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Cara Kerja Generator Set

Generator adalah mesin yang dapat mengubah tenaga mekanis untuk menjadi tenaga listrik dengan melalui proses induksi elektromagnetik. Generator ini telah memperoleh energi mekanis dari prime mover. Generator arus bolak-balik (AC) telah dikenal dengan sebutan alternator. Generator ini diharapkan dapat mensuplai tenaga listrik pada saat terjadi gangguan, dimana suplai tersebut akan digunakan untuk beban prioritas.

Sedangkan genset (generator set) merupakan bagian dari generator. Genset juga merupakan suatu alat yang dapat mengubah energi mekanik menjadi energi listrik. Genset atau sistem generator penyaluran adalah suatu generator listrik yang telah terdiri dari panel, berenergi solar dan terdapat kincir angin yang telah ditempatkan pada suatu tempat. Genset juga dapat digunakan sebagai sistem cadangan listrik atau “off-grid” (sumber daya yang tergantung atas kebutuhan pemakai). Genset juga sering digunakan oleh rumah sakit dan industri yang mempercayakan sumber daya yang mantap, seperti halnya area pedesaan yang tidak ada akses untuk secara komersial menghasilkan listrik. Generator telah terpasang satu poros dengan motor diesel, yang biasanya dengan menggunakan generator sinkron (alternator) pada pembangkitan. Generator sinkron ini terdiri dari dua bagian utama yaitu: sistem medan magnet dan jangkar. Generator ini kapasitasnya besar, medan magnetnya berputar karena terletak pada rotor.

 

Konstruksi generator AC adalah sebagai berikut:

1. Rangka stator
Terbuat dari besi tuang, rangka stator juga merupakan rumah dari bagian-bagian generator yang lain.

2. Stator
Stator telah memiliki alur-alur sebagai tempat untuk meletakkan lilitan stator. Lilitan stator telah berfungsi sebagai tempat GGL induksi.

3. Rotor
Rotor adalah bagian yang berputar, pada bagian ini juga terdapat kutub-kutub magnet dengan lilitannya yang dialiri arus searah, melewati cincin geser dan sikat-sikat.

4. Cincin geser
Terbuat dari bahan kuningan atau tembaga yang yang dipasang pada poros dengan memakai bahan isolasi. Slip ring ini akan berputar bersama-sama dengan poros dan rotor.

5. Generator penguat
Generator penguat juga merupakan generator arus searah yang dipakai sebagai sumber arus.

 

Pada umumnya generator AC ini akan dibuat sedemikian rupa, sehingga lilitan tempat terjadinya GGL induksi tidak akan bergerak, sedangkan kutub-kutub akan menimbulkan medan magnet berputar. Generator itu disebut dengan generator berkutub dalam, dapat dilihat pada gambar berikut.

Keuntungan generator kutub dalam bahwa untuk dapat mengambil arus tidak dibutuhkan cincin geser dan sikat arang. Karena lilitan-lilitan tempat terjadinya GGL itu tidak akan berputar. Generator sinkron juga sangat cocok untuk mesin-mesin dengan tegangan tinggi danarus yang besar.

Secara umum kutub magnet generator sinkron dibedakan atas 2 yaitu :

1. Kutub magnet dengan bagian kutub yang menonjol (salient pole).
Konstruksi seperti ini akan digunakan untuk putaran rendah, dengan jumlah kutub yang banyak. Diameter rotornya besar dan berporos pendek.

2. Kutub magnet dengan bagian kutub yang tidak menonjol (non salient pole).
Konstruksi seperti ini digunakan untuk putaran tinggi (1500 rpm atau 3000 rpm), dengan jumlah kutub yang sedikit. Kira-kira 2/3 dari seluruh permukaan rotor dibuat alur-alur untuk tempat lilitan penguat. Yang 1/3 bagian lagi juga merupakan bagian yang utuh, yang berfungsi sebagai inti kutub.

MESIN DIESEL

Mesin diesel termasuk mesin dengan pembakaran dalam atau disebut dengan motor bakar ditinjau dari cara memperoleh energi termalnya. Untuk dapat membangkikan listrik sebuah mesin diesel menggunakan generator dengan sistem penggerak tenaga disel atauyang biasa dikenal dengan sebutan Genset (Generator Set).

Keuntungan pemakaian mesin diesel sebagai Prime Mover
- Design dan instalasi sederhana
- Auxilary equipment sederhana
- Waktu pembebanan relatif singkat
- Konsumsi bahan bakar relatif murah dan hemat

Kerugian pemakaian mesin diesel sebagai Prime Mover
- Berat mesin yang sangat berat karena harus dapat menahan getaran serta kompresi yang tinggi.
- Starting awal berat, karena kompresinya tinggi yaitu sekitar 200 bar.
- Semakin besar daya maka mesin diesel tersebut dimensinya akan semakin besar pula, hal tersebut telah menyebabkan kesulitan jika daya mesinnya sangat besar.

Ada 2 komponen utama dalam genset yaitu:
1. Prime mover atau pengerak mula, dalam hal ini mesin diesel/engine
2. Generator.

Cara Kerja Mesin Diesel
Prime mover juga merupakan peralatan yang telah mempunyai fungsi menghasilkan energi mekanis yang diperlukan untuk dapat memutar rotor generator. Pada mesin diesel/engine telah terjadi penyalaan sendiri, karena proses kerjanya telah berdasarkan udara murni yang telah dimampatkan di dalam silinder pada tekanan yang tinggi (± 30 arm), sehingga temperatur di dalam silinder naik. Dan pada saat itu bahan bakar disemprotkan dalam silinder yang bertemperatur dan bertekanan tinggi melebihi titik nyala bahan bakar sehingga akan menyala secara otomatis.

Pada mesin diesel penambahan panas atau energi senantiasa dilakukan pada tekanan yang konstan. Pada mesin diesel, piston melakukan 2 langkah pendek menuju kepala silinder pada setiap langkah daya.

1. Langkah ke atas yang pertama merupakan angkah pemasukan dan penghisapan, di sini udara dan bahan bakar masuk sedangkan poros engkol berputar ke bawah.

2. Langkah kedua merupakan langkah kompresi, poros engkol terus berputar dapat menyebabkan torak naik dan menekan bahan bakar sehingga terjadi pembakaran. Kedua proses ini (1 dan 2) juga termasuk proses pembakaran.

3. Langkah ketiga merupakan langkah ekspansi dan kerja, di sini kedua katup yaitu katup isap dan buang tertutup sedangkan poros engkol terus berputar dan menarik kembali torak ke bawah.

4. Langkah keempat merupakan langkah pembuangan, disini katup buang terbuka dan dapat menyebabkan gas akibat sisa pembakaran terbuang keluar. Gas dapat keluar karena padaproses keempat ini torak kembali bergerak naik keatas dan menyebabkan gas dapat keluar. Kedua proses terakhir ini (3 dan 4) juga termasuk proses pembuangan.

5. Setelah keempat proses tersebut, maka proses berikutnya akan mengulang kembali proses yang pertama, dimana udara dan bahan bakar masuk kembali.

Editor : Dian Sukmawati
Sumber : jualgenset.co.id

 

CARA KERJA MESIN GENSET


Jun
18
Kalibrasi Ulang Baterai iPhone
Smartphone makin canggih dan kinclong. Dan juga makin tipis. Untuk bisa setipis yang kamu lihat sekarang, beberapa smartphone mesti bikin pengorbanan: tidak ada lagi tutup baterai, alias baterai tidak bisa diganti. Kebiasaan untuk tidak bisa mengganti baterai, seperti kebiasaan lain-lain, dimulai dari Apple. Kawanku, baterai iPhone tak bisa diganti, sekarang beberapa smartphone lain pun menyusul memasukan baterai kedalam cangkang yang tidak gampang dibuka, diantaranya adalah HTC One, HTC One X, Nokia Lumia 900 series, Sony Xperia Z, Motorola Droid Razr Maxx.

 

Masalahnya sekarang adalah, gimana kalau baterai iPhone kamu mulai menunjukkan sedikit attitude seperti yang dialami dua orang teman saya? Yup, iPhone juga bisa punya attitude. Yang mereka alami adalah iPhone mereka tiba-tiba mati saat indikator batere masih 35% (dan seorang yang lainnya bahkan 80%).

Kalau kamu lagi mencari gimana caranya biar batere iPhone awet dipake, nanti saya bahas di artikel lain, sementara ini artikel ini hanya akan membahas kasus seperti yang dialami dua kawan tadi.

Yang kedua kawan tadi butuhkan adalah kalibrasi ulang batere. Intinya adalah mensikronkan kembali antara kapasitas real batere dan indikatornya. Caranya adalah sebagai berikut:

1. Gunakan iPhone sampai batere habis dan iPhone mati dengan sendirinya.
2. Charge iPhone sampai penuh 100% tanpa terputus. Ini penting, jangan sampai putus.
3. Setelah penuh, lakukan reset dengan cara tekan dan tahan tombol sleep dan tombol home secara berbarengan hingga muncul logo Apple (acuhkan tanda Swipe to Power Off").
4. Gunakanlah dengan normal hingga baterai habis, perhatikan indikator baterai, seharusnya iPhone akan mati pada saat baterai mencapai antara 0% hingga 3%.

Kalau baterai iPhone anda tidak memperbaiki attitude nya tersebut, mungkin sudah saatnya mempertimbangkan upgrade ke iPhone gerenasi lebih lanjut misalnya iPhone 5. Toh iPhone 5 memang jauh lebih kaya feature, baterai tahan lama, lebih enak dipakai karena layar gede dan ringan, dll. Untuk seluruh model iPhone, silakan cek harga iPhone di sini.

Mungkin PeEr selanjutnya adalah mengamati berapa lama sih sebenernya batere iPhone kamu bertahan dalam satu kali charge, sehari? setengah hari? dua hari? Walaupun memang umur batere sangat tergantung pemakaian kamu, kamu tetap bisa sedikit menghemat batere dengan cara-cara tertentu. Hal ini kita bahas lain waktu.

Kebiasaan tidak bisa ganti baterai sekarang tidak hanya sebatas pada smartphone doang. MacBook Air dan MacBook Pro sekarang pun baterai nya non-replaceable. Dan kelihatannya beberapa ultrabook lain-lain dari Lenovo, Asus dan Acer pun mulai menggunakan trik ini.

KALIBRASI ULANG BATERAI IPHONE

-PENGERTIAN UMROH
menurut saya umroh ialah berkunjung ke Baitullah untuk melaksanakan Thawaf, Sa’i dan Tahallul dalam waktu yang tidak ditentukan, untuk mencari keridhaan Allah SWt.

-KETERANGAN

Umroh disunahkan bagi setiap muslim yang mampu. Pelaksanaan dapat dilakukan kapan saja kecuali  tgl 10 Zulhijah dan hari-hari Tasyrik tgl 11,12,13 Zulhijah.

Umroh saat bulan Ramadhan sama dengan melakukan Ibadah Haji.

-UMROH DI BAGI MENJADI 3 YAITU:
 1. Umrah Mufradah
 2. Umrah Tamattu'
 3. Umrah Sunah

 -SYARAT-SYARAT UMROH:
 1. islam
 2. baligh/dewasa
 3. berakal sehat
 4. merdeka
 5. mampu

-TAHAPAN UMROH-TAHAPAN UMROH

 KEGIATAN
1. Berangkat menuju Miqat.
2. Berpakaian dan berniat Ihram di Miqat.
3. melakukan Shalat sunat ihram 2 rakaat jika memungkinkan.
4. Melafazhkan niat Umroh.
5. Teruskan perjalanan ke Mekah, dengan membaca Talbiah sebanyak-banyaknya dan mematuhi
    larangan saat ihram.
6. Melakukan Tawaf sebanyak 7 putaran.
7. Melakukan Sa'i antara Bukit Safa - Bukit Marwah sebanyak 7 kali.
8. melakukan Tahallul atau menggunting rambut.

-ISTILAH PADA IBADAH UMROH
Aqabah : salah satu tempat pelemparan jumrah, dengan nama jumrah Aqabah.
Arafah  : Tempat jamaah haji melakukan Wukuf yang di lakukan pada tanggal 9 dhulhizah.
Arbain  : Kegiatan shalat wajib 5 waktu yg berturut-turut selama 8 hari.

-RUKUN DAN WAJIB UMROH

-Rukun Umroh

1. Ihram : keadaan seseorang yang telah beniat untuk melaksanakan umrah.

larangan saat ihram:
1. Tidak boleh memotong dan mencabut rambut, memotong kuku,dan menggaruk kulit sampai terklupas.
2. Tidak boleh menggunakan parfum, termasuk parfum yang ada pada sabun.
3. Tidak boleh bertengkar.
4. Tidak boleh bermesraan.
5. Tidak boleh berhubungan suami isteri.
6. Tidak boleh berkata yang tidak baik.
7. Tidak boleh menikah atau menikahkan.
8. Tidak boleh berburu binatang atau membantu berburu.
9. Tidak boleh membunuh binatang (kecuali mengancam jiwa),dan mencabut tumbuhan.
10. Tidak boleh ber make-up.
11. Pria tidak boleh : memakai penutup kepala, memakai pakaian berjahit, dan tidak boleh  memakaialas kaki.

2. Tawaf : suatu ritual mengelilingi Ka'bah sebanyak tujuh kali sebagai bagian pelaksanaan umrah.

Adapun syarat-syaratnya adalah :
1. Suci dari hadast.
2. Suci badan/pakaian/tempat tawaf.
3. Menutup aurat.
4. Bermula pada sudut Al-Hajarul Aswad dan berniat Tawaf jika Tawaf Wada'/Sunat/Nazar.
5. Menjadikan Baitullah di sebelah kiri dan berjalan ke hadapan. (berlawanan dengan arah  jarum jam jika dilihat dari atas)
6. Berjalan bertujuan Tawaf, bukan bertujuan lain.
7. Cukup 7 kali keliling dengan yakin.
8. Dilakukan dalam Masjidil Haram dan di luar dari Hijir Ismail/Syazarwan.

Tawaf pun dibagi menjadi beberapa jenis yaitu :
1. Tawaf Rukun.
2. Tawaf Qudum.
3. Tawaf Wada'.
4. Tawaf Sunat.
5. Tawaf Nazar.

Ada beberapa sunah-sunah tawaf diantaranya :
1. Berjalan kaki.
2. Berittiba' bagi Tawaf diiringi dengan Sa'ie (Lelaki)
3. Melakukan Ramal (Berlari-lari anak) bagi Tawaf yang diiringi dengan Sa'i       
   (Lelaki)
4. Istilam Hajarul Aswad dan Mengucupnya/Istilam Rukun Yamani dan tidak
    Mengucupnya.
5. Membaca Zikir dan Doa.
6. Berturut-turut 7 kali keliling.
7. Tawaf dengan Khusyuk/Tawadhuk.
8. Sembahyang Sunat Tawaf.
 
   3. Sa'i : salah satu rukun umrah yang dilakukan dengan berjalan kaki menuju Bukit Shafa ke
                Bukit Marwah sebanyak 7 kali.

   4. Tahallul : tahallul yaitu dengan mencukur atau memotong rambut sedikitnya 3 helai rambut.

                     -tahallul di bagi menjadi dua yaitu:
 1. Tahallul Awal
 2. Tahallul Sani/Qubra

   5. Tertib :menjalankan umroh dengan tertib.

-Wajib Umroh
     1. Niat Ihram di Miqat
     2. Meninggalkan larangan selama Ihram

-Hukum menunaikan ibadah Umrah ada dua yaitu:
    1. Wajib :jika melakukann umrah untuk haji
    2. Sunnah : jika melakukan umrah selain ibadah haji

PENGERTIAN UMROH

saco-indonesia.com, Pengusutan dalam kasus dugaan korupsi proyek pengadaan Mobil Pusat Layanan Internet Kecamatan (MPLIK) masih akan terus ditelusuri oleh Kejaksaan Agung (Kejagung).
 
Namun, hingga kini mantan Direktur Enterprise PT Telkom Indonesia Tbk, Arief Yahya selaku perusahaan BUMN, pemenang tender tak kunjung memenuhi pemeriksaaan Kejagung.
 
Padahal, ia diduga telah mengetahui mengenai dugaan korupsi dalam proyek senilai Rp1,4 triliun di Kementerian Komunikasi dan Informatika (Kemenkominfo) tahun 2010-2012 itu.
 
Atas hal itu, Jaksa Agung Basrief Arief telah menegaskan, kalau pihaknya akan menjemput paksa bila yang bersangkutan kembali mangkir dari pemanggilan yang telah dilakukan.
 
"Pemanggilan dilakukanlah secara formal. Kita panggil 1, 2 kali tidak hadir, kita panggil lagi tetap tidak hadir kita lakukan penjemputan paksa. Kan ada aturan itu kenapa tidak," katanya usai memaparkan hasil kinerja akhir tahun Kejagung di Gedung Kejagung, Jakarta Selatan.
 
Sejauh ini, sambung Basrief, jajarannya masih akan terus melakukan pengembangan atas kasus tersebut dan akan dituntaskan.
 
Basrief juga menambahkan, bukan hanya Arief Yahya yang saja akan diperiksa, siapapun yang diduga terlibat atau mengetahui kasus ini juga akan diperiksa tak terkecuali Menteri Kominfo, Tifatul Sembiring.
 
"Siapapun nanti kalau bagian dari itu akan dimintai keterangan, dari pemeriksaan sampai saat ini belum sampai ke sana (Tifatul), tidak ada hambatan apapun, kita belum ada laporan," pungkasnya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

RENCANA KEJAGUNG UNTUK JEMPUT PAKSA MANTAN DIRUT PT TELKOM

Saco-Indonesia.com - Tebu merupakan tanaman yang paling banyak ditemui di Indonesia. Oleh karena itu orang Indonesia menemukan banyak cara kreatif dalam mengolah tebu sehingga dapat dijadikan sebagai olahan minuman yang menyegarkan, salah satunya adalah air tebu.

Ternyata di balik olahan air tebu yang menyegarkan tersimpan beberapa manfaat untuk kesehatan. Inilah manfaat air tebu seperti dilansir dari boldsky.com.

Menyembuhkan penyakit kuning
Air tebu merupakan obat alami untuk menyembuhkan penyakit kuning. Penyakit kuning adalah pigmentasi kuning pada kulit dan membran yang disebabkan oleh adanya billirubin di dalam darah. Penyakit ini terjadi karena menurunnya fungsi hati. Namun air tebu mampu mengembalikan kekuatan fungsi hati sehingga air tebu mampu menyembuhkan penyakit kuning.

Menyembuhkan infeksi
beberapa infeksi seperti infeksi saluran kemih, penyakit menular seksual, hingga peradangan pada perut mampu disembuhkan dengan segelas air tebu.

Mengobati batu ginjal
Batu ginjal terjadi karena dehidrasi di dalam tubuh. Oleh karena itu untuk menghidrasi tubuh kembali, Anda dapat mencoba mengonsumsi air tebu secara rutin. Air tebu juga mempunyai kandungan alami yang dapat memecah batu ginjal.

Baik untuk penderita diabetes
Air tebu baik dikonsumsi oleh penderita diabetes sebab air tebu mengandung pemanis alami. Sehingga tidak membahayakan atau memicu penyakit diabetes.

Kaya akan nutrisi
Air tebu kaya akan vitamin dan mineral seperti fosfor, zat besi, kalium, kalsium, dan magnesium. Selain itu penelitian menunjukkan bahwa air tebu mampu membantu memulihkan kekurangan vitamin di dalam tubuh akibat penyakit demam yang tinggi.

Menyembuhkan flu dan pilek
Jika Anda berpikir bahwa air tebu akan memperparah sakit tenggorokan Anda, maka Anda salah. Sebab air tebu justru mampu membantu menyembuhkan sakit tenggorokan, pilek, dan flu.

Mencegah kanker
Karena kandungan alkali di dalamnya, air tebu baik untuk mencegah kanker terutama kanker usus besar, kanker paru-paru, dan kanker payudara.

Menghidrasi tubuh
Dehidrasi masih menjadi penyakit yang jamak ditemui terutama ketika musim panas. Oleh karena itu untuk mencegahnya, Anda dapat mengonsumsi air tebu untuk menurunkan panas tubuh dan menghidrasi tubuh.

Sedang mencari alternatif minuman sehat? Tidak ada salahnya apabila Anda mengonsumsi air tebu.

 

Sumber : Merdeka.com

Editor : Maulana Lee

8 Manfaat kesehatan di balik segarnya air tebu
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ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

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Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

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Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

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President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

Obama Finds a Bolder Voice on Race Issues

Mr. Pfaff was an international affairs columnist and author who found Washington’s intervention in world affairs often misguided.

William Pfaff, Critic of American Foreign Policy, Dies at 86

As governor, Mr. Walker alienated Republicans and his fellow Democrats, particularly the Democratic powerhouse Richard J. Daley, the mayor of Chicago.

Dan Walker, 92, Dies; Illinois Governor and Later a U.S. Prisoner

The 6-foot-10 Phillips played alongside the 6-11 Rick Robey on the Wildcats team that won the 1978 N.C.A.A. men’s basketball title.

Mike Phillips, Half of Kentucky’s ‘Twin Towers’ of Basketball, Dies at 59

A former member of the Boston Symphony Orchestra, Mr. Smedvig helped found the wide-ranging Empire Brass quintet.

Rolf Smedvig, Trumpeter in the Empire Brass, Dies at 62

Late in April, after Native American actors walked off in disgust from the set of Adam Sandler’s latest film, a western sendup that its distributor, Netflix, has defended as being equally offensive to all, a glow of pride spread through several Native American communities.

Tantoo Cardinal, a Canadian indigenous actress who played Black Shawl in “Dances With Wolves,” recalled thinking to herself, “It’s come.” Larry Sellers, who starred as Cloud Dancing in the 1990s television show “Dr. Quinn, Medicine Woman,” thought, “It’s about time.” Jesse Wente, who is Ojibwe and directs film programming at the TIFF Bell Lightbox in Toronto, found himself encouraged and surprised. There are so few film roles for indigenous actors, he said, that walking off the set of a major production showed real mettle.

But what didn’t surprise Mr. Wente was the content of the script. According to the actors who walked off the set, the film, titled “The Ridiculous Six,” included a Native American woman who passes out and is revived after white men douse her with alcohol, and another woman squatting to urinate while lighting a peace pipe. “There’s enough history at this point to have set some expectations around these sort of Hollywood depictions,” Mr. Wente said.

The walkout prompted a rhetorical “What do you expect from an Adam Sandler film?,” and a Netflix spokesman said that in the movie, blacks, Mexicans and whites were lampooned as well. But Native American actors and critics said a broader issue was at stake. While mainstream portrayals of native peoples have, Mr. Wente said, become “incrementally better” over the decades, he and others say, they remain far from accurate and reflect a lack of opportunities for Native American performers. What’s more, as Native Americans hunger for representation on screen, critics say the absence of three-dimensional portrayals has very real off-screen consequences.

“Our people are still healing from historical trauma,” said Loren Anthony, one of the actors who walked out. “Our youth are still trying to figure out who they are, where they fit in this society. Kids are killing themselves. They’re not proud of who they are.” They also don’t, he added, see themselves on prime time television or the big screen. Netflix noted while about five people walked off the “The Ridiculous Six” set, 100 or so Native American actors and extras stayed.

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But in interviews, nearly a dozen Native American actors and film industry experts said that Mr. Sandler’s humor perpetuated decades-old negative stereotypes. Mr. Anthony said such depictions helped feed the despondency many Native Americans feel, with deadly results: Native Americans have the highest suicide rate out of all the country’s ethnicities.

The on-screen problem is twofold, Mr. Anthony and others said: There’s a paucity of roles for Native Americans — according to the Screen Actors Guild in 2008 they accounted for 0.3 percent of all on-screen parts (those figures have yet to be updated), compared to about 2 percent of the general population — and Native American actors are often perceived in a narrow way.

In his Peabody Award-winning documentary “Reel Injun,” the Cree filmmaker Neil Diamond explored Hollywood depictions of Native Americans over the years, and found they fell into a few stereotypical categories: the Noble Savage, the Drunk Indian, the Mystic, the Indian Princess, the backward tribal people futilely fighting John Wayne and manifest destiny. While the 1990 film “Dances With Wolves” won praise for depicting Native Americans as fully fleshed out human beings, not all indigenous people embraced it. It was still told, critics said, from the colonialists’ point of view. In an interview, John Trudell, a Santee Sioux writer, actor (“Thunderheart”) and the former chairman of the American Indian Movement, described the film as “a story of two white people.”

“God bless ‘Dances with Wolves,’ ” Michael Horse, who played Deputy Hawk in “Twin Peaks,” said sarcastically. “Even ‘Avatar.’ Someone’s got to come save the tribal people.”

Dan Spilo, a partner at Industry Entertainment who represents Adam Beach, one of today’s most prominent Native American actors, said while typecasting dogs many minorities, it is especially intractable when it comes to Native Americans. Casting directors, he said, rarely cast them as police officers, doctors or lawyers. “There’s the belief that the Native American character should be on reservations or riding a horse,” he said.

“We don’t see ourselves,” Mr. Horse said. “We’re still an antiquated culture to them, and to the rest of the world.”

Ms. Cardinal said she was once turned down for the role of the wife of a child-abusing cop because the filmmakers felt that casting her would somehow be “too political.”

Another sore point is the long run of white actors playing American Indians, among them Burt Lancaster, Rock Hudson, Audrey Hepburn and, more recently, Johnny Depp, whose depiction of Tonto in the 2013 film “Lone Ranger,” was viewed as racist by detractors. There are, of course, exceptions. The former A&E series “Longmire,” which, as it happens, will now be on Netflix, was roundly praised for its depiction of life on a Northern Cheyenne reservation, with Lou Diamond Phillips, who is of Cherokee descent, playing a Northern Cheyenne man.

Others also point to the success of Mr. Beach, who played a Mohawk detective in “Law & Order: Special Victims Unit” and landed a starring role in the forthcoming D C Comics picture “Suicide Squad.” Mr. Beach said he had come across insulting scripts backed by people who don’t see anything wrong with them.

“I’d rather starve than do something that is offensive to my ancestral roots,” Mr. Beach said. “But I think there will always be attempts to drawn on the weakness of native people’s struggles. The savage Indian will always be the savage Indian. The white man will always be smarter and more cunning. The cavalry will always win.”

The solution, Mr. Wente, Mr. Trudell and others said, lies in getting more stories written by and starring Native Americans. But Mr. Wente noted that while independent indigenous film has blossomed in the last two decades, mainstream depictions have yet to catch up. “You have to stop expecting for Hollywood to correct it, because there seems to be no ability or desire to correct it,” Mr. Wente said.

There have been calls to boycott Netflix but, writing for Indian Country Today Media Network, which first broke news of the walk off, the filmmaker Brian Young noted that the distributor also offered a number of films by or about Native Americans.

The furor around “The Ridiculous Six” may drive more people to see it. Then one of the questions that Mr. Trudell, echoing others, had about the film will be answered: “Who the hell laughs at this stuff?”

Native American Actors Work to Overcome a Long-Documented Bias

From sea to shining sea, or at least from one side of the Hudson to the other, politicians you have barely heard of are being accused of wrongdoing. There were so many court proceedings involving public officials on Monday that it was hard to keep up.

In Newark, two underlings of Gov. Chris Christie were arraigned on charges that they were in on the truly deranged plot to block traffic leading onto the George Washington Bridge.

Ten miles away, in Lower Manhattan, Dean G. Skelos, the leader of the New York State Senate, and his son, Adam B. Skelos, were arrested by the Federal Bureau of Investigation on accusations of far more conventional political larceny, involving a job with a sewer company for the son and commissions on title insurance and bond work.

The younger man managed to receive a 150 percent pay increase from the sewer company even though, as he said on tape, he “literally knew nothing about water or, you know, any of that stuff,” according to a criminal complaint the United States attorney’s office filed.

The success of Adam Skelos, 32, was attributed by prosecutors to his father’s influence as the leader of the Senate and as a potentate among state Republicans. The indictment can also be read as one of those unfailingly sad tales of a father who cannot stop indulging a grown son. The senator himself is not alleged to have profited from the schemes, except by being relieved of the burden of underwriting Adam.

The bridge traffic caper is its own species of crazy; what distinguishes the charges against the two Skeloses is the apparent absence of a survival instinct. It is one thing not to know anything about water or that stuff. More remarkable, if true, is the fact that the sewer machinations continued even after the former New York Assembly speaker, Sheldon Silver, was charged in January with taking bribes disguised as fees.

It was by then common gossip in political and news media circles that Senator Skelos, a Republican, the counterpart in the Senate to Mr. Silver, a Democrat, in the Assembly, could be next in line for the criminal dock. “Stay tuned,” the United States attorney, Preet Bharara said, leaving not much to the imagination.

Even though the cat had been unmistakably belled, Skelos father and son continued to talk about how to advance the interests of the sewer company, though the son did begin to use a burner cellphone, the kind people pay for in cash, with no traceable contracts.

That was indeed prudent, as prosecutors had been wiretapping the cellphones of both men. But it would seem that the burner was of limited value, because by then the prosecutors had managed to secure the help of a business executive who agreed to record calls with the Skeloses. It would further seem that the business executive was more attentive to the perils of pending investigations than the politician.

Through the end of the New York State budget negotiations in March, the hopes of the younger Skelos rested on his father’s ability to devise legislation that would benefit the sewer company. That did not pan out. But Senator Skelos did boast that he had haggled with Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, a Democrat, in a successful effort to raise a $150 million allocation for Long Island to $550 million, for what the budget called “transformative economic development projects.” It included money for the kind of work done by the sewer company.

The lawyer for Adam Skelos said he was not guilty and would win in court. Senator Skelos issued a ringing declaration that he was unequivocally innocent.

THIS was also the approach taken in New Jersey by Bill Baroni, a man of great presence and eloquence who stopped outside the federal courthouse to note that he had taken risks as a Republican by bucking his party to support paid family leave, medical marijuana and marriage equality. “I would never risk my career, my job, my reputation for something like this,” Mr. Baroni said. “I am an innocent man.”

The lawyer for his co-defendant, Bridget Anne Kelly, the former deputy chief of staff to Mr. Christie, a Republican, said that she would strongly rebut the charges.

Perhaps they had nothing to do with the lane closings. But neither Mr. Baroni nor Ms. Kelly addressed the question of why they did not return repeated calls from the mayor of Fort Lee, N.J., begging them to stop the traffic tie-ups, over three days.

That silence was a low moment. But perhaps New York hit bottom faster. Senator Skelos, the prosecutors charged, arranged to meet Long Island politicians at the wake of Wenjian Liu, a New York City police officer shot dead in December, to press for payments to the company employing his son.

Sometimes it seems as though for some people, the only thing to be ashamed of is shame itself.

Finding Scandal in New York and New Jersey, but No Shame
Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”
Todd Heisler/The New York Times

Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’
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