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Berbagai dukungan untuk dapat mengusung Joko Widodo (Jokowi) mencalonkan diri sebagai presiden semakin gencar. Sejumlah elemen masyarakat telah mulai membentuk organisasi-organisasi demi menunjukkan dukungan mereka terhadap Jokowi. Meski telah mendapat dukungan besar dari masyarakat, tak lantas membuat Jokowi berbesar hati. Dengan nada santai, Jokowi telah mengungkapkan aksi mereka adalah bentuk demokrasi yang nyata di tanah air, sehingga tidak bisa dihalang-halangi. "Ya itulah demokrasi, saya tidak bisa membubarkan kalau saya tidak setuju. Mosok ada yang dukung tapi saya malah nolak-nolak. Tidak mungkin," tegasnya di Balai Kota DKI Jakarta, Senin (10/3). Jokowi juga mengaku tidak merasa tersanjung dengan banyaknya dukungan masyarakat untuk dapat mencapreskan dirinya. Meski begitu, dia juga tidak merasa terganggu, melainkan telah memberikan kebebasan sepenuhnya. Ketika dikonfirmasi mengenai rencana dirinya untuk dapat melakukan kunjungan atau bersilaturahmi dengan pendukungnya, Jokowi juga mengatakan, belum sempat. Karena masih banyak pekerjaan di Jakarta. "Orang pekerjaan kita aja banyak, ini hujan lagi," tutupnya. Seperti yang telah diketahui, Srikandi Jokowi yang beranggotakan para perempuan pelopor Jokowi Presiden dideklarasikan di Tugu Monumen Nasional (Monas) kemarin . Di mana dalam acara ini telah dihadiri ratusan perempuan dari berbagai daerah. ''Jumlah perempuan lebih besar dibanding laki-laki, sehingga perempuan lebih menentukan nasib dan masa depan bangsa ini," kata Ketua Umum Srikandi Jokowi, Vivi di Monas. Vivi juga mengatakan, bangsa ini juga sudah lama terlena dengan janji para politisi, yang selalu terdengar nyaring menjelang pemilihan umum. Tetapi apa yang terjadi, keadaan tak berubah, jumlah orang miskin semakin banyak. JOKOWI TAK GUBRIS SOAL DUKUNGAN CAPRES

saco-indonesia.com, Ratusan penduduk Kabupaten Kebumen Jawa Tengah terpaksa harus mengungsi karena banjir dan longsor yang telah melanda di sejumlah wilayah. Bahkan, Pemerintah Kabupaten Kebumen telah menyatakan wilayahnya dalam masa tanggap darurat selama tiga minggu.

"Saat ini masa tanggap darurat telah diperpanjang dari dua minggu sampai tiga minggu, terhitung dari tanggal 19 Desember kemarin," ujar Kepala Badan Penanggulangan Bencana Daerah (BPBD) Kebumen, Budi Satrio, Senin (23/12).

Dari data yang telah tercatat di BPBD Kebumen, saat ini ada sekitar 660 warga yang masih tinggal di tempat pengungsian. Para penduduk juga masih bertahan di tempat pengungsi akibat hujan dengan intensitas tinggi yang melanda daerah tersebut sejak sepekan terakhir. Dia juga mengungkapkan, ketinggian banjir sudah mencapai lebih dari satu meter.

Bahkan, Budi juga menambahkan, hingga Senin siang (23/12) ada sekitar 150 penduduk Dukuh Bulusari Desa Madurejo Kecamatan Puring yang masih terisolir karena jalan terendam air cukup tinggi. Akses menuju desa tersebut hanya bisa dilalui dengan menggunakan dengan perahu karet.

"Kami juga masih membujuk warga yang masih bertahan agar mau dievakuasi. Karena kami khawatir hujan masih turun dan dapat menyebabkan banjir semakin besar," jelasnya.

Budi juga melanjutkan, sebagian besar penduduk setempat enggan dievakuasi lantaran takut kehilangan harta benda. Namun, BPBD Kebumen juga sudah menyiapkan tiga perahu karet untuk dapat melakukan evakuasi jika dibutuhkan sewaktu-waktu.

Budi juga mengemukakan daerah yang paling parah dilanda banjir berada di tiga kecamatan, yakni Kecamatan Adimulyo, Kecamatan Puring dan Kecamatan Bonorowo. Hingga saat ini, korban jiwa akibat bencana di Kebumen sudah mencapai 4 orang tewas, 1 luka berat dan 3 luka ringan.

Sementara itu dari Banjarnegara Jawa Tengah telah dilaporkan tanah longsor terjadi di 43 titik tersebar di 25 desa dari 12 kecamatan di Banjarnegara. "Satu orang tewas dan kerusakan rumah meliputi 18 rusak berat, 9 rusak sedang, 52 rusak ringan. Saat ini ada 62 rumah terancam longsor dan jumlah pengungsi sekitar 10 kepala keluarga," kata Staf BPBD Banjarnegara, Andri Sulistiyo.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

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Jagad Indonesia ini memungkinkan dikembangkan tanaman sayur-sayuran yang banyak bermanfaat bagi pertumbuhan dan perkembangan bagi manusia. Sehingga ditinjau dari aspek klimatologis Indonesia sangat tepat untuk dikembangkan untuk bisnis sayuran.Di antara tanaman sayur-sayuran yang mudah dibudidayakan adalah caisim. Karena caisim ini sangat mudah dikembangkan dan banyak kalangan yang menyukai dan memanfaatkannya. Selain itu juga sangat potensial untuk komersial dan prospek sangat baik.Ditinjau dari aspek klimatologis, aspek teknis, aspek ekonomis dan aspek sosialnya sangat mendukung, sehingga memiliki kelayakan untuk diusahakan di Indonesia. Sebutan sawi orang asing adalah mustard. Perdagangan internasional dengan sebutan green mustard, chinese mustard, indian mustard ataupun sarepta mustard. Orang Jawa, Madura menyebutnya dengan sawi, sedang orang Sunda menyebut sasawi. B. MANFAAT. Manfaat sawi sangat baik untuk menghilangkan rasa gatal di tenggorokan pada penderita batuk. Penyembuh penyakit kepala, bahan pembersih darah, memperbaiki fungsi ginjal, serta memperbaiki dan memperlancar pencernaan. Sedangkan kandungan yang terdapat pada sawi adalah protein, lemak, karbohidrat, Ca, P, Fe, Vitamin A, Vitamin B, dan Vitamin C. JENIS SAWI A. KLASIFIKASI BOTANI. Divisi : Spermatophyta. Subdivisi : Angiospermae. Kelas : Dicotyledonae. Ordo : Rhoeadales (Brassicales). Famili : Cruciferae (Brassicaceae). Genus : Brassica. Spesies : Brassica Juncea. B. JENIS-JENIS SAWI. Secara umum tanaman sawi biasanya mempunyai daun panjang, halus, tidak berbulu, dan tidak berkrop. Petani kita hanya mengenal 3 macam sawi yang biasa dibudidayakan yaitu : sawi putih (sawi jabung), sawi hijau, dan sawi huma. Sekarang ini masyarakat lebih mengenal caisim alias sawi bakso. Selain itu juga ada pula jenis sawi keriting dan sawi sawi monumen. Caisim alias sawi bakso ada juga yang menyebutnya sawi cina., merupakan jenis sawi yang paling banyak dijajakan di pasar-pasae dewasa ini. Tangkai daunnya panjang, langsing, berwarna putih kehijauan. Daunnya lebar memanjang, tipis dan berwarna hijau. Rasanya yang renyah, segar, dengan sedikit sekali rasa pahit. Selain enak ditumis atau dioseng, juga untuk pedangan mie bakso, mie ayam, atau restoran cina. SYARAT TUMBUH Sawi bukan tanaman asli Indonesia, menurut asalnya di Asia. Karena Indonesia mempunyai kecocokan terhadap iklim, cuaca dan tanahnya sehingga dikembangkan di Indonesia ini. Tanaman sawi dapat tumbuh baik di tempat yang berhawa panas maupun berhawa dingin, sehingga dapat diusahakan dari dataran rendah maupun dataran tinggi. Meskipun demikian pada kenyataannya hasil yang diperoleh lebih baik di dataran tinggi Daerah penanaman yang cocok adalah mulai dari ketinggian 5 meter sampai dengan 1.200 meter di atas permukaan laut. Namun biasanya dibudidayakan pada daerah yang mempunyai ketinggian 100 meter sampai 500 meter dpl. Tanaman sawi tahan terhadap air hujan, sehingga dapat di tanam sepanjang tahun. Pada musim kemarau yang perlu diperhatikan adalah penyiraman secara teratur. Berhubung dalam pertumbuhannya tanaman ini membutuhkan hawa yang sejuk. lebih cepat tumbuh apabila ditanam dalam suasana lembab. Akan tetapi tanaman ini juga tidak senang pada air yang menggenang. Dengan demikian, tanaman ini cocok bils di tanam pada akhir musim penghujan. Tanah yang cocok untuk ditanami sawi adalah tanah gembur, banyak mengandung humus, subur, serta pembuangan airnya baik. Derajat kemasaman (pH) tanah yang optimum untuk pertumbuhannya adalah antara pH 6 sampai pH 7. BUDIDAYA TANAMAN SAWI Cara bertanam sawi sesungguhnya tak berbeda jauh dengan budidaya sayuran pada umumnya. Budidaya konvensional di lahan meliputi proses pengolahan lahan, penyiapan benih, teknik penanaman, penyediaan pupuk dan pestisida, serta pemeliharaan tanaman. Sawi dapat ditanam secara monokultur maupun tunmpang sari. Tanaman yang dapat ditumpangsarikan antara lain : bawang dau, wortel, bayam, kangkung darat. Sedangkan menanam benih sawi ada yang secara langsung tetapi ada juga melalui pembibitan terlebih dahulu. Berikut ini akan dibahas mengenai teknik budidaya sawi secara konvensional di lahan. A. BENIH. Benih merupakan salah satu faktor penentu keberhasilan usaha tani. Benih yang baik akan menghasilkan tanaman yang tumbuh dengan bagus. Kebutuhan benih sawi untuk setiap hektar lahan tanam sebesar 750 gram. Benih sawi berbentuk bulat, kecil-kecil. Permukaannya licin mengkilap dan agak keras. Warna kulit benih coklat kehitaman. Benih yang akan kita gunakan harus mempunyai kualitas yang baik, seandainya beli harus kita perhatikan lama penyimpanan, varietas, kadar air, suhu dan tempat menyimpannya. Selain itu juga harus memperhatikan kemasan benih harus utuh. kemasan yang baik adalah dengan alumunium foil. Apabila benih yang kita gunakan dari hasil pananaman kita harus memperhatikan kualitas benih itu, misalnya tanaman yang akan diambil sebagai benih harus berumur lebih dari 70 hari. Dan penanaman sawi yang akan dijadikan benih terpisah dari tanaman sawi yang lain. Juga memperhatikan proses yang akan dilakukan mesilnya dengan dianginkan, tempat penyimpanan dan diharapkan lama penggunaan benih tidak lebih dari 3 tahun. B. PENGOLAHAN TANAH. Pengolahan tanah secara umum melakukan penggemburan dan pembuatan bedengan. Tahap-tahap pengemburan yaitu pencangkulan untuk memperbaiki struktur tanah dan sirkulasi udara dan pemberian pupuk dasar untuk memperbaiki fisik serta kimia tanah yang akan menambah kesuburan lahan yang akan kita gunakan. Tanah yang hendak digemburkan harus dibersihkan dari bebatuan, rerumputan, semak atau pepohonan yang tumbuh. Dan bebas dari daerah ternaungi, karena tanaman sawi suka pada cahaya matahari secara langsung. Sedangkan kedalaman tanah yang dicangkul sedalam 20 sampai 40 cm. Pemberian pupuk organik sangat baik untuk penyiapan tanah. Sebagai contoh pemberian pupuk kandang yang baik yaitu 10 ton/ha. Pupuk kandang diberikan saat penggemburan agar cepat merata dan bercampur dengan tanah yang akan kita gunakan Bila daerah yang mempunyai pH terlalu rendah (asam) sebaiknya dilakukan pengapuran. Pengapuran ini bertujuan untuk menaikkan derajad keasam tanah, pengapuran ini dilakukan jauh-jauh sebelum penanaman benih, yaitu kira-kira 2 sampai 4 minggu sebelumnya. Sehingga waktu yang baik dalam melakukan penggemburan tanah yaitu 2 – 4 minggu sebelum lahan hendak ditanam. Jenis kapur yang digunakan adalah kapur kalsit (CaCO3) atau dolomit (CaMg(CO3)2). C. PEMBIBITAN. Pembibitan dapat dilakukan bersamaan dengan pengolahan tanah untuk penanaman. Karena lebih efisien dan benih akan lebih cepat beradaptasi terhadap lingkungannya. Sedang ukuran bedengan pembibitan yaitu lebar 80 – 120 cm dan panjangnya 1 – 3 meter. Curah hujan lebih dari 200 mm/bulan, tinggi bedengan 20 – 30 cm. Dua minggu sebelum di tabur benih, bedengan pembibitan ditaburi dengan pupuk kandang lalu di tambah 20 gram urea, 10 gram TSP, dan 7,5 gram Kcl. Cara melakukan pembibitan ialah sebagai berikut : benih ditabur, lalu ditutupi tanah setebal 1 – 2 cm, lalu disiram dengan sprayer, kemudian diamati 3 – 5 hari benih akan tumbuh setelah berumur 3 – 4 minggu sejak disemaikan tanaman dipindahkan ke bedengan. D. PENANAMAN. Bedengan dengan ukuran lebar 120 cm dan panjang sesuai dengan ukuran petak tanah. Tinggi bedeng 20 – 30 cm dengan jarak antar bedeng 30 cm, seminggu sebelum penanaman dilakukan pemupukan terlebih dahulu yaitu pupuk kandang 10 ton/ha, TSP 100 kg/ha, Kcl 75 kg/ha Sedang jarak tanam dalam bedengan 40 x 40 cm , 30 x 30 dan 20 x 20 cm. Pilihlah bibit yang baik, pindahkan bibit dengan hati-hati, lalu membuat lubang dengan ukuran 4 – 8 x 6 – 10 cm. E. PEMELIHARAAN. Pemeliharaan adalah hal yang penting. Sehingga akan sangat berpengaruh terhadap hasil yang akan didapat. Pertama-tama yang perlu diperhatikan adalah penyiraman, penyiraman ini tergantung pada musim, bila musim penghujan dirasa berlebih maka kita perlu melakukan pengurangan air yang ada, tetapi sebaliknya bila musim kemarau tiba kita harus menambah air demi kecukupan tanaman sawi yang kita tanam. Bila tidak terlalu panaspenyiraman dilakukan sehari cukup sekali sore atau pagi hari. Tahap selanjutnya yaitu penjarangan, penjarangan dilakukan 2 minggu setelah penanaman. Caranya dengan mencabut tanaman yang tumbuh terlalu rapat. Selanjutnya tahap yang dilakukan adalah penyulaman, penyulaman ialah tindakan penggantian tanaman ini dengan tanaman baru. Caranya sangat mudah yaitu tanaman yang mati atau terserang hama dan penyakit diganti dengan tanaman yang baru. Penyiangan biasanya dilakukan 2 – 4 kali selama masa pertanaman sawi, disesuaikan dengan kondisi keberadaan gulma pada bedeng penanaman. Biasanya penyiangan dilakukan 1 atau 2 minggu setelah penanaman. Apabila perlu dilakukan penggemburan dan pengguludan bersamaan dengan penyiangan. Pemupukan tambahan diberikan setelah 3 minggu tanam, yaitu dengan urea 50 kg/ha. Dapat juga dengan satu sendok the sekitar 25 gram dilarutkan dalam 25 liter air dapat disiramkan untuk 5 m bedengan. PENANAMAN VERTIKULTUR Langkah – angkah penanaman secara vertikultur adalah sebagai berikut : 1. Benih disemaikan pada kotak persemaian denagn media pasir. Bibit dirawat hingga siap ditanaman pada umur 14 hari sejak benih disemaikan. 2. Sediakan media tanam berupa tanah top soil, pupuk kandang, pasir dan kompos dengan perbandingan 2:1:1:1 yang dicampur secara merata. 3. Masukkan campuran media tanam tersebut ke dalam polibag yang berukuran 20 x 30 cm. 4. Pindahkan bibit tanaman yang sudah siap tanam ke dalam polibag yang tersedia. Tanaman yang dipindahkan biasanya telah berdaun 3 – 5 helai. 5. Polibag yang sudah ditanami disusun pada rak-rak yang tersedia pada Lath House. PENANAMAN HIDROPONIK. Langkah-langkah penanaman secara hidroponik adalah sebagai berikut : 1. Siapkan wadah persemaian . Masukkan media berupa pasir halus yang disterilkan setebal 3 – 4 cm. Taburkan benih sawi di atasnya selanjutnya tutupi kembali dengan lapisan pasir setebal 0,5 cm. 2. Setelah bibit tumbuh dan berdaun 3 – 5 helai (umur 3 – 4 minggu0, bibit dicabut dengan hati-hati, selanjutnya bagian akarnya dicuci dengan air hingga bersih, akar yang terlalu panjang dapat digunting. 3. Bak penanaman diisi bagian bawahnya dengan kerikil steril setebal 7 – 10 cm, selanjutnya di sebelah atas ditambahkan lapisan pasir kasar yang juga sudah steril setebal 20 cm. 4. Buat lubang penanaman dengan jarak sekitar 25 x 25 cm, masukkan bibit ke lubang tersebut, tutupi bagian akar bibit dengan media hingga melewati leher akar, usahakan posisi bibit tegak lurus dengan media. 5. Berikan larutan hidroponik lewat penyiraman, dapat pula pemberian dilakukan dengan sistem drip irigation atau sistem lainnya, tanaman baru selanjutnya dipelihara hingga tumbuh besar. HAMA DAN PENYAKIT A. HAMA. 1. Ulat titik tumbuh (Crocidolomia binotalis Zell.). 2. Ulat tritip (Plutella maculipennis). 3. Siput (Agriolimas sp.). 4. Ulat Thepa javanica. 5. Cacing bulu (cut worm). BUDIDAYA TANAMAN SAWI

Polsek Lape Tengah menyelidiki kasus perusakan tempat tinggal SY yang terletak di Dusun Lape Atas, Kecamatan Lape, Sumbawa, Nusa Tenggara Barat. Rumah SY yang telah dirusak oleh warga karena dicurigai jika dirinya adalah seorang dukun santet.

"Kecurigaan kalau SY itu dukun santet tidak terbukti. Akan tetapi massa sudah terlanjur merusak rumah dengan cara melempari menggunakan batu," kata Kapolsek Lape AKP Satrio , Selasa (18/3).

Saat perusakan itu terjadi pada Selasa (11/3) malam lalu, ujar pria yang akrab dipanggil dengan Yoyo, SY bersama istri dan lima orang anaknya juga sempat diamankan, karena dikhawatirkan akan berisiko terhadap keselamatan jiwanya.

Kemudian ditindaklanjuti dengan pertemuan antara SY dan warga, yang difasilitasi Kepala Desa Lape Johar Arifin. Dalam pertemuan itu telah terungkap kalau SY tidak pernah mengikuti kegiatan warga termasuk gotong-royong, sehingga memunculkan rasa antipati terhadapnya.

Namun persoalan gotong-royong, kata Yoyo, bukan menjadi ranahnya. Pihaknya juga akan menangani kasus yang berkaitan dengan tindak pidana.

"Kami juga sudah menerima laporan SY terkait dalam aksi perusakan dan telah ditindaklanjuti dengan mendatangi lokasi untuk melakukan olah TKP," ujarnya, seraya mengatakan surat panggilan telah dilayangkan kepada sejumlah saksi untuk dapat dimintai keterangannya pada Selasa (18/3) mendatang.

Disinggung keberadaan SY beserta keluarganya pasca perusakan itu, Kapolsek Lape telah menyatakan, untuk sementara ini menumpang di rumah salah seorang warga.

Sebelumnya, tempat tinggal SY dihujani batu oleh masyarakat pada Selasa malam. Aksi massa ini karena dipicu adanya isu kalau SY memiliki ilmu santet.

Untuk dapat menetralisir situasi Kades Lape beserta aparat kepolisian dan TNI terjun ke lapangan, sekaligus mengamankan terduga beserta keluarganya. Pertemuan pun digelar dengan menghadirkan SY.

Dalam pertemuan yang telah dihadiri sejumlah unsur itu, massa tetap meminta agar SY hengkang dari kampung tersebut.

Di lain pihak, SY telah membantah menganut ilmu hitam sebagaimana tuduhan warga. "Saya tidak menganut ilmu hitam dan saya berani bersumpah atas apapun, meski harus sumpah pocong sekalipun. Tudingan ini adalah fitnah," ujarnya.

SY juga mengaku tudingan ini telah dilaporkan kepada ketua RT dan kepala dusun (Kadus) serta ke Kapolsek Lape, Selasa sore. Namun malam harinya, sekitar pukul 21.00 Wita, rumahnya telah dihujani batu.

SY juga mengaku terpaksa angkat kaki dari dusun ini dan telah mengemasi seluruh barangnya, sebab rumah yang ditempatinya sudah hancur dilempari massa.

Gara-gara tak mau gotong royong, SY diisukan dukun santet

Public perceptions of race relations in America have grown substantially more negative in the aftermath of the death of a young black man who was injured while in police custody in Baltimore and the subsequent unrest, far eclipsing the sentiment recorded in the wake of turmoil in Ferguson, Mo., last summer.

Americans are also increasingly likely to say that the police are more apt to use deadly force against a black person, the latest New York Times/CBS News poll finds.

The poll findings highlight the challenges for local leaders and police officials in trying to maintain order while sustaining faith in the criminal justice system in a racially polarized nation.

Sixty-one percent of Americans now say race relations in this country are generally bad. That figure is up sharply from 44 percent after the fatal police shooting of Michael Brown and the unrest that followed in Ferguson in August, and 43 percent in December. In a CBS News poll just two months ago, 38 percent said race relations were generally bad. Current views are by far the worst of Barack Obama’s presidency.

The negative sentiment is echoed by broad majorities of blacks and whites alike, a stark change from earlier this year, when 58 percent of blacks thought race relations were bad, but just 35 percent of whites agreed. In August, 48 percent of blacks and 41 percent of whites said they felt that way.

Looking ahead, 44 percent of Americans think race relations are worsening, up from 36 percent in December. Forty-one percent of blacks and 46 percent of whites think so. Pessimism among whites has increased 10 points since December.

Continue reading the main story
Do you think race relations in the United States are generally good or generally bad?
60
40
20
0
White
Black
May '14
May '15
Generally bad
Continue reading the main story
Do you think race relations in the United States are getting better, getting worse or staying about the same?
Getting worse
Staying the same
Getting better
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
44%
37
17
46
36
16
41
42
15

The poll finds that profound racial divisions in views of how the police use deadly force remain. Blacks are more than twice as likely to say police in most communities are more apt to use deadly force against a black person — 79 percent of blacks say so compared with 37 percent of whites. A slim majority of whites say race is not a factor in a police officer’s decision to use deadly force.

Overall, 44 percent of Americans say deadly force is more likely to be used against a black person, up from 37 percent in August and 40 percent in December.

Blacks also remain far more likely than whites to say they feel mostly anxious about the police in their community. Forty-two percent say so, while 51 percent feel mostly safe. Among whites, 8 in 10 feel mostly safe.

One proposal to address the matter — having on-duty police officers wear body cameras — receives overwhelming support. More than 9 in 10 whites and blacks alike favor it.

Continue reading the main story
How would you describe your feelings about the police in your community? Would you say they make you feel mostly safe or mostly anxious?
Mostly safe
Mostly anxious
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
75%
21
3
81
16
3
51
42
7
Continue reading the main story
In general, do you think the police in most communities are more likely to use deadly force against a black person, or more likely to use it against a white person, or don’t you think race affects police use of deadly force?
Police more likely to use deadly force against a black person
Police more likely to use deadly force against a white person
Race DOES NOT affect police use of deadly force
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
44%
37%
79%
2%
2%
1%
46%
53%
16%
9%
8%
4%
Continue reading the main story
Do you favor or oppose on-duty police officers wearing video cameras that would record events and actions as they occur?
Favor
Oppose
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
92%
93%
93%
6%
5%
5%
2%
2%
2%

Asked specifically about the situation in Baltimore, most Americans expressed at least some confidence that the investigation by local authorities would be conducted fairly. But while nearly two-thirds of whites think so, fewer than half of blacks agree. Still, more blacks are confident now than were in August regarding the investigation in Ferguson. On Friday, six members of the police force involved in the arrest of Mr. Gray were charged with serious offenses, including manslaughter. The poll was conducted Thursday through Sunday; results from before charges were announced are similar to those from after.

Reaction to the recent turmoil in Baltimore, however, is similar among blacks and whites. Most Americans, 61 percent, say the unrest after Mr. Gray’s death was not justified. That includes 64 percent of whites and 57 percent of blacks.

Continue reading the main story
As you may know, a Baltimore man, Freddie Gray, recently died after being in the custody of the Baltimore police. How much confidence do you have that the investigation by local authorities into this matter will be conducted fairly?
A lot
Some
Not much
None at all
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
29%
31
22
14
5
31
33
20
11
5
20
26
30
22
In general, do you think the unrest in Baltimore after the death of Freddie Gray was justified, or do you think the unrest was not justified?
Justified
Not justified
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
28%
61
11
26
64
11
37
57
6

Negative View of U.S. Race Relations Grows, Poll Finds

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

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UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?

What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.

Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.

 

 

Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.

In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.

“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”

He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.

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Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”

It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.

Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.

He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.

They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.

Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.

As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.

He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.

Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.

“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”

The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”

Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.

Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.

R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.

“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”

With Iran Talks, a Tangled Path to Ending Syria’s War

A former member of the Boston Symphony Orchestra, Mr. Smedvig helped found the wide-ranging Empire Brass quintet.

Rolf Smedvig, Trumpeter in the Empire Brass, Dies at 62

HOBART, Tasmania — Few places seem out of reach for China’s leader, Xi Jinping, who has traveled from European capitals to obscure Pacific and Caribbean islands in pursuit of his nation’s strategic interests.

So perhaps it was not surprising when he turned up last fall in this city on the edge of the Southern Ocean to put down a long-distance marker in another faraway region, Antarctica, 2,000 miles south of this Australian port.

Standing on the deck of an icebreaker that ferries Chinese scientists from this last stop before the frozen continent, Mr. Xi pledged that China would continue to expand in one of the few places on earth that remain unexploited by humans.

He signed a five-year accord with the Australian government that allows Chinese vessels and, in the future, aircraft to resupply for fuel and food before heading south. That will help secure easier access to a region that is believed to have vast oil and mineral resources; huge quantities of high-protein sea life; and for times of possible future dire need, fresh water contained in icebergs.

It was not until 1985, about seven decades after Robert Scott and Roald Amundsen raced to the South Pole, that a team representing Beijing hoisted the Chinese flag over the nation’s first Antarctic research base, the Great Wall Station on King George Island.

But now China seems determined to catch up. As it has bolstered spending on Antarctic research, and as the early explorers, especially the United States and Australia, confront stagnant budgets, there is growing concern about its intentions.

China’s operations on the continent — it opened its fourth research station last year, chose a site for a fifth, and is investing in a second icebreaker and new ice-capable planes and helicopters — are already the fastest growing of the 52 signatories to the Antarctic Treaty. That gentlemen’s agreement reached in 1959 bans military activity on the continent and aims to preserve it as one of the world’s last wildernesses; a related pact prohibits mining.

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But Mr. Xi’s visit was another sign that China is positioning itself to take advantage of the continent’s resource potential when the treaty expires in 2048 — or in the event that it is ripped up before, Chinese and Australian experts say.

“So far, our research is natural-science based, but we know there is more and more concern about resource security,” said Yang Huigen, director general of the Polar Research Institute of China, who accompanied Mr. Xi last November on his visit to Hobart and stood with him on the icebreaker, Xue Long, or Snow Dragon.

With that in mind, the polar institute recently opened a new division devoted to the study of resources, law, geopolitics and governance in Antarctica and the Arctic, Mr. Yang said.

Australia, a strategic ally of the United States that has strong economic relations with China, is watching China’s buildup in the Antarctic with a mix of gratitude — China’s presence offers support for Australia’s Antarctic science program, which is short of cash — and wariness.

“We should have no illusions about the deeper agenda — one that has not even been agreed to by Chinese scientists but is driven by Xi, and most likely his successors,” said Peter Jennings, executive director of the Australian Strategic Policy Institute and a former senior official in the Australian Department of Defense.

“This is part of a broader pattern of a mercantilist approach all around the world,” Mr. Jennings added. “A big driver of Chinese policy is to secure long-term energy supply and food supply.”

That approach was evident last month when a large Chinese agriculture enterprise announced an expansion of its fishing operations around Antarctica to catch more krill — small, protein-rich crustaceans that are abundant in Antarctic waters.

“The Antarctic is a treasure house for all human beings, and China should go there and share,” Liu Shenli, the chairman of the China National Agricultural Development Group, told China Daily, a state-owned newspaper. China would aim to fish up to two million tons of krill a year, he said, a substantial increase from what it currently harvests.

Because sovereignty over Antarctica is unclear, nations have sought to strengthen their claims over the ice-covered land by building research bases and naming geographic features. China’s fifth station will put it within reach of the six American facilities, and ahead of Australia’s three.

Chinese mappers have also given Chinese names to more than 300 sites, compared with the thousands of locations on the continent with English names.

In the unspoken competition for Antarctica’s future, scientific achievement can also translate into influence. Chinese scientists are driving to be the first to drill and recover an ice core containing tiny air bubbles that provide a record of climate change stretching as far back as 1.5 million years. It is an expensive and delicate effort at which others, including the European Union and Australia, have failed.

In a breakthrough a decade ago, European scientists extracted an ice core nearly two miles long that revealed 800,000 years of climate history. But finding an ice core going back further would allow scientists to examine a change in the earth’s climate cycles believed to have occurred 900,000 to 1.2 million years ago.

China is betting it has found the best location to drill, at an area called Dome A, or Dome Argus, the highest point on the East Antarctic Ice Sheet. Though it is considered one of the coldest places on the planet, with temperatures of 130 degrees below zero Fahrenheit, a Chinese expedition explored the area in 2005 and established a research station in 2009.

“The international community has drilled in lots of places, but no luck so far,” said Xiao Cunde, a member of the first party to reach the site and the deputy director of the Institute for Climate Change at the Chinese Academy of Meteorological Sciences. “We think at Dome A we will have a straight shot at the one-million-year ice core.”

Mr. Xiao said China had already begun drilling and hoped to find what scientists are looking for in four to five years.

To support its Antarctic aspirations, China is building a sophisticated $300 million icebreaker that is expected to be ready in a few years, said Xia Limin, deputy director of the Chinese Arctic and Antarctic Administration in Beijing. It has also bought a high-tech fixed-wing aircraft, outfitted in the United States, for taking sensitive scientific soundings from the ice.

China has chosen the site for its fifth research station at Inexpressible Island, named by a group of British explorers who were stranded at the desolate site in 1912 and survived the winter by excavating a small ice cave.

Mr. Xia said the inhospitable spot was ideal because China did not have a presence in that part of Antarctica, and because the rocky site did not have much snow, making it relatively cheap to build there.

Anne-Marie Brady, a professor of political science at the University of Canterbury in New Zealand and the author of a soon-to-be-released book, “China as a Polar Great Power,” said Chinese scientists also believed they had a good chance of finding mineral and energy resources near the site.

“China is playing a long game in Antarctica and keeping other states guessing about its true intentions and interests are part of its poker hand,” she said. But she noted that China’s interest in finding minerals was presented “loud and clear to domestic audiences” as the main reason it was investing in Antarctica.

Because commercial drilling is banned, estimates of energy and mineral resources in Antarctica rely on remote sensing data and comparisons with similar geological environments elsewhere, said Millard F. Coffin, executive director of the Institute for Marine and Antarctic Studies in Hobart.

But the difficulty of extraction in such severe conditions and uncertainty about future commodity prices make it unlikely that China or any country would defy the ban on mining anytime soon.

Tourism, however, is already booming. Travelers from China are still a relatively small contingent in the Antarctic compared with the more than 13,000 Americans who visited in 2013, and as yet there are no licensed Chinese tour operators.

But that is about to change, said Anthony Bergin, deputy director of the Australian Strategic Policy Institute. “I understand very soon there will be Chinese tourists on Chinese vessels with all-Chinese crew in the Antarctic,” he said.

 

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