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Syarat, Rukun, dan Wajib Haji

Haji adalah rukun (tiang agama) Islam yang kelima setelah syahadat, shalat, zakat dan puasa. Menunaikan ibadah haji adalah bentuk ritual tahunan yang dilaksanakan kaum muslim sedunia yang mampu (material, fisik, dan keilmuan) dengan berkunjung dan melaksanakan beberapa kegiatan di beberapa tempat di Arab Saudi pada suatu waktu yang dikenal sebagai musim haji (bulan Dzulhijjah). Hal ini berbeda dengan ibadah umrah yang bisa dilaksanakan sewaktu-waktu.

Syarat Haji

1. Islam

2. Akil Balig

3. Dewasa

4. Berakal

5. Waras

6. Orang merdeka (bukan budak)

7. Mampu, baik dalam hal biaya, kesehatan, keamanan, dan nafkah bagi keluarga yang ditinggal berhaji

 

Rukun Haji

Rukun haji adalah perbuatan-perbuatan yang wajib dilakukan dalam berhaji. Rukun haji tsb adalah:

1. Ihram

2. Wukuf di Arafah

3. Tawaf ifâdah

4. Sa`i

5. Mencukur rambut di kepala atau memotongnya sebagian

6. Tertib

Rukun haji tsb harus dilakukan secara berurutan dan menyeluruh. Jika salah satu ditinggalkan, maka hajinya tidak sah.

 

Wajib Haji

1. Memulai ihram dari mîqât (batas waktu dan tempat yang ditentukan untuk melakukan ibadah haji dan umrah)

2. Melontar jumrah

3. Mabît (menginap) di Mudzdalifah, Mekah

4. Mabît di Mina

5. Tawaf wada` (tawaf perpisahan)

Jika salah satu dari wajib haji ini ditinggalkan, maka hajinya tetap sah, namun harus membayar dam (denda).

 

Pelaksanaan Ibadah Haji (Manasik Haji)

Tata cara manasik haji adalah sebagai berikut:

1. Melakukan ihram dari mîqât yang telah ditentukan

Ihram dapat dimulai sejak awal bulan Syawal dengan melakukan mandi sunah, berwudhu, memakai pakaian ihram, dan berniat haji dengan mengucapkan Labbaik Allâhumma hajjan, yang artinya `aku datang memenuhi panggilanmu ya Allah, untuk berhaji`.

Kemudian berangkat menuju arafah dengan membaca talbiah untuk menyatakan niat:

Labbaik Allâhumma labbaik, labbaik lâ syarîka laka labbaik, inna al-hamda, wa ni`mata laka wa al-mulk, lâ syarîka laka

Artinya:

Aku datang ya Allah, aku datang memenuhi panggilan-Mu; Aku datang, tiada sekutu bagi-Mu, aku datang; Sesungguhnya segala pujian, segala kenikmatan, dan seluruh kerajaan, adalah milik Engkau; tiada sekutu bagi-Mu.

2. Wukuf di Arafah

Dilaksanakan pada tanggal 9 Zulhijah, waktunya dimulai setelah matahari tergelincir sampai terbit fajar pada hari nahar (hari menyembelih kurban) tanggal 10 Zulhijah.

Saat wukuf, ada beberapa hal yang harus dilakukan, yaitu: shalat jamak taqdim dan qashar zuhur-ashar, berdoa, berzikir bersama, membaca Al-Qur`an, shalat jamak taqdim dan qashar maghrib-isya.

3. Mabît di Muzdalifah, Mekah

Waktunya sesaat setelah tengah malam sampai sebelum terbit fajar. Disini mengambil batu kerikil sejumlah 49 butir atau 70 butir untuk melempar jumrah di Mina, dan melakukan shalat subuh di awal waktu, dilanjutkan dengan berangkat menuju Mina. Kemudian berhenti sebentar di masy`ar al-harâm (monumen suci) atau Muzdalifah untuk berzikir kepada Allah SWT (QS 2: 198), dan mengerjakan shalat subuh ketika fajar telah menyingsing.

4. Melontar jumrah `aqabah

Dilakukan di bukit `Aqabah, pada tanggal 10 Zulhijah, dengan 7 butir kerikil, kemudian menyembelih hewan kurban.

5. Tahalul

Tahalul adalah berlepas diri dari ihram haji setelah selesai mengerjakan amalan-amalan haji.

Tahalul awal, dilaksanakan setelah selesai melontar jumrah `aqobah, dengan cara mencukur/memotong rambut sekurang-kurangnya 3 helai.

Setelah tahalul, boleh memakai pakaian biasa dan melakukan semua perbuatan yang dilarang selama ihram, kecuali berhubungan seks.

Bagi yang ingin melaksanakan tawaf ifâdah pada hari itu dapat langsung pergi ke Mekah untuk tawaf. Dengan membaca talbiah masuk ke Masjidil Haram melalui Bâbussalâm (pintu salam) dan melakukan tawaf. Selesai tawaf disunahkan mencium Hajar Aswad (batu hitam), lalu shalat sunah 2 rakaat di dekat makam Ibrahim, berdoa di Multazam, dan shalat sunah 2 rakaat di Hijr Ismail (semuanya ada di kompleks Masjidil Haram).

Kemudian melakukan sa`i antara bukit Shafa dan Marwa, dimulai dari Bukit Shafa dan berakhir di Bukit Marwa. Lalu dilanjutkan dengan tahalul kedua, yaitu mencukur/memotong rambut sekurang-kurangnya 3 helai.

Dengan demikian, seluruh perbuatan yang dilarang selama ihram telah dihapuskan, sehingga semuanya kembali halal untuk dilakukan.

Selanjutnya kembali ke Mina sebelum matahari terbenam untuk mabît di sana.

6. Mabît di Mina

Dilaksanakan pada hari tasyrik (hari yang diharamkan untuk berpuasa), yaitu pada tanggal 11, 12, dan 13 Zulhijah. Setiap siang pada hari-hari tasyrik itu melontar jumrah ûlâ, wustâ, dan `aqabah, masing-masing 7 kali.

Bagi yang menghendaki nafar awwal (meninggalkan Mina tanggal 12 Zulhijah setelah jumrah sore hari), melontar jumrah dilakukan pada tanggal 11 dan 12 Zulhijah saja. Tetapi bagi yang menghendaki nafar sânî atau nafar akhir (meninggalkan Mina pada tanggal 13 Zulhijah setelah jumrah sore hari), melontar jumrah dilakukan selama tiga hari (11, 12, dan 13 Zulhijah).

Dengan selesainya melontar jumrah maka selesailah seluruh rangkaian kegiatan ibadah haji dan kembali ke Mekah.

7. Tawaf ifâdah

Bagi yang belum melaksanakan tawaf ifâdah ketika berada di Mekah, maka harus melakukan tawaf ifâdah dan sa`i. Lalu melakukan tawaf wada` sebelum meninggalkan Mekah untuk kembali pulang ke daerah asal.

Larangan dalam Haji

Hal-hal yang tidak boleh dilakukan oleh orang yang sudah memakai pakaian ihram dan sudah berniat melakukan ibadah haji/umrah adalah:

1. Melakukan hubungan seksual atau apa pun yang dapat mengarah pada perbuatan hubungan seksual

2. Melakukan perbuatan tercela dan maksiat

3. Bertengkar dengan orang lain

4. Memakai pakaian yang berjahit (bagi laki-laki)

5. Memakai wangi-wangian

6. Memakai khuff (kaus kaki atau sepatu yang menutup mata kaki)

7. Melakukan akad nikah

8. Memotong kuku

9. Mencukur atau mencabut rambut

10. Memakai pakaian yang dicelup yang mempunyai bau harum

11. Membunuh binatang buruan

12. Memakan daging binatang buruan

 

Macam-macam Haji

1. Haji ifrâd

Haji ifrâd yaitu membedakan ibadah haji dengan umrah. Ibadah haji dan umrah masing-masing dikerjakan tersendiri. Pelaksanaannya, ibadah haji dilakukan terlebih dulu, setelah selesai baru melakukan umrah. Semuanya dilakukan masih dalam bulan haji.

Cara pelaksanaannya adalah:

a. ihram dari mîqât dengan niat untuk haji

b. ihram dari mîqât dengan niat untuk umrah

2. Haji tamattu`

Haji tamattu` adalah melakukan umrah terlebih dulu pada bulan haji, setelah selesai baru melakukan haji.

Orang yang melakukan haji tamattu` wajib membayar hadyu (denda), yaitu dengan menyembelih seekor kambing. Jika tidak mampu dapat diganti dengan berpuasa selama 10 hari, yaitu 3 hari selagi masih berada di tanah suci, dan 7 hari setelah kembali di tanah air.

Cara pelaksanaannya adalah:

a. ihram dari mîqât dengan niat untuk umrah

b. melaksanakan haji setelah selesai melaksanakan semua amalan umrah

3. Haji qirân

Haji qirân adalah melaksanakan ibadah haji dan umrah secara bersama-sama. Dengan demikian segala amalan umrah sudah tercakup dalam amalan haji.

Cara pelaksanaannya adalah:

a. ihram dari mîqât dengan niat untuk haji dan umrah sekaligus

b. melakukan seluruh amalan haji

 

Amalan-Amalan Haji

1. Mîqât

Mîqât adalah batas waktu dan tempat melakukan ibadah haji dan umrah. Mîqât terdiri atas mîqât zamânî dan mîqât makânî.

Mîqât zamânî adalah kapan ibadah haji sudah boleh dilaksanakan.

Berdasarkan kesepakatan para ulama yang bersumber dari sunah Rasulullah SAW, mîqât zamânî jatuh pada bulan Syawal, Zulkaidah, sampai dengan tanggal 10 Zulhijah.

Mîqât makânî adalah dari tempat mana ibadah haji sudah boleh dilaksanakan.

Tempat-tempat untuk mîqât makânî adalah:

• Zulhulaifah atau Bir-Ali (450 km dari Mekah) bagi orang yang datang dari arah Madinah

• Al-Juhfah atau Rabiq (204 km dari Mekah) bagi orang yang datang dari arah Suriah, Mesir, dan wilayah-wilayah Maghrib

• Yalamlan (sebuah gunung yang letaknya 94 km di selatan Mekah) bagi orang yang datang dari arah Yaman

• Qarnul Manazir (94 km di timur Mekah) bagi orang yang datang dari arah Nejd

• Zatu Irqin (94 km sebelah timur Mekah) bagi orang yang datang dari arah Irak

2. Ihram

Ihram ialah niat melaksanakan ibadah haji atau umrah dan memakai pakaian ihram.

Bagi laki-laki, pakaian ihram adalah dua helai pakaian tak berjahit untuk menutup badan bagian atas dan sehelai lagi untuk menutup badan bagian bawah. Kepala tidak ditutup dan memakai alas kaki yang tidak menutup mata kaki.

Bagi wanita, pakaian ihram adalah kain berjahit yang menutup seluruh tubuh kecuali wajah.

Sunah ihram adalah memotong kuku, kumis, rambut ketiak, rambut kemaluan, dan mandi. Kemudian melakukan shalat sunah ihram 2 rakaat (sebelum ihram), membaca talbiah, shalawat, dan istighfar (sesudah ihram dimulai).

3. Tawaf

Tawaf adalah mengelilingi Ka`bah sebanyak 7 kali, dimulai dari arah yang sejajar dengan Hajar Aswad dan Ka`bah selalu ada di sebelah kiri (berputar berlawanan arah jarum jam).

Syarat tawaf adalah:

1. Suci dari hadas besar, hadas kecil, dan najis

2. Menutup aurat

3. Melakukan 7 kali putaran berturut-turut

4. Mulai dan mengakhiri tawaf di tempat yang sejajar dengan Hajar Aswad

5. Ka`bah selalu berada di sisi kiri

6. Bertawaf di luar Ka`bah

Sedangkan sunah tawaf adalah:

1. Menghadap Hajar Aswad ketika memulai tawaf

2. Berjalan kaki

3. al-idtibâ, yaitu meletakkan pertengahan kain ihram di bawah ketiak tangan kanan dan kedua ujungnya di atas bahu kiri

4. Menyentuh Hajar Aswad atau memberi isyarat ketika mulai tawaf

5. Niat.

Niat untuk tawaf yang terkandung dalam ibadah haji hukumnya tidak wajib karena niatnya sudah terkandung dalam niat ihram haji, tetapi kalau tawaf itu bukan dalam ibadah haji, maka hukum niat tawaf menjadi wajib, seperti dalam tawaf wada` dan tawaf nazar.

6. Mencapai rukun yamanî (pada putaran ke-7) dan mencium atau menyentuh Hajar Aswad

7. Memperbanyak doa dan zikir selama dalam tawaf

8. Tertib, dilaksanakan secara berurutan

Macam-macam tawaf adalah:

Tawaf ifâdah

Tawaf sebagai rukun haji yang apabila ditinggalkan maka hajinya menjadi tidak sah.

Tawaf ziyârah

Tawaf kunjungan, sering juga disebut tawaf qudûm, yaitu tawaf yang dilakukan setibanya di kota Mekah.

Tawaf sunah

Tawaf yang dapat dilakukan kapan saja.

Tawaf wada`

Tawaf perpisahan, yaitu tawaf yang dilakukan sebelum meninggalkan Mekah setelah selesai melakukan seluruh rangkaian ibadah haji.

4. Sa`i

Sa`i adalah berjalan dari Bukit Shafa ke Bukit Marwa sebanyak 7 kali.

Syarat sa`i adalah:

1. Seluruh perjalanan sa`i dilakukan secara lengkap, tidak boleh ada jarak yang tersisa

2. Dimulai dari Shafa dan berakhir di Marwa

3. Dilakukan sesudah tawaf

4. Dilakukan sebanyak 7 kali perjalanan

Sedangkan sunah dalam sa`i adalah:

1. Berdoa di antara Shafa dan Marwa

2. Dalam keadaan suci dan menutup aurat

3. Berlari kecil antara 2 tonggak hijau

4. Tidak berdesakan

5. Berjalan kaki

6. Dikerjakan secara berturut-turut

5. Wukuf di Arafah

Wukud di Arafah adalah berdiam diri di padang Arafah sejak matahari tergelincir pada tanggal 9 Zulhijah sampai terbit fajar pada tanggal 10 Zulhijah (hari nahar), baik dalam keadaan suci maupun tidak suci.

Haji tanpa wukuf tidak sah dan harus diulang lagi pada tahun berikutnya. Hal ini berdasarkan hadist Rasulullah SAW yang diriwayatkan oleh Abu Dawud:

Haji itu `arafah, siapa yang datang pada malam mabît di Muzdalifah sebelum fajar menyingsing, ia sudah mendapatkan haji.

Ketika melakukan wukuf, disunahkan untuk tidak berpuasa, menghadap kiblat, berzikir, membaca istighfar, dan berdoa. Menurut riwayat Imam Ahmad, doa Nabi SAW ketika di hari arafah adalah:

Tiada Tuhan kecuali Allah, yang Esa, tiada sekutu bagi-Nya, bagi-Nya seluruh kerajaan, bagi-Nya pula segala pujian, di tangan-Nya segala kebaikan, dan Ia Maha Kuasa atas segalanya.

6. Melontar Jumrah

Melontar jumrah ialah melempar batu kerikil ke arah 3 buah tonggak, yaitu ûlâ, wustâ, dan ukhrâ, masing-masing 7 kali lemparan. Hari melontar jumrah dimulai pada tanggal 10 Zulhijah, ke arah jumrah `aqabah atau jumrah kubra, dan 2 atau 3 hari dari hari-hari tasyrik (11, 12, dan 13 Zulhijah) ke arah 3 jumrah yang telah disebutkan di atas.

Waktu melontar jumrah disunahkan sesudah matahari terbit. Bagi orang yang lemah atau berhalangan boleh melakukannya pada malam hari.

Adapun melontar jumrah pada 3 hari yang lain, hendaknya dimulai pada waktu matahari sudah mulai turun ke barat sampai saat matahari terbenam.

Ketika melontar jumrah disunahkan:

1. Berdiri dengan posisi Mekah ada di sebelah kiri dan Mina di sebelah kanan

2. Mengangkat tangan tinggi-tinggi bagi laki-laki

3. Membaca takbir ketika melempar batu yang pertama

Bagi orang yang berhalangan menyelesaikan haji dengan tidak melakukan wukuf di Arafah, tawaf, ataupun sa`i, apa pun penyebabnya, menurut pendapat jumhur ulama orang tsb wajib menyembelih seekor kambing, sapi, atau unta di tempat ia bertahalul.

Apabila ibadahnya itu ibadah wajib, ia harus meng-qadha pada tahun berikutnya, tetapi bila bukan ibadah wajib, ia tidak perlu meng-qadha.

Haji Akbar dan Haji Mabrur

Haji akbar (haji besar)

Istilah haji akbar disebut dalam firman Allah SWT pada surah At-Taubah: 3 yang artinya:

Dan (inilah) suatu pemakluman dari Allah dan Rasul-Nya kepada manusia pada hari haji akbar, bahwa sesungguhnya Allah dan Rasul-Nya berlepas diri dari orang-orang musyrikin...

Ada beberapa pendapat ulama tentang haji akbar, yaitu haji akbar adalah:

• haji pada hari wukuf di Arafah

• haji pada hari nahar

• haji yang wukufnya bertepatan dengan hari jum`at

• ibadah haji itu sendiri beserta wukufnya di Arafah

Namun pendapat yang paling masyhur adalah pendapat yang menyatakan bahwa haji akbar adalah haji yang wukufnya jatuh pada hari jum`at.

Ada haji besar, ada pula haji asgar (haji kecil) yang merupakan istilah lain untuk umrah.

Haji mabrur

Haji mabrur adalah ibadah haji seseorang yang seluruh rangkaian ibadah hajinya dapat dilaksanakan dengan benar, ikhlas, tidak dicampuri dosa, menggunakan biaya yang halal, dan yang terpenting, setelah ibadah haji menjadi orang yang lebih baik.

Balasan bagi orang yang mendapat haji mabrur adalah surga. Hal ini didasarkan pada sabda Rasulullah SAW yang diriwayatkan oleh Abu Hurairah yang artinya:

Umrah ke satu ke umrah berikutnya adalah penebus dosa di antara keduanya, dan haji mabrur ganjarannya tiada lain kecuali surga (HR Bukhari dan Muslim)

Dam (Denda)

Dam dalam bentuk darah adalah menyembelih binatang sebagai karafat (tebusan) terhadap beberapa pelanggaran yang dilakukan ketika melakukan ibadah haji atau umrah. Jenis dam adalah:

1. Dam tartîb

2. Dam takhyîr dan taqdîr

3. Dam tartîb dan ta`dîl

4. Dam takhyîr dan ta`dîl

1. Dam tartîb

Dam tartîb yaitu bila binatang yang disembelih adalah kambing, tetapi bila tidak mendapat kambing, harus melaksanakan puasa 3 hari di tanah suci dan 7 hari apabila telah pulang ke kampung halaman.

Orang diwajibkan membayar dam tartîb karena 9 hal, yaitu:

1. Mengerjakan haji tammatu`

2. Mengerjakan haji qirân

3. Tidak wukuf di Arafah

4. Tidak melontar jumrah yang ke-3

5. Tidak mabît di Muzdalifah pada malam nahar

6. Tidak mabît di Mina pada malam hari tasyrik

7. Tidak berihram dari mîqât

8. Tidak melakukan tawaf wada`

9. Tidak berjalan kaki bagi yang bernazar untuk mengerjakan haji dengan berjalan kaki

2. Dam takhyîr dan taqdîr

Dam takhyîr dan taqdîr ialah boleh memilih menyembelih seekor kambing, berpuasa, atau bersedekah memberi makan kepada 6 orang miskin sebanyak 3 sa` (1 sa` = 3,1 liter).

Dam jenis ini dikenakan untuk satu diantara sebab-sebab berikut:

1. Mencabut 3 helai rambut atau lebih secara berturut-turut

2. Memotong 3 kuku atau lebih

3. Berpakaian yang berjahit

4. Menutup kepala

5. Memakai wewangian

6. Melakukan perbuatan yang menjadi pengantar bagi perbuatan seksual

7. Melakukan hubungan seksual antara tahalul pertama dan tahalul kedua.

3. Dam tartîb dan ta`dîl

Dam tartîb dan ta`dîl adalah pertama kali wajib menyembelih unta, apabila tidak mampu boleh menyembelih sapi, apabila tidak mampu juga baru menyembelih kambing 7 ekor.

Apabila tidak mendapat 7 ekor kambing, si pelanggar harus membeli makanan seharga itu dan disedekahkan kepada fakir miskin di tanah suci.

Dam jenis ini dikenakan karena pelanggaran melakukan hubungan seksual.

4. Dam takhyîr dan ta`dîl

Dam takhyîr dan ta`dîl adalah boleh memilih diantara 3 hal yaitu:

• Menyembelih binatang buruan yang diburu

• Membeli makanan seharga binatang buruan tsb dan disedekahkan

• Berpuasa satu hari untuk setiap 1 mud (5/6 liter)

Dam jenis ini dikenakan karena sebab-sebab:

1. Merusak, memburu, atau membunuh binatang buruan

2. Memotong pohon-pohon atau mencabut rerumputan di tanah haram.

Waktu dan tempat penyembelihan dam

Waktu penyembelihan dam yang disebabkan pelanggaran yang tidak sampai membatalkan atau kehilangan haji harus dilakukan pada waktu si pelanggar melakukan ibadah haji. Tetapi bagi dam yang disebabkan pelanggaran yang berakibat kehilangan haji, pelaksanaannya wajib ditunda sampai pada waktu melakukan ihram ketika meng-qadha haji.

Sedangkan tempat penyembelihan dam dan penyaluran dagingnya adalah di tanah haram.

Bagi orang yang melakukan haji, diutamakan menyembelihnya di Mina, sedangkan bagi orang yang melakukan umrah, menyembelihnya di Marwa.

Mewakilkan Haji

Perwakilan haji berlaku untuk seseorang yang mampu melakukan haji dari segi biaya, tapi kesehatannya tidak memungkinkan, seperti sakit yang parah atau karena usia tua.

Dalam hal ini wajib orang lain untuk menghajikannya dengan biaya dari orang yang bersangkutan, dengan syarat orang yang menggantikan tsb sudah mengerjakan haji untuk dirinya sendiri.

Tetapi bila setelah dihajikan orang itu sembuh, menurut Imam Syafi`i, ia tetap wajib melakukan haji.

Perwakilan haji juga dapat dilakukan atas orang yang sudah meninggal, asalkan orang tsb berkewajiban haji, antara lain mempunyai nazar dan belum dapat melaksanakannya. Hal ini didasarkan pada hadist yang meriwayatkan bahwa seorang lelaki mendatangi Nabi SAW:

`Ayah saya sudah meninggal dan ia mempunya kewajiban haji, apakah aku harus menghajikannya?` Nabi SAW menjawab, `Bagaimana pendapatmu apabila ayahmu meninggalkan hutang, apakah engkau wajib membayarnya?` Orang itu menjawab, `Ya`. Nabi SAW berkata, `Berhajilah engkau untuk ayahmu`.(HR. Ibnu Abbas RA)

Sumber : http://mihrabqolbi.com

Baca Artikel Lainnya : MELAKSANAKAN HAJI UMRAH, KEWAJIBAN YANG BERIHRAM DAN ZIARAH KE MASJID RASUL

 

PENGETAHUAN UMUM TENTANG IBADAH HAJI

Mantan Ketua Umum Partai Demokrat, Anas Urbaningrum, hari ini telah kembali diperiksa sebagai tersangka dalam kasus dugaan gratifikasi proyek Hambalang dan proyek-proyek lainnya. Ketua Umum Perhimpunan Pergerakan Indonesia (PPI) itu selalu berkelit ketika ditanya soal penyitaan beberapa harta yang diduga terkait dengan tindak pidana pencucian uang disangkakan kepadanya.

Anas hadir untuk menjalani pemeriksaan pukul 10.00 WIB. Dia nampak membawa sebuah tas selempang dan ditemani oleh salah satu anggota tim penasihat hukumnya, Firman Wijaya.

Suami Athiyyah Laila itu selalu berkelit ketika ditanyakan soal penyitaan hartanya. Tetapi dia seketika membantah ketika disinggung ihwal apakah betul Direktur PT Dutasari Citra Laras, Machfud Suroso, yang telah memberikan dia beberapa tanah, yang saat ini disita oleh KPK.

"Ah siapa bilang, enak saja. Gitu saja ya. Saya mau Jumat berkah dulu ya," kata Anas kepada awak media, di Gedung KPK, Jakarta, Jumat (14/3).

Anas juga berkilah soal penyitaan tanah dilakukan KPK. Dia malah mengatakan tidak tahu kalau tanah itu atas nama mertuanya, KH Attabik Ali.

"O iya? Sudah ya? Saya tidak tahu. Aset siapa itu? Oh katanya ya," ujar Anas.

Bantah diberi Machfud Suroso tanah, Anas ngaku mau Jumat berkah

saco-indonesia.com, Salah seorang penggawa Liverpool, Lucas Leiva, telah meyakini bahwa Premier League musim ini berjalan dengan amat seimbang.

Oleh karena itu ia juga percaya bahwa masih terlalu dini untuk bisa menentukan klub mana yang akan jadi juara atau terdegradasi ke divisi yang lebih rendah.

"Saya pikir terlalu dini untuk bisa mengatakan siapakah yang akan menjadi favorit untuk juara, sama seperti terlalu dini untuk bisa menyebut siapa yang akan terdegradasi musim ini," jelasnya menurut laporan Perform.

"Musim ini liga berjalan dengan begitu seimbang. Tim yang tidak pernah kehilangan poin di beberapa tahun terakhir, mulai telah mengalami hal tersebut," pungkas Leiva.

Liverpool saat ini tengah berada di puncak klasemen sementara Liga Inggris. Unggul selisih gol dari Arsenal, meski telah mengumpulkan poin yang sama dengan tim asuhan Arsene Wenger tersebut.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

PREMIER LEAGUE MUSIM INI SULIT UNTUK DITEBAK

Bojonegoro, begitu nama itu yang dikenal sebagai salah satu kabupaten di Jawa Timur. Letaknya sekitar 67 kilometer dari ibukota Jawa Timur, Surabaya. Meski telah memiliki hasil tambang melimpah, kehidupan masyarakat di Bojonegoro tidaklah makmur seperti perusahaan-perusahaan minyak asing yang menguasainya.

Dalam hal pendidikan misalnya. Jangankan sekolah bertaraf internasional mau berinvestasi di wilayah ini, sekolah negeri pun keadaannya juga sungguh miris. Apalagi keadaan rumah sakitnya, hanya ada satu rumah sakit pemerintah dengan kondisi yang memprihatinkan. Satu rumah sakit itu bernama RS Veteran berada dekat dengan alun-alun dan tidak jauh dari kantor Dewan Perwakilan Daerah Bojonegoro.

Cerita punya cerita, pemimpin negeri ini pun tidak mampir menginjakkan kakinya di Bojonegoro. "Tidak ada satu presiden yang menginjakkan kakinya di sini. Tidak tahu kenapa," kata Gus Mul, salah seorang tokoh masyarakat di Bojonegoro saat berbincang dengan merdeka.com Senin lalu.

Seingatnya, dari enam presiden Indonesia, hanya Soekarno yang 'berani' datang ke Bojonegoro. Gus Mul tidak mengetahui kenapa presiden tidak mampir ke Bojonegoro. Namun, dari cerita yang dia tahu, ada mitos yang beredar di kalangan masyarakat bahwa jika presiden mampir di Bojonegoro, dia akan turun dari tahta.

Sebagai seorang tokoh pemuka agama, Gus Mul mengenyampingkan mitos tersebut. "Itu hanya mitos. Kalau mau datang ya datang saja," ujar Gus Mul.

Selain daerah menghasilkan minyak bumi, Bojonegoro dikenal daerah religius. Hal ini karena banyaknya Pondok Pesantren - khususnya Nahdlatul Ulama - yang berdiri di wilayah ini. Namun, apakah benar presiden enggan datang ke Bojonegoro karena mitos turun tahta?

Bojonegoro dan mitos presiden turun tahta

AMSTERDAM, Saco-Indonesia.com — Waktu sudah menunjuk menit ke-90 dan laga Chelsea lawan Benfica masih imbang 1-1 pada final Liga Europa di Amsterdam Arena, Rabu atau Kamis (16/5/2013). Namun, Branislav Ivanovic kemudian mencetak gol dan Chelsea pun menang 2-1 dan juara Liga Europa 2012-13.

Setelah menjalani babak pertama tanpa gol, Chelsea membuka keunggulan lewat gol Fernando Torres pada menit ke-59. Oscar Cardozo sempat membuat Benfica menyamakan kedudukan lewat tendangan penaltinya di menit ke-67. Namun, sundulan Branislav Ivanovic di menit ke-90 membuyarkan harapan Benfica dan memastikan Chelsea juara.

Sejak babak pertama, pertarungan kedua tim sebenarnya seru. Namun, Chelsea yang tampil tanpa John Terry dan Eden Hazard kerap harus menghadapi tekanan Benfica yang tampil lebih menyerang.

Benfica tampil menekan dan beberapa kali mengurung Chelsea di daerah penalti mereka sendiri. Pada menit ke-10, Benfica memiliki kesempatan mengancam gawang Chelsea, tetapi tembakan Eduardo Salvio masih terlalu lemah dan bisa diantisipasi kiper Petr Cech. Mencoba keluar dari tekanan Benfica, Chelsea pun beberapa kali menekan lewat terobosan Juan Mata, tetapi belum ada gol yang tercipta. Kesempatan terbaik Chelsea datang lewat Frank Lampard di menit 37, tetapi bola tembakannya masih bisa ditepis kiper Benfica, Artur.

Benfica menggetarkan gawang Chelsea di menit ke-50 melalui Oscar Cardozo. Namun, gol tersebut dianulir oleh hakim garis yang menganggapnya sudah terlebih dulu dalam posisi offside.

Seperti makin tergugah oleh gol tak sah itu, Chelsea mencoba menekan. Mereka akhirnya memecah kebuntuan melalui gol Fernando Torres di menit ke-59 melalui solo run. Tinggal berhadapan dengan kiper Artur, Torres mengecohnya dan kemudian dengan mudah membobol gawang yang sudah kosong.

Benfica mendapat kesempatan menyamakan kedudukan saat wasit memberi hadiah penalti, karena Azpilicueta melakukan handsball di kotak penalti. Cardozo yang menjadi algojo tak menyia-nyiakan kesempatan ini dan menaklukkan Petr Cech untuk membuat skor imbang 1-1 pada menit 67.

Benfica nyaris menambah keunggulan, kembali lewat Oscar Cardozo, tetapi bola tendangannya masih melambung jauh di atas gawang Petr Cech. Di menit ke-87, giliran Lampard memperoleh peluang emas. Ia melakukan tendangan keras dari jarak jauh. Bola gagal dijangkau Artur, dan hanya membentur tiang gawang.

Menjelang akhir pertandingan, kedua tim meningkatkan permainannya. Saling serang terjadi. Namun, Chelsea akhirnya yang berhasil menambah gol di menit ke-90. Berawal dari tendangan sudut, Branislav Ivanovic menyundul bola menembus gawang Benfica sementara kiper Artur mati langkah.  Chelsea pun menang 2-1 dan juara Liga Europa.

Susunan Pemain
Benfica: 1-Artur; 34-Andre Almeida, 4-Luisao, 24-Ezequiel Garay (33' Jardel Nivaldo Vieira 78'), 25-Melgarejo (19 Ola John, 66'); 35-Enzo Perez, 21-Nemanja Matic, 19-Rodrigo (11 Lima '66); 20-Nicolas Gaitan, 18- Eduardo Salvio; 7-Oscar Cardozo.

Chelsea: 1-Petr Cech, 28- Cesar Azpilicueta, 24-Gary Cahill, 2-Branislav Ivanovic, 3-Ashley Cole; 4-David Luiz, 8-Frank Lampard; 7-Ramires, 10-Juan Mata, 11-Oscar; 9-Fernando Torres.

Wasit: Bjorn Kuipers (Netherlands)

Editor:Liwon Maulana (galipat)

Sumber:Kompas.com

"AKHIRNYA BENFICA TERSUNGKUR"

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

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Play Video|1:17

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

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Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

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President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

Obama Finds a Bolder Voice on Race Issues

From sea to shining sea, or at least from one side of the Hudson to the other, politicians you have barely heard of are being accused of wrongdoing. There were so many court proceedings involving public officials on Monday that it was hard to keep up.

In Newark, two underlings of Gov. Chris Christie were arraigned on charges that they were in on the truly deranged plot to block traffic leading onto the George Washington Bridge.

Ten miles away, in Lower Manhattan, Dean G. Skelos, the leader of the New York State Senate, and his son, Adam B. Skelos, were arrested by the Federal Bureau of Investigation on accusations of far more conventional political larceny, involving a job with a sewer company for the son and commissions on title insurance and bond work.

The younger man managed to receive a 150 percent pay increase from the sewer company even though, as he said on tape, he “literally knew nothing about water or, you know, any of that stuff,” according to a criminal complaint the United States attorney’s office filed.

The success of Adam Skelos, 32, was attributed by prosecutors to his father’s influence as the leader of the Senate and as a potentate among state Republicans. The indictment can also be read as one of those unfailingly sad tales of a father who cannot stop indulging a grown son. The senator himself is not alleged to have profited from the schemes, except by being relieved of the burden of underwriting Adam.

The bridge traffic caper is its own species of crazy; what distinguishes the charges against the two Skeloses is the apparent absence of a survival instinct. It is one thing not to know anything about water or that stuff. More remarkable, if true, is the fact that the sewer machinations continued even after the former New York Assembly speaker, Sheldon Silver, was charged in January with taking bribes disguised as fees.

It was by then common gossip in political and news media circles that Senator Skelos, a Republican, the counterpart in the Senate to Mr. Silver, a Democrat, in the Assembly, could be next in line for the criminal dock. “Stay tuned,” the United States attorney, Preet Bharara said, leaving not much to the imagination.

Even though the cat had been unmistakably belled, Skelos father and son continued to talk about how to advance the interests of the sewer company, though the son did begin to use a burner cellphone, the kind people pay for in cash, with no traceable contracts.

That was indeed prudent, as prosecutors had been wiretapping the cellphones of both men. But it would seem that the burner was of limited value, because by then the prosecutors had managed to secure the help of a business executive who agreed to record calls with the Skeloses. It would further seem that the business executive was more attentive to the perils of pending investigations than the politician.

Through the end of the New York State budget negotiations in March, the hopes of the younger Skelos rested on his father’s ability to devise legislation that would benefit the sewer company. That did not pan out. But Senator Skelos did boast that he had haggled with Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, a Democrat, in a successful effort to raise a $150 million allocation for Long Island to $550 million, for what the budget called “transformative economic development projects.” It included money for the kind of work done by the sewer company.

The lawyer for Adam Skelos said he was not guilty and would win in court. Senator Skelos issued a ringing declaration that he was unequivocally innocent.

THIS was also the approach taken in New Jersey by Bill Baroni, a man of great presence and eloquence who stopped outside the federal courthouse to note that he had taken risks as a Republican by bucking his party to support paid family leave, medical marijuana and marriage equality. “I would never risk my career, my job, my reputation for something like this,” Mr. Baroni said. “I am an innocent man.”

The lawyer for his co-defendant, Bridget Anne Kelly, the former deputy chief of staff to Mr. Christie, a Republican, said that she would strongly rebut the charges.

Perhaps they had nothing to do with the lane closings. But neither Mr. Baroni nor Ms. Kelly addressed the question of why they did not return repeated calls from the mayor of Fort Lee, N.J., begging them to stop the traffic tie-ups, over three days.

That silence was a low moment. But perhaps New York hit bottom faster. Senator Skelos, the prosecutors charged, arranged to meet Long Island politicians at the wake of Wenjian Liu, a New York City police officer shot dead in December, to press for payments to the company employing his son.

Sometimes it seems as though for some people, the only thing to be ashamed of is shame itself.

Finding Scandal in New York and New Jersey, but No Shame

The bottle Mr. Sokolin famously broke was a 1787 Château Margaux, which was said to have belonged to Thomas Jefferson. Mr. Sokolin had been hoping to sell it for $519,750.

William Sokolin, Wine Seller Who Broke Famed Bottle, Dies at 85

A 2-minute-42-second demo recording captured in one take turned out to be a one-hit wonder for Mr. Ely, who was 19 when he sang the garage-band classic.

Jack Ely, Who Sang the Kingsmen’s ‘Louie Louie’, Dies at 71

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

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His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination

Pronovost, who played for the Red Wings, was not a prolific scorer, but he was a consummate team player with bruising checks and fearless bursts up the ice that could puncture a defense.

Marcel Pronovost, 84, Dies; Hall of Famer Shared in Five N.H.L. Titles
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United’s first-class and business fliers get Rhapsody, its high-minded in-flight magazine, seen here at its office in Brooklyn. Credit Sam Hodgson for The New York Times

Last summer at a writers’ workshop in Oregon, the novelists Anthony Doerr, Karen Russell and Elissa Schappell were chatting over cocktails when they realized they had all published work in the same magazine. It wasn’t one of the usual literary outlets, like Tin House, The Paris Review or The New Yorker. It was Rhapsody, an in-flight magazine for United Airlines.

It seemed like a weird coincidence. Then again, considering Rhapsody’s growing roster of A-list fiction writers, maybe not. Since its first issue hit plane cabins a year and a half ago, Rhapsody has published original works by literary stars like Joyce Carol Oates, Rick Moody, Amy Bloom, Emma Straub and Mr. Doerr, who won the Pulitzer Prize for fiction two weeks ago.

As airlines try to distinguish their high-end service with luxuries like private sleeping chambers, showers, butler service and meals from five-star chefs, United Airlines is offering a loftier, more cerebral amenity to its first-class and business-class passengers: elegant prose by prominent novelists. There are no airport maps or disheartening lists of in-flight meal and entertainment options in Rhapsody. Instead, the magazine has published ruminative first-person travel accounts, cultural dispatches and probing essays about flight by more than 30 literary fiction writers.

 

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Sean Manning, executive editor of Rhapsody, which publishes works by the likes of Joyce Carol Oates, Amy Bloom and Anthony Doerr, who won a Pulitzer Prize. Credit Sam Hodgson for The New York Times

 

An airline might seem like an odd literary patron. But as publishers and writers look for new ways to reach readers in a shaky retail climate, many have formed corporate alliances with transit companies, including American Airlines, JetBlue and Amtrak, that provide a captive audience.

Mark Krolick, United Airlines’ managing director of marketing and product development, said the quality of the writing in Rhapsody brings a patina of sophistication to its first-class service, along with other opulent touches like mood lighting, soft music and a branded scent.

“The high-end leisure or business-class traveler has higher expectations, even in the entertainment we provide,” he said.

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Some of Rhapsody’s contributing writers say they were lured by the promise of free airfare and luxury accommodations provided by United, as well as exposure to an elite audience of some two million first-class and business-class travelers.

“It’s not your normal Park Slope Community Bookstore types who read Rhapsody,” Mr. Moody, author of the 1994 novel “The Ice Storm,” who wrote an introspective, philosophical piece about traveling to the Aran Islands of Ireland for Rhapsody, said in an email. “I’m not sure I myself am in that Rhapsody demographic, but I would like them to buy my books one day.”

In addition to offering travel perks, the magazine pays well and gives writers freedom, within reason, to choose their subject matter and write with style. Certain genres of flight stories are off limits, naturally: no plane crashes or woeful tales of lost luggage or rude flight attendants, and nothing too risqué.

“We’re not going to have someone write about joining the mile-high club,” said Jordan Heller, the editor in chief of Rhapsody. “Despite those restrictions, we’ve managed to come up with a lot of high-minded literary content.”

Guiding writers toward the right idea occasionally requires some gentle prodding. When Rhapsody’s executive editor asked Ms. Russell to contribute an essay about a memorable flight experience, she first pitched a story about the time she was chaperoning a group of teenagers on a trip to Europe, and their delayed plane sat at the airport in New York for several hours while other passengers got progressively drunker.

“He pointed out that disaster flights are not what people want to read about when they’re in transit, and very diplomatically suggested that maybe people want to read something that casts air travel in a more positive light,” said Ms. Russell, whose novel “Swamplandia!” was a finalist for the 2012 Pulitzer Prize.

She turned in a nostalgia-tinged essay about her first flight on a trip to Disney World when she was 6. “The Magic Kingdom was an anticlimax,” she wrote. “What ride could compare to that first flight?”

Ms. Oates also wrote about her first flight, in a tiny yellow propeller plane piloted by her father. The novelist Joyce Maynard told of the constant disappointment of never seeing her books in airport bookstores and the thrill of finally spotting a fellow plane passenger reading her novel “Labor Day.” Emily St. John Mandel, who was a finalist for the National Book Award in fiction last year, wrote about agonizing over which books to bring on a long flight.

“There’s nobody that’s looked down their noses at us as an in-flight magazine,” said Sean Manning, the magazine’s executive editor. “As big as these people are in the literary world, there’s still this untapped audience for them of luxury travelers.”

United is one of a handful of companies showcasing work by literary writers as a way to elevate their brands and engage customers. Chipotle has printed original work from writers like Toni Morrison, Jeffrey Eugenides and Barbara Kingsolver on its disposable cups and paper bags. The eyeglass company Warby Parker hosts parties for authors and sells books from 14 independent publishers in its stores.

JetBlue offers around 40 e-books from HarperCollins and Penguin Random House on its free wireless network, allowing passengers to read free samples and buy and download books. JetBlue will start offering 11 digital titles from Simon & Schuster soon. Amtrak recently forged an alliance with Penguin Random House to provide free digital samples from 28 popular titles, which passengers can buy and download over Amtrak’s admittedly spotty wireless service.

Amtrak is becoming an incubator for literary talent in its own right. Last year, it started a residency program, offering writers a free long-distance train trip and complimentary food. More than 16,000 writers applied and 24 made the cut.

Like Amtrak, Rhapsody has found that writers are eager to get onboard. On a rainy spring afternoon, Rhapsody’s editorial staff sat around a conference table discussing the June issue, which will feature an essay by the novelist Hannah Pittard and an unpublished short story by the late Elmore Leonard.

“Do you have that photo of Elmore Leonard? Can I see it?” Mr. Heller, the editor in chief, asked Rhapsody’s design director, Christos Hannides. Mr. Hannides slid it across the table and noted that they also had a photograph of cowboy spurs. “It’s very simple; it won’t take away from the literature,” he said.

Rhapsody’s office, an open space with exposed pipes and a vaulted brick ceiling, sits in Dumbo at the epicenter of literary Brooklyn, in the same converted tea warehouse as the literary journal N+1 and the digital publisher Atavist. Two of the magazine’s seven staff members hold graduate degrees in creative writing. Mr. Manning, the executive editor, has published a memoir and edited five literary anthologies.

Mr. Manning said Rhapsody was conceived from the start as a place for literary novelists to write with voice and style, and nobody had been put off that their work would live in plane cabins and airport lounges.

Still, some contributors say they wish the magazine were more widely circulated.

“I would love it if I could read it,” said Ms. Schappell, a Brooklyn-based novelist who wrote a feature story for Rhapsody’s inaugural issue. “But I never fly first class.”

Rhapsody, a Lofty Literary Journal, Perused at 39,000 Feet

As governor, Mr. Walker alienated Republicans and his fellow Democrats, particularly the Democratic powerhouse Richard J. Daley, the mayor of Chicago.

Dan Walker, 92, Dies; Illinois Governor and Later a U.S. Prisoner

Mr. Fox, known for his well-honed countrified voice, wrote about things dear to South Carolina and won over Yankee critics.

William Price Fox, Admired Southern Novelist and Humorist, Dies at 89

Late in April, after Native American actors walked off in disgust from the set of Adam Sandler’s latest film, a western sendup that its distributor, Netflix, has defended as being equally offensive to all, a glow of pride spread through several Native American communities.

Tantoo Cardinal, a Canadian indigenous actress who played Black Shawl in “Dances With Wolves,” recalled thinking to herself, “It’s come.” Larry Sellers, who starred as Cloud Dancing in the 1990s television show “Dr. Quinn, Medicine Woman,” thought, “It’s about time.” Jesse Wente, who is Ojibwe and directs film programming at the TIFF Bell Lightbox in Toronto, found himself encouraged and surprised. There are so few film roles for indigenous actors, he said, that walking off the set of a major production showed real mettle.

But what didn’t surprise Mr. Wente was the content of the script. According to the actors who walked off the set, the film, titled “The Ridiculous Six,” included a Native American woman who passes out and is revived after white men douse her with alcohol, and another woman squatting to urinate while lighting a peace pipe. “There’s enough history at this point to have set some expectations around these sort of Hollywood depictions,” Mr. Wente said.

The walkout prompted a rhetorical “What do you expect from an Adam Sandler film?,” and a Netflix spokesman said that in the movie, blacks, Mexicans and whites were lampooned as well. But Native American actors and critics said a broader issue was at stake. While mainstream portrayals of native peoples have, Mr. Wente said, become “incrementally better” over the decades, he and others say, they remain far from accurate and reflect a lack of opportunities for Native American performers. What’s more, as Native Americans hunger for representation on screen, critics say the absence of three-dimensional portrayals has very real off-screen consequences.

“Our people are still healing from historical trauma,” said Loren Anthony, one of the actors who walked out. “Our youth are still trying to figure out who they are, where they fit in this society. Kids are killing themselves. They’re not proud of who they are.” They also don’t, he added, see themselves on prime time television or the big screen. Netflix noted while about five people walked off the “The Ridiculous Six” set, 100 or so Native American actors and extras stayed.

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But in interviews, nearly a dozen Native American actors and film industry experts said that Mr. Sandler’s humor perpetuated decades-old negative stereotypes. Mr. Anthony said such depictions helped feed the despondency many Native Americans feel, with deadly results: Native Americans have the highest suicide rate out of all the country’s ethnicities.

The on-screen problem is twofold, Mr. Anthony and others said: There’s a paucity of roles for Native Americans — according to the Screen Actors Guild in 2008 they accounted for 0.3 percent of all on-screen parts (those figures have yet to be updated), compared to about 2 percent of the general population — and Native American actors are often perceived in a narrow way.

In his Peabody Award-winning documentary “Reel Injun,” the Cree filmmaker Neil Diamond explored Hollywood depictions of Native Americans over the years, and found they fell into a few stereotypical categories: the Noble Savage, the Drunk Indian, the Mystic, the Indian Princess, the backward tribal people futilely fighting John Wayne and manifest destiny. While the 1990 film “Dances With Wolves” won praise for depicting Native Americans as fully fleshed out human beings, not all indigenous people embraced it. It was still told, critics said, from the colonialists’ point of view. In an interview, John Trudell, a Santee Sioux writer, actor (“Thunderheart”) and the former chairman of the American Indian Movement, described the film as “a story of two white people.”

“God bless ‘Dances with Wolves,’ ” Michael Horse, who played Deputy Hawk in “Twin Peaks,” said sarcastically. “Even ‘Avatar.’ Someone’s got to come save the tribal people.”

Dan Spilo, a partner at Industry Entertainment who represents Adam Beach, one of today’s most prominent Native American actors, said while typecasting dogs many minorities, it is especially intractable when it comes to Native Americans. Casting directors, he said, rarely cast them as police officers, doctors or lawyers. “There’s the belief that the Native American character should be on reservations or riding a horse,” he said.

“We don’t see ourselves,” Mr. Horse said. “We’re still an antiquated culture to them, and to the rest of the world.”

Ms. Cardinal said she was once turned down for the role of the wife of a child-abusing cop because the filmmakers felt that casting her would somehow be “too political.”

Another sore point is the long run of white actors playing American Indians, among them Burt Lancaster, Rock Hudson, Audrey Hepburn and, more recently, Johnny Depp, whose depiction of Tonto in the 2013 film “Lone Ranger,” was viewed as racist by detractors. There are, of course, exceptions. The former A&E series “Longmire,” which, as it happens, will now be on Netflix, was roundly praised for its depiction of life on a Northern Cheyenne reservation, with Lou Diamond Phillips, who is of Cherokee descent, playing a Northern Cheyenne man.

Others also point to the success of Mr. Beach, who played a Mohawk detective in “Law & Order: Special Victims Unit” and landed a starring role in the forthcoming D C Comics picture “Suicide Squad.” Mr. Beach said he had come across insulting scripts backed by people who don’t see anything wrong with them.

“I’d rather starve than do something that is offensive to my ancestral roots,” Mr. Beach said. “But I think there will always be attempts to drawn on the weakness of native people’s struggles. The savage Indian will always be the savage Indian. The white man will always be smarter and more cunning. The cavalry will always win.”

The solution, Mr. Wente, Mr. Trudell and others said, lies in getting more stories written by and starring Native Americans. But Mr. Wente noted that while independent indigenous film has blossomed in the last two decades, mainstream depictions have yet to catch up. “You have to stop expecting for Hollywood to correct it, because there seems to be no ability or desire to correct it,” Mr. Wente said.

There have been calls to boycott Netflix but, writing for Indian Country Today Media Network, which first broke news of the walk off, the filmmaker Brian Young noted that the distributor also offered a number of films by or about Native Americans.

The furor around “The Ridiculous Six” may drive more people to see it. Then one of the questions that Mr. Trudell, echoing others, had about the film will be answered: “Who the hell laughs at this stuff?”

Native American Actors Work to Overcome a Long-Documented Bias

Even as a high school student, Dave Goldberg was urging female classmates to speak up. As a young dot-com executive, he had one girlfriend after another, but fell hard for a driven friend named Sheryl Sandberg, pining after her for years. After they wed, Mr. Goldberg pushed her to negotiate hard for high compensation and arranged his schedule so that he could be home with their children when she was traveling for work.

Mr. Goldberg, who died unexpectedly on Friday, was a genial, 47-year-old Silicon Valley entrepreneur who built his latest company, SurveyMonkey, from a modest enterprise to one recently valued by investors at $2 billion. But he was also perhaps the signature male feminist of his era: the first major chief executive in memory to spur his wife to become as successful in business as he was, and an essential figure in “Lean In,” Ms. Sandberg’s blockbuster guide to female achievement.

Over the weekend, even strangers were shocked at his death, both because of his relatively young age and because they knew of him as the living, breathing, car-pooling center of a new philosophy of two-career marriage.

“They were very much the role models for what this next generation wants to grapple with,” said Debora L. Spar, the president of Barnard College. In a 2011 commencement speech there, Ms. Sandberg told the graduates that whom they married would be their most important career decision.

In the play “The Heidi Chronicles,” revived on Broadway this spring, a male character who is the founder of a media company says that “I don’t want to come home to an A-plus,” explaining that his ambitions require him to marry an unthreatening helpmeet. Mr. Goldberg grew up to hold the opposite view, starting with his upbringing in progressive Minneapolis circles where “there was woman power in every aspect of our lives,” Jeffrey Dachis, a childhood friend, said in an interview.

The Goldberg parents read “The Feminine Mystique” together — in fact, Mr. Goldberg’s father introduced it to his wife, according to Ms. Sandberg’s book. In 1976, Paula Goldberg helped found a nonprofit to aid children with disabilities. Her husband, Mel, a law professor who taught at night, made the family breakfast at home.

Later, when Dave Goldberg was in high school and his prom date, Jill Chessen, stayed silent in a politics class, he chastised her afterward. He said, “You need to speak up,” Ms. Chessen recalled in an interview. “They need to hear your voice.”

Years later, when Karin Gilford, an early employee at Launch Media, Mr. Goldberg’s digital music company, became a mother, he knew exactly what to do. He kept giving her challenging assignments, she recalled, but also let her work from home one day a week. After Yahoo acquired Launch, Mr. Goldberg became known for distributing roses to all the women in the office on Valentine’s Day.

Ms. Sandberg, who often describes herself as bossy-in-a-good-way, enchanted him when they became friendly in the mid-1990s. He “was smitten with her,” Ms. Chessen remembered. Ms. Sandberg was dating someone else, but Mr. Goldberg still hung around, even helping her and her then-boyfriend move, recalled Bob Roback, a friend and co-founder of Launch. When they finally married in 2004, friends remember thinking how similar the two were, and that the qualities that might have made Ms. Sandberg intimidating to some men drew Mr. Goldberg to her even more.

Over the next decade, Mr. Goldberg and Ms. Sandberg pioneered new ways of capturing information online, had a son and then a daughter, became immensely wealthy, and hashed out their who-does-what-in-this-marriage issues. Mr. Goldberg’s commute from the Bay Area to Los Angeles became a strain, so he relocated, later joking that he “lost the coin flip” of where they would live. He paid the bills, she planned the birthday parties, and both often left their offices at 5:30 so they could eat dinner with their children before resuming work afterward.

Friends in Silicon Valley say they were careful to conduct their careers separately, politely refusing when outsiders would ask one about the other’s work: Ms. Sandberg’s role building Facebook into an information and advertising powerhouse, and Mr. Goldberg at SurveyMonkey, which made polling faster and cheaper. But privately, their work was intertwined. He often began statements to his team with the phrase “Well, Sheryl said” sharing her business advice. He counseled her, too, starting with her salary negotiations with Mark Zuckerberg.

“I wanted Mark to really feel he stretched to get Sheryl, because she was worth it,” Mr. Goldberg explained in a 2013 “60 Minutes” interview, his Minnesota accent and his smile intact as he offered a rare peek of the intersection of marriage and money at the top of corporate life.

 

 

While his wife grew increasingly outspoken about women’s advancement, Mr. Goldberg quietly advised the men in the office on family and partnership matters, an associate said. Six out of 16 members of SurveyMonkey’s management team are female, an almost unheard-of ratio among Silicon Valley “unicorns,” or companies valued at over $1 billion.

When Mellody Hobson, a friend and finance executive, wrote a chapter of “Lean In” about women of color for the college edition of the book, Mr. Goldberg gave her feedback on the draft, a clue to his deep involvement. He joked with Ms. Hobson that she was too long-winded, like Ms. Sandberg, but aside from that, he said he loved the chapter, she said in an interview.

By then, Mr. Goldberg was a figure of fascination who inspired a “where can I get one of those?” reaction among many of the women who had read the best seller “Lean In.” Some lamented that Ms. Sandberg’s advice hinged too much on marrying a Dave Goldberg, who was humble enough to plan around his wife, attentive enough to worry about which shoes his young daughter would wear, and rich enough to help pay for the help that made the family’s balancing act manageable.

Now that he is gone, and Ms. Sandberg goes from being half of a celebrated partnership to perhaps the business world’s most prominent single mother, the pages of “Lean In” carry a new sting of loss.

“We are never at 50-50 at any given moment — perfect equality is hard to define or sustain — but we allow the pendulum to swing back and forth between us,” she wrote in 2013, adding that they were looking forward to raising teenagers together.

“Fortunately, I have Dave to figure it out with me,” she wrote.

Dave Goldberg Was Lifelong Women’s Advocate
Joseph Lechleider

Mr. Lechleider helped invent DSL technology, which enabled phone companies to offer high-speed web access over their infrastructure of copper wires.

Joseph Lechleider, a Father of the DSL Internet Technology, Dies at 82
Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”
Todd Heisler/The New York Times

Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’

WASHINGTON — During a training course on defending against knife attacks, a young Salt Lake City police officer asked a question: “How close can somebody get to me before I’m justified in using deadly force?”

Dennis Tueller, the instructor in that class more than three decades ago, decided to find out. In the fall of 1982, he performed a rudimentary series of tests and concluded that an armed attacker who bolted toward an officer could clear 21 feet in the time it took most officers to draw, aim and fire their weapon.

The next spring, Mr. Tueller published his findings in SWAT magazine and transformed police training in the United States. The “21-foot rule” became dogma. It has been taught in police academies around the country, accepted by courts and cited by officers to justify countless shootings, including recent episodes involving a homeless woodcarver in Seattle and a schizophrenic woman in San Francisco.

Now, amid the largest national debate over policing since the 1991 beating of Rodney King in Los Angeles, a small but vocal set of law enforcement officials are calling for a rethinking of the 21-foot rule and other axioms that have emphasized how to use force, not how to avoid it. Several big-city police departments are already re-examining when officers should chase people or draw their guns and when they should back away, wait or try to defuse the situation

Police Rethink Long Tradition on Using Force
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