itu, akhirnya telah ditemukan Naza dalam posisi tangan dilakban diikat dengan leher di kamar depan. Selanjutnya balita yang kondisinya lemas itu langsung dibawa ke luar rumah. Sedangkan Siti Asimah telah ditemukan tewas di kamar yang lain dalam posisi terlentang di tempat tidur , mulut dan hidung dilakban . Selain itu tulang leher korban juga patah diduga akibat lehernya dipeluntir .

Dalam sekejab kejadian itu telah membuat gempar seluruh warga , para tetangga berdatangan ke lokasi kejadian ingin melihat peristiwa terebut dari dekat . Sejumlah polisi datang ke lokasi kejadian dengan melakukan penyelidikan setelah mendapat laporan .Kapolsek Warungasem AKP Juharno langsung memimpin anggotanya melakukan penyelidikan dan memasang garis polisi di seputar lokasi kejadian.

Sore itu jenazah Siti Asimah langsung dibawa ke kamar mayat RSUD Batang untuk dapat divisum. Sampai berita ini, telah diturunkan polisi masih melakukan pemeriksaan terhadap sejumlah saksi . Sementara rumah korban juga masih dijaga ketat. Beberapa keluarga yang lain, mengaku tidak tahu menahu peristiwa itu. Peirtiwa itu diduga berlatar belakang perampokan , ujar seorang petugas.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

WANITA SETENGAH BAYA TEWAS

LISt Harga Bahan Bangunan 2013

 

PASIR

Pasir Putih bangka / m3 : Rp. 265.000

Pasir Putih Bangka / pick up : Rp. 600.000

Pasir Putih Bangka / truk : Rp. 1.550.000

Pasir Mundu (per m3) : Rp. 250.000

Pasir Cileungsi / m3 : Rp. 200.000

BATU

Split / pick up : Rp. 265.000

Batako Semen Besar / buah : Rp. 2.500

Batu Bata Merah ( biasa )/ buah : Rp. 500

Batu Bata Merah ( oven ) / buah : Rp. 650

Batu Kali Belah / m3 : Rp. 185.000

Batu Knecker / m3 : Rp. 200.000

BATU ALAM

Batu Candi ( 30 x 30 ) / m2 : Rp. 150.000

Batu Andesit ( 30 x 30 ) / m2 : Rp. 180.000

Batu Pancawarna / 25 kg : Rp. 75.000

Batu Bali / 10 kg : Rp. 70.000

SEMEN

Semen Holcim ( 40 kg ) : Rp. 65.000

Semen Holcim ( 50 kg ) : Rp. 75.000

Semen Tiga Roda ( 50 kg ) : Rp. 70.000

Semen Padang ( 50 kg ) : Rp. 65.000

MU – 100 Plester Premium ( 40 kg ) : Rp. 65.000

MU – 200 Acian Plester & Beton ( 5 kg ) : Rp. 25.000

MU – 301 Pasangan Bata + Plester ( 10 kg ) : Rp. 25.000

MU – 450 Perekat Keramik Lantai ( 5 kg ) : Rp. 35.000

MU – Finish Coat Repair ( 25 kg ) : Rp. 335.000

Selain info bahan bangunan 2013, silahkat lihat homepage kami untuk tips dan informasi renovasi rumah

HEBEL

Blok Reguler Tebal 10 mm (per m3) : Rp 610.000

Blok Jumbo (per m3) : Rp 580.000

Anak Tangga (per m3) : Rp 2.300.000

Panel (per m3) : Rp 320.000

BESI BETON

Diameter 6mm/batang  : Rp 23.500

Diameter 8mm / batang : Rp 35.000 (TYS ), Rp. 38.000 ( HJ ), Rp. 25.500 ( SP )

Diameter 10mm/batang :  Rp. 53.000 ( TYS ), Rp. 52.000 ( HJ ), Rp. 48.000 ( SP )

Diameter 12mm /batang :  Rp. 80.000 ( HJ ), Rp. 77.000 ( TYS )

Diameter 16mm (12m) :  Rp 145.000

Besi Hollow ( 20 x 40 ) : Rp. 18.000

Besi Hollow ( 40 x 40 ) : Rp. 24.000

Seng Gelombang ( 182 x 91 x 0.2 ) : Rp. 36.000

Plat Alumunium ( 2 x 1 x 0.2 tebal ) : Rp. 35.000

Plat alumunium / meter : Rp. 20.000

PAKU KAYU

Paku kayu uk. 2 cm / kg : Rp. 18.000

Paku Kayu uk. 2.5 cm / kg : Rp. 17.000

Paku Kayu uk. 3 cm / kg : Rp. 16.000

Paku Kayu uk. 4 cm / kg : Rp. 15.000

Paku Kayu uk. 5 cm / kg : Rp. 14.000

Paku Kayu uk. 7 cm / kg : Rp. 14.000

Paku Kayu uk. 10 cm / kg : Rp. 14.000

TRIPLEK

Tebal 3mm  : Rp 40.000

Tebal 4mm  : Rp 50.000

Tebal 6mm : Rp 65.000

Tebal 9mm : Rp 100.000

Tebal 12mm : Rp 135.000

Tebal 15mm : Rp 175.000

Tebal 18mm : Rp 195.000

GRC BOARD : Rp. 50.000

PAKU BETON PUTIH

Ukuran 2.5 cm / kg : Rp. 34.000

Ukuran 3 cm / kg : Rp. 34.000

Ukuran 4 cm / kg : Rp. 34.000

Ukuran 5 cm / kg : Rp. 34.000

Ukuran 6 cm / kg : Rp. 32.000

Ukuran 7 cm / kg : Rp. 32.000

Ukuran 10 cm / kg : Rp. 32.000

Ukuran 12.5 cm / kg : Rp. 32.000

PAKU BETON HITAM

Ukuran 3 cm / kg : Rp. 17.500

Ukuran 5 cm / kg : Rp. 16.000

Ukuran 7 cm / kg : Rp. 14.000

Selain info bahan bangunan 2013, silahkat lihat homepage kami untuk tips dan informasi renovasi rumah

KACA

A. Kaca Bening

Tebal 3 mm  : Rp 80.000

Tebal 5 mm  : Rp 87.500

Tebal 8 mm  : Rp 140.000

Tebal 10 mm : Rp 200.000

B. Kaca Rayben

Tebal 3 mm : Rp 65.000

Tebal 5 mm  : Rp 62.500

Tebal 6 mm  : Rp 125.000

Tebal 8 mm : Rp 220.000

C. Kaca Tempered

Kaca Clear tempered 5 mm ( m2 ) : Rp. 200.000

Kaca Clear tempered 6 mm ( m2 ) : Rp. 250.500

Kaca Clear tempered 8 mm ( m2 ) : Rp. 375.000

Kaca Clear tempered 10 mm ( m2 ) : Rp. 400.000

Kaca Clear tempered 12 mm ( m2 ) : Rp. 450.000

Kaca Clear tempered 15 mm ( m2 ) : Rp. 1.950.000

Kaca Clear tempered 19 mm ( m2 ) : rp. 2.450.000

PAPAN FIBER SEMEN / TRIPLEK

A. GRC

GRC / Versaboard 4.0 mm ( 1.20 x 2.40 ) /lembar : Rp. 53.500

GRC / Versaboard 6.0 mm ( 1.20 x 2.40 )/lembar : Rp. 93.500

GRC / Versaboard 9.0 mm ( 1.20 x 2.40 ) /lembar : rp. 129.000

B. TRIPLEK

Tebal 3 mm / lembar : Rp. 42.000

Tebal 4 mm / lembar : Rp. 53.000

Tebal 6 mm / lembar : Rp. 95.000

Tebal 9 mm / lembar : Rp. 110.000

Tebal 12 mm / lembar : Rp. 150.000

Tebal 15 mm / lembar : Rp. 190.000

Tebal 18 mm / lembar : Rp. 235.000

C. GYPSUM

Jayaboard 9 mm ( 1.20 x 2.40 ) / lembar : Rp. 57.000

Elephant 9 mm ( 1.20 x 2.40 ) / lembar : Rp. 56.000

Knauf 9 mm ( 1.20 x 2.40 ) / lembar : Rp. 53.500

Star 9 mm ( 1.20 x 2.40 ) / lembar : Rp. 53.000

Aplus 9 mm ( 1.20 x 2.40 ) / lembar : Rp. 52.500

KAYU

A. Reng

Meranti (2×3) per batang  : Rp 15.000

Meranti (3×4) per batang  : Rp 17.500

Borneo (2×3) per batang : Rp 20.500

Borneo (3×4) per batang : Rp 22.000

Kamper (2×3) per batang : Rp 17.000

Kamper (3×4) per batang : Rp 20.500

B. Kaso

Meranti (4×6) per batang Rp 32.500

Meranti (5×7) per batang Rp 39.000

Borneo (4×6) per batang Rp 28.000

Borneo (5×7) per batang Rp 43.000

Kamper (4×6) per batang Rp 50.000

Kamper (5×7) per batang Rp 70.000

C. Galar

Meranti (5×10) per batang Rp 60.000

Borneo (5×10) per batang Rp 60.000

Kamper (5×10) per batang Rp 95.000

D. Balok

Meranti (6×12) per batang Rp 80.000

Meranti (8×12) per batang Rp 125.000

Borneo (6×12) per batang Rp 80.000

Borneo (8×12) per batang Rp 100.000

Kamper (6×12) per batang Rp 185.000

Kamper (8×12) per batang Rp 210.000

Selain info bahan bangunan 2013, silahkat lihat homepage kami untuk tips dan informasi renovasi rumah

CAT TEMBOK

A. Interior

Dulux Pearl Glo (2,5 lt ) Rp. 180.000

Dulux Pentalite Standard Colour ( 2,5 lt ) Rp. 137.000

Dulux Weather Shield Exterior/Brilliant white ( 2,5 lt ) Rp. 215.000

Dulux (2,5 lt) Rp 117.500

Dulux (20 lt) Rp 850.000

Mowilex ( 1 lt ) Rp. 60.000

Mowilex (2,5 lt) Rp 130.000

Mowilex (20 lt) Rp. 915.000

Catylac (5 kg) Rp 93.500

Catylac (25 kg) Rp 355.000

Avitex ( 5 kg ) Rp. 73.500

Vinilex (5 kg) Rp 75.000

Vinilex (25 kg) Rp 445.000

Metrolite ( 1 kg ) Rp. 24.000

Metrolite (3 lt) Rp 78.000

Metrolite ( 16 ltr / pail) Rp 380.000

Matex ( 4kg) Rp 60.000

Matex (25 kg) Rp 295.000

Profitex (5 kg) Rp 26.500

Profitex (25 kg) Rp 120.000

B. Eksterior

Dulux (2,5 lt) Rp 187.500

Dulux (20 lt) Rp 1.285.000

Mowilex (2,5 lt) Rp 160.000

Mowilex (20 lt) Rp 1.250.000

CAT KAYU

Dulux 1 kg Rp 35.000

Mowilex 1 kg Rp 60.000

Catylac 1 kg Rp 35.000

Glotex 1 kg Rp 35.000

Emco 1 kg Rp 35.000

Globe Supergloss Rp 43.000

Selain info bahan bangunan 2013, silahkat lihat homepage kami untuk tips dan informasi renovasi rumah

GENTENG KERAMIK

Kanmuri Milenio (Double Interlocking)

- Warna Natural Rp 5.700

- Warna Standard Rp 6.500

- Warna Spesial Rp 8.500

- Warna Exclusive Rp 11.500

Kanmuri Espancia

- Warna Natural Rp 5.500

- Warna Standard Rp 8.700

- Warna Spesial Rp 9.700

- Warna Exclusive Rp 10.500

M Class (Double Interlocking)

- Warna Natural Rp 5.500

- Warna Standard Rp 6.000

- Warna Spesial Rp 8.000

- Warna Premium Rp 11.000

- Genteng Knok Natural Rp 15.000

GENTENG BETON

- Morando Rp. 3.750,-/pc (20pcs/m2)

- Berglazur Rp 3.500,-

- Natural Rp 2.000

- Moner Rp 5.350,- (9pcs/m2)

IDEAL

- Berglazur Rp 2.650/pc

- Natural Rp 1.750/pc

GENTENG METAL

Sun Roof Venus

Ukuran 38,5 x 80 cm S/S Rp 23.000

Ukuran 38,5 x 80 cm D/S Rp 27.500

Sun Roof Pluto

Ukuran 38,5 x 80 cm S/S Rp 17.500

Ukuran 38,5 x 80 cm D/S Rp 20.000

ASBES

Jabesmen

150×105 (per lembar gelombang kecil) Rp 40.000

180×105 (per lembar gelombang kecil) Rp 45.000

210×105 (per lembar gelombang kecil) Rp 50.000

240×105 (per lembar gelombang kecil) Rp 55.500

270×105 (per lembar gelombang kecil) Rp 65.000

300×105 (per lembar gelombang kecil) Rp 75.000

SENG GELOMBANG

Seng Plat

Tebal 0.20 Rp 27.500

Tebal 0.25 Rp 37.500

Tebal 0.30 Rp 42.500

Seng Gelombang

Tebal 0.20 Rp 49.000

Tebal 0.30 Rp 59.000

Selain info bahan bangunan 2013, silahkat lihat homepage kami untuk tips dan informasi renovasi rumah

PIPA PVC

- Wavin 0,5 inci Rp 17.500

0,75 inci Rp 22.000

1 inci Rp 30.000

2 inci Rp 65.000

3 inci Rp 120.000

4 inci Rp 200.000

- Rucika 0,5 inci Rp 25.000

1 inci Rp 45.000

2 inci Rp 52.500

4 inci Rp 168.000

8 inci Rp 635.000

- Lucky

0,5 inci Rp 8.500

0,75 inci Rp 13.000

1 inci Rp 15.000

2 inci Rp 33.000

3 inci Rp 64.000

4 inci Rp 103.000

- Unggul

0,5 inci Rp 8.500

0,75 inci Rp 11.000

1 inci Rp 15.000

2 inci Rp 27.000

3 inci Rp 40.000

4 inci Rp 55.000

- Maspion

0,5 inci Rp 13.500

0,75 inci Rp 16.500

1 inci Rp 21.500

2 inci Rp 51.500

3 inci Rp 100.000

4 inci Rp 150.000

Selain info bahan bangunan 2013, silahkat lihat homepage kami untuk tips dan informasi renovasi rumah

KERAMIK LANTAI ARWANA

20×20

Tua Rp 35.000

Muda Rp 34.000

30×30

Putih Rp 30.000

Marble Rp 32.000

Fancy Rp 37.500

40×40

Putih Rp 30.000

Marble Rp 33.000

LANTAI KAYU

Kronotec (per meter) Rp 225.000

HDM Glossy (per boks) Rp 550.000

KERAMIK DINDING

20×20

Roman

(putih) Rp 50.000

(motif) Rp 55.000

Masterina

(putih) Rp 40.000

(motif) Rp 50.000

KIA

(putih) Rp 37.500

(motif) Rp 42.500

20×25

Mulia

(warna muda) Rp 45.000

(warna tua) Rp 50.000

IKAD

(warna muda) Rp 42.500

(warna tua) Rp 52.500

Roman

25×33 Roman Rp 50.000

33×50 Roman Rp 80.000

30×30 Hercules (putih) Rp 42.500

Acura (putih) Rp 35.000

KIG (warna) Rp 40.000

KIA (warna) Rp 40.000

60 x 60 Platinum Rp 125.000

30 x 60 Platinum Rp 75.000

58 x 58 Platinum Rp 110.000

Selain info bahan bangunan 2013, silahkat lihat homepage kami untuk tips dan informasi renovasi rumah

SANITARI

KLOSET DUDUK

Sanremo Classis CCST Rp 1.325.000

Lexington Rp 3.500.000

Granada 3000 CCST Rp 1.275.000

Granada II Space CCST Rp 1.500.000

Projecta Rp 1.000.000

KLOSET JONGKOK

Rapi EX Squat Rp 250.000

WASTAFEL/LAVATORY

San Remo 55 Lava & Pedestal Rp 650.000

Studio 3000 Lava & Pedestal Rp 475.000

Studio 50 Lavatory Rp 250.000

Studio 45 Lavatory Rp 200.000

GRANIT

Impero 40×40 Rp 125.000

Granito 40×40 Rp 210.000

Inesa 40×40 Rp 175.000

Niro 40×40 Rp 160.000

Essenza 40×40 Rp 175.000

KUNCI

Firo Rp 275.000

Napoli Rp 30.000

Romaco Rp 65.000

Ferza Rp 33.500

Top Rp 30.000

Paloma Rp 420.000

Yale Rp 125.000

Beluci Rp 130.000

Note : Kami tidak menjual bahan bangunan diatas, Daftar Harga Bangunan yang kami masukkan dalam blog ini  sifatnya sebagai Info dan acuan untuk membantu membuat anggaran atau estimasi dalam membangun dan merenovasi rumah. Koreksi mengenai perubahan /perbedaan harga dari teman-teman akan sangat kami hargai.......

LIST BAHAN BANGUNAN

saco-indonesia.com, Banjir seakan sudah telah menjadi bagian hidup warga kampung Pulo, Jatinegara, Jakarta Timur. Setiap tahunnya, pemukiman padat penduduk yang telah berjarak beberapa meter dari kali Ciliwung ini selalu dilanda banjir dengan ketinggian 1 meter hinga 5 meter.

Banjir akibat luapan Kali Ciliwung yang telah melintas di dekat rumah mereka ini juga sering terjadi terutama saat hujan telah mengguyur wilayah Depok, Cianjur atau Bogor. Namun, banjir yang telah terjadi sejak awal bulan Januari 2014 disebut sebagai banjir terlama.

"Ini rekor banjir paling lama. Biasanya kalau surut, nggak bakal naik lagi. Ini juga sampai empat kali naik. Kita di pengungsian aja sudah 3 mingguan," kata Sukirin, salah satu warga, RW 04, saat ditemui dilokasi, Kamis (30/1).

Sukirin juga berharap, agar pemerintah, khususnya Gubernur DKI Jakarta Joko Widodo, agar dapat memberikan solusi yang terbaik bagi warga Kampung Pulo. Pria yang sehari-harinya telah menjual bakso, ini rela dipindahkan dari Kampung Pulo asal tidak ada pihak yang dirugikan.

"Kalau saling menguntungkan, saya sih mau-mau aja pindah. Tapi masalahnya pemerintah mau nggak, perjuangkan nasib kita," ucapnya.

Sementara itu, menurut Lurah Kampung Melayu, Bambang Pangestu, banjir saat ini juga merupakan banjir terlama yang telah dialami oleh warga, dimana telah memasuki minggu ketiga. Sementara banjir besar yang sempat terjadi pada 2002, 2007, atau 2013 tidak pernah selama lebih dari 10 hari.

"Tahun lalu posko pengungsian hanya sampai 10 hari. Sementara banjir sekarang juga sudah hampir tiga minggu," kata Bambang.

Bambang telah menduga lamanya masa banjir disebabkan oleh hujan yang mengguyur secara terus menerus. Pada tahun-tahun sebelumnya, kata Bambang, hujan deras hanya mengguyur maksimal selama tiga hari.

"Kalau sekarang hujannya tidak deras tapi terus menerus, terutama di wilayah hulu," jelasnya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

REKOR BANJIR TERLAMA DI KAMPUNG PULO

Kirim mobil atau jasa pengiriman mobil yang telah menjadi cikal bakal berdirinya bisnis usaha pengiriman yang di rintis oleh PT. Gada Pratama Samalangu mulai dari dasar hingga berkembang seperti sekarang. Dengan komitmen yang selalu mengutamakan kepuasan pelanggan membuat jasa pengiriman mobil kami tetap bertahan dan terus berkembang dalam persaingan jasa kirim mobil yang begitu ketat.

Dan untuk dapat meningkatkan layanan dan memenuhi banyaknya permintaan pengiriman mobil, di awal tahun 2012 kami telah menambah 4 unit mobil towing atau yang lebih di kenal dengan sebutan mobil derek gendong atau mobil towing. Diharapkan dengan penambahan unit mobil towing ini kami dapat melayani semua permintaan pengiriman mobil dengan menggunakan mobil towing yang semakin hari semakin meningkat.

Tercatat hingga kini sudah belasan unit mobil towing yang kami siapkan untuk area jakarta dan sekitarnya, begitu juga untuk pengiriman mobil antar kota, pengiriman mobil antar propinsi bahkan pengiriman mobil antar pulau. Karena selain melayani kirim mobil dengan pelanggan perorangan kami juga memiliki kerjasama dengan beberapa main dealer ATPM, jadi diharapkan dengan penambahan unit towing semua permintaan dapat terlayani dan terpenuhi dengan baik.

 

JASA PENGIRIMAN MOBIL

A 2-minute-42-second demo recording captured in one take turned out to be a one-hit wonder for Mr. Ely, who was 19 when he sang the garage-band classic.

Jack Ely, Who Sang the Kingsmen’s ‘Louie Louie’, Dies at 71

A former member of the Boston Symphony Orchestra, Mr. Smedvig helped found the wide-ranging Empire Brass quintet.

Rolf Smedvig, Trumpeter in the Empire Brass, Dies at 62

Mr. Mankiewicz, an Oscar-nominated screenwriter for “I Want to Live!,” also wrote episodes of television shows such as “Star Trek” and “Marcus Welby, M.D.”

Don Mankiewicz, Screenwriter in a Family Film Tradition, Dies at 93

Public perceptions of race relations in America have grown substantially more negative in the aftermath of the death of a young black man who was injured while in police custody in Baltimore and the subsequent unrest, far eclipsing the sentiment recorded in the wake of turmoil in Ferguson, Mo., last summer.

Americans are also increasingly likely to say that the police are more apt to use deadly force against a black person, the latest New York Times/CBS News poll finds.

The poll findings highlight the challenges for local leaders and police officials in trying to maintain order while sustaining faith in the criminal justice system in a racially polarized nation.

Sixty-one percent of Americans now say race relations in this country are generally bad. That figure is up sharply from 44 percent after the fatal police shooting of Michael Brown and the unrest that followed in Ferguson in August, and 43 percent in December. In a CBS News poll just two months ago, 38 percent said race relations were generally bad. Current views are by far the worst of Barack Obama’s presidency.

The negative sentiment is echoed by broad majorities of blacks and whites alike, a stark change from earlier this year, when 58 percent of blacks thought race relations were bad, but just 35 percent of whites agreed. In August, 48 percent of blacks and 41 percent of whites said they felt that way.

Looking ahead, 44 percent of Americans think race relations are worsening, up from 36 percent in December. Forty-one percent of blacks and 46 percent of whites think so. Pessimism among whites has increased 10 points since December.

Continue reading the main story
Do you think race relations in the United States are generally good or generally bad?
60
40
20
0
White
Black
May '14
May '15
Generally bad
Continue reading the main story
Do you think race relations in the United States are getting better, getting worse or staying about the same?
Getting worse
Staying the same
Getting better
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
44%
37
17
46
36
16
41
42
15

The poll finds that profound racial divisions in views of how the police use deadly force remain. Blacks are more than twice as likely to say police in most communities are more apt to use deadly force against a black person — 79 percent of blacks say so compared with 37 percent of whites. A slim majority of whites say race is not a factor in a police officer’s decision to use deadly force.

Overall, 44 percent of Americans say deadly force is more likely to be used against a black person, up from 37 percent in August and 40 percent in December.

Blacks also remain far more likely than whites to say they feel mostly anxious about the police in their community. Forty-two percent say so, while 51 percent feel mostly safe. Among whites, 8 in 10 feel mostly safe.

One proposal to address the matter — having on-duty police officers wear body cameras — receives overwhelming support. More than 9 in 10 whites and blacks alike favor it.

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How would you describe your feelings about the police in your community? Would you say they make you feel mostly safe or mostly anxious?
Mostly safe
Mostly anxious
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
75%
21
3
81
16
3
51
42
7
Continue reading the main story
In general, do you think the police in most communities are more likely to use deadly force against a black person, or more likely to use it against a white person, or don’t you think race affects police use of deadly force?
Police more likely to use deadly force against a black person
Police more likely to use deadly force against a white person
Race DOES NOT affect police use of deadly force
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
44%
37%
79%
2%
2%
1%
46%
53%
16%
9%
8%
4%
Continue reading the main story
Do you favor or oppose on-duty police officers wearing video cameras that would record events and actions as they occur?
Favor
Oppose
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
92%
93%
93%
6%
5%
5%
2%
2%
2%

Asked specifically about the situation in Baltimore, most Americans expressed at least some confidence that the investigation by local authorities would be conducted fairly. But while nearly two-thirds of whites think so, fewer than half of blacks agree. Still, more blacks are confident now than were in August regarding the investigation in Ferguson. On Friday, six members of the police force involved in the arrest of Mr. Gray were charged with serious offenses, including manslaughter. The poll was conducted Thursday through Sunday; results from before charges were announced are similar to those from after.

Reaction to the recent turmoil in Baltimore, however, is similar among blacks and whites. Most Americans, 61 percent, say the unrest after Mr. Gray’s death was not justified. That includes 64 percent of whites and 57 percent of blacks.

Continue reading the main story
As you may know, a Baltimore man, Freddie Gray, recently died after being in the custody of the Baltimore police. How much confidence do you have that the investigation by local authorities into this matter will be conducted fairly?
A lot
Some
Not much
None at all
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
29%
31
22
14
5
31
33
20
11
5
20
26
30
22
In general, do you think the unrest in Baltimore after the death of Freddie Gray was justified, or do you think the unrest was not justified?
Justified
Not justified
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
28%
61
11
26
64
11
37
57
6

Negative View of U.S. Race Relations Grows, Poll Finds

Ms. Pryor, who served more than two decades in the State Department, was the author of well-regarded biographies of the founder of the American Red Cross and the Confederate commander.

Elizabeth Brown Pryor, Biographer of Clara Barton and Robert E. Lee, Dies at 64

Mr. Fox, known for his well-honed countrified voice, wrote about things dear to South Carolina and won over Yankee critics.

William Price Fox, Admired Southern Novelist and Humorist, Dies at 89

The bottle Mr. Sokolin famously broke was a 1787 Château Margaux, which was said to have belonged to Thomas Jefferson. Mr. Sokolin had been hoping to sell it for $519,750.

William Sokolin, Wine Seller Who Broke Famed Bottle, Dies at 85

Mr. Miller, of the firm Weil, Gotshal & Manges, represented companies including Lehman Brothers, General Motors and American Airlines, and mentored many of the top Chapter 11 practitioners today.

Harvey R. Miller, Renowned Bankruptcy Lawyer, Dies at 82

Mr. Alger, who served five terms from Texas, led Republican women in a confrontation with Lyndon B. Johnson that may have cost Richard M. Nixon the 1960 presidential election.

Bruce Alger, 96, Dies; Led ‘Mink Coat’ Protest Against Lyndon Johnson

Mr. Tepper was not a musical child and had no formal training, but he grew up to write both lyrics and tunes, trading off duties with the other member of the team, Roy C. Bennett.

Sid Tepper Dies at 96; Delivered ‘Red Roses for a Blue Lady’ and Other Songs

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

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His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

Photo
 
Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

Photo
 
Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination

Ms. Rendell was a prolific writer of intricately plotted mystery novels that combined psychological insight, social conscience and teeth-chattering terror.

Ruth Rendell, Novelist Who Thrilled and Educated, Dies at 85

Late in April, after Native American actors walked off in disgust from the set of Adam Sandler’s latest film, a western sendup that its distributor, Netflix, has defended as being equally offensive to all, a glow of pride spread through several Native American communities.

Tantoo Cardinal, a Canadian indigenous actress who played Black Shawl in “Dances With Wolves,” recalled thinking to herself, “It’s come.” Larry Sellers, who starred as Cloud Dancing in the 1990s television show “Dr. Quinn, Medicine Woman,” thought, “It’s about time.” Jesse Wente, who is Ojibwe and directs film programming at the TIFF Bell Lightbox in Toronto, found himself encouraged and surprised. There are so few film roles for indigenous actors, he said, that walking off the set of a major production showed real mettle.

But what didn’t surprise Mr. Wente was the content of the script. According to the actors who walked off the set, the film, titled “The Ridiculous Six,” included a Native American woman who passes out and is revived after white men douse her with alcohol, and another woman squatting to urinate while lighting a peace pipe. “There’s enough history at this point to have set some expectations around these sort of Hollywood depictions,” Mr. Wente said.

The walkout prompted a rhetorical “What do you expect from an Adam Sandler film?,” and a Netflix spokesman said that in the movie, blacks, Mexicans and whites were lampooned as well. But Native American actors and critics said a broader issue was at stake. While mainstream portrayals of native peoples have, Mr. Wente said, become “incrementally better” over the decades, he and others say, they remain far from accurate and reflect a lack of opportunities for Native American performers. What’s more, as Native Americans hunger for representation on screen, critics say the absence of three-dimensional portrayals has very real off-screen consequences.

“Our people are still healing from historical trauma,” said Loren Anthony, one of the actors who walked out. “Our youth are still trying to figure out who they are, where they fit in this society. Kids are killing themselves. They’re not proud of who they are.” They also don’t, he added, see themselves on prime time television or the big screen. Netflix noted while about five people walked off the “The Ridiculous Six” set, 100 or so Native American actors and extras stayed.

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But in interviews, nearly a dozen Native American actors and film industry experts said that Mr. Sandler’s humor perpetuated decades-old negative stereotypes. Mr. Anthony said such depictions helped feed the despondency many Native Americans feel, with deadly results: Native Americans have the highest suicide rate out of all the country’s ethnicities.

The on-screen problem is twofold, Mr. Anthony and others said: There’s a paucity of roles for Native Americans — according to the Screen Actors Guild in 2008 they accounted for 0.3 percent of all on-screen parts (those figures have yet to be updated), compared to about 2 percent of the general population — and Native American actors are often perceived in a narrow way.

In his Peabody Award-winning documentary “Reel Injun,” the Cree filmmaker Neil Diamond explored Hollywood depictions of Native Americans over the years, and found they fell into a few stereotypical categories: the Noble Savage, the Drunk Indian, the Mystic, the Indian Princess, the backward tribal people futilely fighting John Wayne and manifest destiny. While the 1990 film “Dances With Wolves” won praise for depicting Native Americans as fully fleshed out human beings, not all indigenous people embraced it. It was still told, critics said, from the colonialists’ point of view. In an interview, John Trudell, a Santee Sioux writer, actor (“Thunderheart”) and the former chairman of the American Indian Movement, described the film as “a story of two white people.”

“God bless ‘Dances with Wolves,’ ” Michael Horse, who played Deputy Hawk in “Twin Peaks,” said sarcastically. “Even ‘Avatar.’ Someone’s got to come save the tribal people.”

Dan Spilo, a partner at Industry Entertainment who represents Adam Beach, one of today’s most prominent Native American actors, said while typecasting dogs many minorities, it is especially intractable when it comes to Native Americans. Casting directors, he said, rarely cast them as police officers, doctors or lawyers. “There’s the belief that the Native American character should be on reservations or riding a horse,” he said.

“We don’t see ourselves,” Mr. Horse said. “We’re still an antiquated culture to them, and to the rest of the world.”

Ms. Cardinal said she was once turned down for the role of the wife of a child-abusing cop because the filmmakers felt that casting her would somehow be “too political.”

Another sore point is the long run of white actors playing American Indians, among them Burt Lancaster, Rock Hudson, Audrey Hepburn and, more recently, Johnny Depp, whose depiction of Tonto in the 2013 film “Lone Ranger,” was viewed as racist by detractors. There are, of course, exceptions. The former A&E series “Longmire,” which, as it happens, will now be on Netflix, was roundly praised for its depiction of life on a Northern Cheyenne reservation, with Lou Diamond Phillips, who is of Cherokee descent, playing a Northern Cheyenne man.

Others also point to the success of Mr. Beach, who played a Mohawk detective in “Law & Order: Special Victims Unit” and landed a starring role in the forthcoming D C Comics picture “Suicide Squad.” Mr. Beach said he had come across insulting scripts backed by people who don’t see anything wrong with them.

“I’d rather starve than do something that is offensive to my ancestral roots,” Mr. Beach said. “But I think there will always be attempts to drawn on the weakness of native people’s struggles. The savage Indian will always be the savage Indian. The white man will always be smarter and more cunning. The cavalry will always win.”

The solution, Mr. Wente, Mr. Trudell and others said, lies in getting more stories written by and starring Native Americans. But Mr. Wente noted that while independent indigenous film has blossomed in the last two decades, mainstream depictions have yet to catch up. “You have to stop expecting for Hollywood to correct it, because there seems to be no ability or desire to correct it,” Mr. Wente said.

There have been calls to boycott Netflix but, writing for Indian Country Today Media Network, which first broke news of the walk off, the filmmaker Brian Young noted that the distributor also offered a number of films by or about Native Americans.

The furor around “The Ridiculous Six” may drive more people to see it. Then one of the questions that Mr. Trudell, echoing others, had about the film will be answered: “Who the hell laughs at this stuff?”

Native American Actors Work to Overcome a Long-Documented Bias

As governor, Mr. Walker alienated Republicans and his fellow Democrats, particularly the Democratic powerhouse Richard J. Daley, the mayor of Chicago.

Dan Walker, 92, Dies; Illinois Governor and Later a U.S. Prisoner
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