PAKET UMROH BULAN FEBRUARI MARET APRIL MEI 2018




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    saco-indonesia.com,

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    siapa dirinya
    buatku terpana

    kesan pertama
    sungguh mempesona
    ingan mengenalnya

    *
    di kepalaku
    ada suka yang menggila
    sudikah kamu
    mengenalku mendekati aku

    Reff :
    aku mau tapi malu
    ku suka matamu hidungmu wajahmu
    dan aku mau untuk jadi milikku
      aku mau tapi malu
      ku suka gayamu tingkahku senyummu
      tapi ku malu tuk katakan padanya

    aku yang selalu
    punya sejuta cara
    cara tuk merayu

    tapi yang terjadi
    aku seperti ini
    ku bingung sendiri

    back to * , back to Reff


    aku suka aku mau
    tapi sungguh aku malu
    aku diam aku bingung
    aku harus bagaimana
    oh tuhanku tolong aku
    mengapa aku jadi bodoh
    ku tak tahu kenapa aku
    tiba tiba jadi malu

    ku tak tahu, tak tahu, tak tahu
    ku tak tahu, tak tahu

    back to Reff

    aku mau tapi malu.. ( mau tuk jadi milikku )
    aku mau tapi malu.. ( ku suka tetapi ku malu )
    aku mau.. ( matamu hidungmu wajahmu )
    tapi malu.. ( ku mau tuk jadi milikku )
    aku mau.. ( gayamu senyummu tingkahmu )
    tapi malu.. ( ku suka tetapi ku malu )

    aku mau.. tapi malu

    Editor : dian sukmawati

GITA GUTAWA FEAT MAIA MALU TAPI MAU

saco-indonesia.com, Misteri pembunuhan terhadap wanita pengusaha catering di Jalan Tanah Tinggi 1, RT 011/06 Kel. Tanah Tinggi, Kec. Johar Baru, Jakarta Pusat, akhirnya terkuak. Pelaku telah ditangkap oleh petugas Polres Jakarta Pusat di Kampung Badui, Lebak Banten.

Tersangka Suwiryo yang berusia 27 tahun , telah mengaku membunuh korban karena butuh uang untuk biaya persalinan istrinya. “Tadinya saya tidak bermaksud untuk membunuh majikan, hanya mau mengambil perhiasan yang akan saya jual untuk biaya melahirkan istri. Namun korban teriak hingga saya panik dan membunuhnya,” katanya, Kamis (6/2) kemarin.

Kasat Reskrim Polres Jakpus AKBP Tatan Dirsan Atmaja telah menjelaskan, terungkapnya kasus pembunuhan yang telah menimpa Adhika Putri yang berusia 31 tahun ,janda beranak dua ini berkat kerja keras polisi dalam melakukan penyelidikan, termasuk keterangan sejumlah saksi. “Para saksi mengarahkan dugaan ke pelaku,” katanya.

Petugas pun juga mendapat petunjuk kalau Suwiryo berada di tempat istrinya di daerah Banten. Polisi kemudian telah membentuk tim khusus untuk dapat memburu pelaku.

Begitu diyakini kalau pelaku berada di Banten, petugas yang dipimpin oleh Kanit Resmob AKP Mustakim, segera menuju ke lokasi untuk dapat memastikan keberadaan pelaku pembunuh pengusaha catering. Setibanya petugas di perkampungan Badui, polisi bersama sejumlah masyarakat sekitar itu telah mendatangi rumah pelaku.

Polisi telah melihat tersangka sedang tidur-tiduran dan langsung disergap. “Dari hasil BAP yang telah dibuatkan polisi, terungkap kalau pelaku sudah sering melakukan pencurian di rumah dengan modus berlagak sebagai pembantu dan ujung-ujungnya mencuri harta majikan,” ujar Tatan Dirsan Atmaja.

Menurut pengakuan pelaku, Minggu (2/2) lalu sekitar pukul 03:00 dinihari , sudah ada niat jahat untuk mencuri di tempat majikannya. Ia masuk kamar tengah saat majikan tidak ada. Namun karena barang yang diincer tidak ada, niat jahat itu kembali dilakukan pada Senin (3/2) sekitar pukul 10:00.

Tersangka masuk kamar depan dan mengambil perhiasan emas 5 gram dan laptop berikut HP dari lemari. Naas, saat pelaku mau keluar dari kamar tiba-tiba wanita beranak dua itu terjaga dari bangun dan mempergoki aksinya. Korban teriak hingga membuat tersangka panik dan membekapnya pakai kain.

Setelah itu,pelaku memukul kepala pakai palu yang sudah disiapkan hingga belasan kali. Korban pun tewas dengan kondisi mengenaskan. “Tersangka kita kenakan  pasal 365 jo  338 KUHP  dengan ancaman hukuman 20 kurungan penjara,” tegas Tatan.(silaen/yo)


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

PEMBUNUH WANITA PENGUSAHA KATERING DITANGKAP
Adityawarman bukan raja di Minangkabau, melainkan adalah raja di kerajaan Pagaruyung yang merupakan salah satu periode dari sejarah Minangkabau yang sangat panjang. Agar tidak mendatangkan keraguan kepada kita, maka kerajaan yang diperintahkan oleh Adityawarman kita namai kerajaan Pagaruyung saja. Untuk mengetahui siapa sebenarnya Adityawarman, perlu kita tinjau kembali hasil dari ekspedisi Pamalayu oleh Kartanegara pada tahun 1275, bukan hasil secara keseluruhan melainkan hasil yang berhubungan dengan asal-usul Adityawarman saja. Setelah ekspedisi itu berhasil, maka sewaktu rombongan ekspedisi kembali ke Jawa, mereka membawa Dara Jingga dan Dara Petak. Sesampai di Jawa kerajaan Singasari telah diganti oleh kerajaan Majapahit. Maka Dara Petak diambil sebagai selir oleh Raden Wijaya yang menjadi raja pertama kerajaan Majapahit. Dari perkawinan ini nanti akan melahirkan seorang putra yang pada waktunya akan menjadi raja di Majapahit. Puteranya tersebut bernama Jayanegara. Dara Jingga kawin dengan salah seorang pembesar kerajaan Majapahit dan melahirkan seorang putera yang nama kecilnya. Aji Mantrolot. Aji Mantrolot ini yang kemudian dikenal sebagai Adityawarman. Dengan demikian Adityawarman merupakan keturunan dari dua darah kaum bangsawan, satu darah bangsawan Sumatera dan satu darah bangsawan Majapahit. Raja Majapahit yang kedua yaitu Jayanegara adalah saudara sepupu dari Adityawarman. Mengenai asal-usul Adityawarman ini, Muhammad Yamin mengatakan bahwa Adityawarman berasal dari tanah Minangkabau di Pulau Sumatera. Tempat lahirnya terletak di Siguntur dekat nagari Sijunjung. Diwaktu muda dia berangkat ke Majapahit, tempat dia dididik disekeliling pusat pemerintahan dalam suasan keraton Majapahit. Kesempatan yang diperdapatnya itu berasal dari turunannya. Ayah bundanya mempunyai hubungan darah dengan permaisuri raja Majapahit yang pertama. Pendapat Muhammad Yamin mengenai tempat kelahiran Adityawarman dan hubungan kekeluargaannya dengan Kerajaan Majapahit diperkuat oleh Pinoto yang mengatakan, bahwa Adityawarman adalah seorang putera Sumatera yang lahir di daerah aliran Sungai Kampar dan besar kemungkinan dalam tubuhnya mengalir darah Majapahit. Hubungan dengan kerajaan Majapahit bersifat geneologis dan politis. Dengan demikian dapat disimpulkan bahwa Adityawarman dilahirkan di Kerajaan Melayu atau Minangkabau dan dibesarkan di Kerajaan Majapahit. Di keraton Majapahit Adityawarman di didik bersama saudara sepupunya Jayanegara yang kemudian menjadi raja Majapahit yang kedua. Di keraton Majapahit kedudukan Adityawarman sangat tinggi, yaitu berkedudukan sebagai salah seorang menteri atau perdana menteri yang diperolehnya bukan saja karena hubungan darahnya dengan raja Majapahit tetapi juga berkat kecakapannya sendiri. Tahun 1325 raja Jayanegara mengirim Adityawarman segbagai utusan ke negeri Cina yang berkedudukan sebagai duta. Bersama dengan Patih Gajah Mada, Adityawarman ikut memperluas wilayah kekuasaan Majapahit di Nusantara. Tahun 1331 Adityawarman memadamkan pemberontakan Sadeng dengan suatu perhitungan yang jitu. Tahun 1332 dia dikirim kembali menjadi utusan ke negeri Cina dengan kedudukan sebagai duta. Pada tahun 1334 Adityawarman pulang kembali ke negeri asalnya. Karena dengan lahir dan menjadi besarnya Hayam Wuruk tidak ada lagi kesempatan bagi Adityawarman utnuk menjujung mahkota kerajaan Majapahit sebagai ahli waris yang terdekat. Adityawarman adalah cucu dari raja Melayu karena ibunya Dara Jingga adalah anak Tribuana raja Mauliwarmadewa, raja kerajaan Melayu. Oleh karena itu, Adityawarman berhak atas takhta kerajaan Melayu tersebut. Timbulnya keinginan Adityawarman untuk mendirikan kerajaan Melayu yang mandiri, disebabkan karena kegagalan usaha patih Gajah Mada menguasai selat malaka. Pada tahun 1347 Adityawarman menjadi raja kerajaan Melayu yang dipusatkan di Darmasraya. Hal ini dapat dibuktikan dengan prasasti yang dipahatkan pada bagian belakan arca Amogapasa dari Padang Candi. Dalam Prasasti itu Adityawarman memakai nama : “Udayadityawarman Pratakramarajendra Mauliwarmadewa” dan bergelar “Maharaja Diraja” dengan memakai gelar tersebut rupanya Adityawarman hendak menyatakan bahwa dia merupakan raja yang berdiri sendiri dan tidak ada lagi raja yang berada di atasnya. Dengan demikian dia sudah bebas dari Majapahit. Sebagai realisasi dari pernyataan tersebut, maka Adityawarman pada tahun 1349 memindahkan pusat kerajaan dari Darmasraya ke Pagaruyung di Batusangkar. Selama pemerintahannya Adityawarman berusaha membawa kerajaan Pagaruyung ke puncak kejayaannya. Dalam usaha memajukan kerajaan itu Adityawarman mengadakan hubungan dengan luar negeri, yaitu dengan Cina. Tahun 1357, 1375, 1376 Adityawarman mengirim utusan ke negeri Cina. Selama masa pemerintahannya di Pagaruyung yang berlangsung dari tahun 1349 sampai 1376, kerajaan Pagaruyung berada di puncak kejayaannya. Bahkan dapat dikatakan pada waktu itu Indonesia bagian barat dikuasai kerajaan Pagaruyung dan Indonesia bagian Timur berada di bawah pengaruh kekuasaan Majapahit. Adityawarman sebagai orang yang dididik dan dibesarkan di Majapahit serta telah pula pernah menjabat beberapa jabatan penting di kerajaan Majapahit, tentulah paham betul dengan seluk beluk pemerintahan di Majapahit. Dengan demikian corak pemerintahan kerajaan Majapahit sedikit banyaknya berpengaruh pada corak pemerintahan Adityawarman di Pagaruyung. Hal ini ternyata pada prasasti yang ditinggalkan Adityawarman terdapat nama Dewa Tuhan Perpatih dan Tumanggung yang oleh Pinoto dibaca Datuk Perpatih Nan Sabatang dan Datuk Ketumanggungan. Menurut Tambo kekuasaan Adityawarman hanya terbatas di daerah Pagaruyung, sedangkan daerah lain di Minangkabau masih tetap berada dibawah pengawasan Datuk Perpatih Nan Sabatang dan Datuk ketumanggungan dengan pemerintahan adatnya. Dengan demikian di Pagaruyung Adityawarman dapat dianggap sebagai lambang kekuasaan saja, sedangkan kekuasaan sebenarnya tetap berada di tangan kedua tokoh pemimpin adat tersebut, sehingga hal ini menyebabkan kemudian pengaruh budha yang dibawa ke Pagaruyung tidak dapat tempat di hati rakyat Minangkabau, karena prinsipnya rakyat Minangkabau sendiri secara langsung tidak berkenalan dengan pengaruh-pengaruh tersebut. Disamping itu, selama menjadi raja Pagaruyung yang mengatur kehidupan masyarakat Minangkabau tetap hukum Adat Koto Piliang dan Bodi Caniago. Dalam hal ini Tambo mengatakan bahwa Adityawarman walaupun sudah menjadi raja yang besar, tetap saja merupakan seorang sumando di Minangkabau, artinya kekuasaannya sangat terbatas. Barangkali hal ini memang disengaja oleh Datuk yang berdua itu, mengingat pada mulanya kekuasaan Adityawarman yang sangat besar sekali. Agar kehidupan masyarakat Minangkabau jangan terpengaruh oleh kebiasaan yang dibawa oleh Adityawarman maka kedua Datuk itu memagarinya dengan pengaturan kekuasaan, Adityawarman boleh menjadi raja yang sangat besar, tetapi kekuasaannya hanya terbatas di sekitar istana saja, sedangkan kekuasaan langsung terhadap masyarakat tetap dipegang oleh mereka. Sesudah meninggalnya Adityawarman yang memang merupakan seorang raja yang besar dan kuat, kekuasaan kerajaan Pagaruyung mulai luntur. Kelihatannya dengan pengaturan yang dilakukan oleh Datuk Perpatih Nan Sabatang berdua dengan Datuk Ketumanggungan tidak memberi kesempatan kepada pengganti Adityawarman yang menganut agama budha untuk berkuasa seterusnya. Adityawarman sebagai raja Pagaruyung merupakan seorang raja yang paling banyak meninggalkan prasasti. Hampir dua puluh buah prasasti yang ditinggalkannya. Diantaranya yang telah dibaca seperti Prasasti Arca Amogapasa, Kuburajo, Saruaso I dan II, Pagaruyung, Kapalo Bukit Gambak I dan II, Banda Bapahek, dan masih banyak lagi yang belum dapat dibaca. Diantara yang telah dapat dibaca itu menyatakan kebesaran dan kemegahan kerajaan Pagaruyung, barangkali diantara raja-raja yang pernah ada di Indonesia tidak ada seorang pun yang pernah meninggalkan prasasti sebanyak yang telah ditinggalkan oleh Adityawarman. Sayangnya di Minangkabau kebiasaan seperti itu hanya dilakukan oleh Adityawarman seorang raja. Sebelum dan sesudahnya Adityawarman tidak ada yang membiasakan sehingga sampai sekarang kebanyakan data sejarah Minangkabau agak gelap. Sesudah Adityawarman meninggal kerajaan Pagaruyung yang tidak lagi mempunyai raja yang merupakan keturunan darah langsung dari Adityawarman. Sedangkan Ananggawarman yang dikatakan dalam salah satu prasasti Adityawarman sebagai anaknya tidak pernah memerintah, karena kekuasaan Adityawarman langsung digantikan oleh Yang Dipertuan Sultan Bakilap Alam. Dari sebutan raja itu saja, kelihatannya sesudah Adityawarman raja yang menggantikannya sudah menganut agama Islam. Adanya Sultan Bakilap Alam sebagai raja Minangkabau Pagaruyung dijelaskan oleh Tambo Minangkabau. Dengan sudah dianutnya agama Islam oleh pengganti Adityawarman, maka hilang pulalah pengaruh agama Budha yang dianut Adityawarman di Minangkabau. Sampai dengan pertengahan abad ke-16 sesudah Adityawarman kita tidak memperoleh keterangan yang lengkap mengenai kerajaan Pagaruyung. Rupanya sesudah Adityawarman meninggal, kerajaan Majapahit kembali berusaha untuk menguasai Pagaruyung serata Selat Malaka. Tetapi usaha tersebut gagal kaena angkatan perang kerajaan Majapahit yang datang dari arah pantai timur dikalahkan oleh tentara Pagaruyung dalam pertempuran di Padang Sibusuk tahun 1409. Akibat pertempuran Padang Sibusuk itu membawa akibat yang sangat besar dalam struktur pemerintahan kerajaan Pagaruyung selanjutnya. Semasa Adityawarman menjadi raja, pemerintahan bersifat sentralisasi menurut sistem di Majapahit. Tetapi sesudah pertempuran Padang Sibusuk itu, nagari-nagai di Minangkabau membebaskan diri dari kekuasaan yang berpusat di Pagaruyung. MASA PEMERINTAHAN ADITYAWARMAN

saco-indonesia.com, Striker AS Roma yang langsung dapat menemukan ketajamannya usai lepas dari belenggu cedera, Mattia Destro, telah menyimpan sebuah impian besar. Dia juga ingin memperkuat Italia di Piala Dunia 2014.

Destro yang berusia 22 tahun , memang sudah absen cukup lama akibat cedera lutut yang telah dialaminya Januari silam. Pulih, dia pun juga kembali ke skuat Roma. Konstribusi signifikan langsung telah diberikannya untuk Giallorossi, yakni mencetak masing-masing satu gol dalam dua laga terkini di Serie A 2013/13 melawan Fiorentina (menang 2-1) dan AC Milan (2-2).

Dua gol tersebut adalah dua gol perdana Destro musim ini. Harapan untuk telah memperkuat Azzurri di Brasil 2014 pun dia utarakan.

"Saya harus terlebih dahulu untuk memulihkan form terbaik saya. Semua ada tahapannya," kata Destro kepada La Gazzetta dello Sport.

"Menjadi bagian lini serang Italia di Piala Dunia bersama Mario Balotelli dan Giuseppe Rossi adalah impian saya saat ini," ujarnya.

Kalau impian tersebut terwujud, Destro pasti bisa melupakan memori pahit gagal masuk skuat Italia untuk Euro 2012 di Polandia-Ukraina.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

DESTRO IMPIKAN PIALA DUNIA

saco-indonesia.com, Semua wanita pasti juga ingin wajahnya akan terlihat segar dan sehat. Sehingga, banyak yang telah melakukan perawatan mahal atau bahkan telah membeli make-up yang diklaim bisa membuat wajah segar dan sehat. Padahal wajah segar dan sehat juga bisa didapat dengan cara alami.

berikut ini cara alami yang bisa Anda lakukan untuk bisa mendapatkan wajah yang segar dan sehat sepanjang hari:

1. Lakukan gerakan di pagi hari
Jadikan gerakan sebagai hal pertama yang wajib Anda lakukan setelah bangun tidur misalnya dengan joging atau jalan cepat. Olahraga di pagi hari juga bisa'membangunkan' organ, tulang, dan otot setelah Anda melalui waktu tidur. Kegiatan itu juga bisa mengirimkan pesan 'kita sudah bangun!' ke otak kita.
Selain itu, tubuh juga bisa memompa darah lebih baik serta membuat tubuh akan lebih sehat dan tampak bersinar. Tidak harus ke gym, Anda juga bisa melakukan olahraga selama 15 menit dengan menyaksikan CD panduan, bersepeda, atau jalan mengelilingi komplek rumah Anda.

2. Gunakan air dingin atau sendok
Basuhan air es saat bangun tidur juga bisa membuka mata dan 'mengejutkan' otak Anda. Jika Anda cukup berani, putarlah keran ke pengaturan air dingin dan basuhlah diri Anda selama 10 detik, sebelum mulai beralih ke air hangat. Hal ini juga akan bisa membuat rambut Anda lebih bersinar. Cara lainnya, sebelum tidur masukkan sendok ke dalam freezer dan pagi harinya, kompres mata dengan menggunakan sendok tersebut.

3. Mempraktekkan aturan 20/20/20 sepanjang hari
Jika Anda menatap komputer sepanjang hari tanpa istirahat, cobalah berlatih 20/20/20 yang telah dikatakan dokter untuk dapat mengurangi ketegangan dan kemerahan mata. Ambil waktu 20 detik untuk bisa melihat sesuatu yang lain sambil berjalan 20 langkah setiap 20 menit.

4. Minum air sebanyak mungkin di siang hari
Coba siapkan air dalam botol besar di meja Anda sepanjang hari dan mengisinya saat habis. Air juga bisa menghidrasi organ tubuh serta otak kita sehingga kita tidak hanya merasa lebih terjaga tapi juga berkonsentrasi.

5. Tinggalkan ponsel di malam hari
Menurut para peneliti di Lighting Research Cente di Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, mereka yang telah menghabiskan waktu dua jam untuk dapat menggunakan perangkat dengan layar LED seperti iPad atau iPhone memiliki tingkat melatonin yang lebih tinggi. Melatonin adalah senyawa kimia yang telah menghambat tidur hingga Anda bisa kurang istirahat dan tidak segar di keesokan harinya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

CARA ALAMI AGAR TUBUH TERLIHAT SEGAR

The 6-foot-10 Phillips played alongside the 6-11 Rick Robey on the Wildcats team that won the 1978 N.C.A.A. men’s basketball title.

Mike Phillips, Half of Kentucky’s ‘Twin Towers’ of Basketball, Dies at 59

Even as a high school student, Dave Goldberg was urging female classmates to speak up. As a young dot-com executive, he had one girlfriend after another, but fell hard for a driven friend named Sheryl Sandberg, pining after her for years. After they wed, Mr. Goldberg pushed her to negotiate hard for high compensation and arranged his schedule so that he could be home with their children when she was traveling for work.

Mr. Goldberg, who died unexpectedly on Friday, was a genial, 47-year-old Silicon Valley entrepreneur who built his latest company, SurveyMonkey, from a modest enterprise to one recently valued by investors at $2 billion. But he was also perhaps the signature male feminist of his era: the first major chief executive in memory to spur his wife to become as successful in business as he was, and an essential figure in “Lean In,” Ms. Sandberg’s blockbuster guide to female achievement.

Over the weekend, even strangers were shocked at his death, both because of his relatively young age and because they knew of him as the living, breathing, car-pooling center of a new philosophy of two-career marriage.

“They were very much the role models for what this next generation wants to grapple with,” said Debora L. Spar, the president of Barnard College. In a 2011 commencement speech there, Ms. Sandberg told the graduates that whom they married would be their most important career decision.

In the play “The Heidi Chronicles,” revived on Broadway this spring, a male character who is the founder of a media company says that “I don’t want to come home to an A-plus,” explaining that his ambitions require him to marry an unthreatening helpmeet. Mr. Goldberg grew up to hold the opposite view, starting with his upbringing in progressive Minneapolis circles where “there was woman power in every aspect of our lives,” Jeffrey Dachis, a childhood friend, said in an interview.

The Goldberg parents read “The Feminine Mystique” together — in fact, Mr. Goldberg’s father introduced it to his wife, according to Ms. Sandberg’s book. In 1976, Paula Goldberg helped found a nonprofit to aid children with disabilities. Her husband, Mel, a law professor who taught at night, made the family breakfast at home.

Later, when Dave Goldberg was in high school and his prom date, Jill Chessen, stayed silent in a politics class, he chastised her afterward. He said, “You need to speak up,” Ms. Chessen recalled in an interview. “They need to hear your voice.”

Years later, when Karin Gilford, an early employee at Launch Media, Mr. Goldberg’s digital music company, became a mother, he knew exactly what to do. He kept giving her challenging assignments, she recalled, but also let her work from home one day a week. After Yahoo acquired Launch, Mr. Goldberg became known for distributing roses to all the women in the office on Valentine’s Day.

Ms. Sandberg, who often describes herself as bossy-in-a-good-way, enchanted him when they became friendly in the mid-1990s. He “was smitten with her,” Ms. Chessen remembered. Ms. Sandberg was dating someone else, but Mr. Goldberg still hung around, even helping her and her then-boyfriend move, recalled Bob Roback, a friend and co-founder of Launch. When they finally married in 2004, friends remember thinking how similar the two were, and that the qualities that might have made Ms. Sandberg intimidating to some men drew Mr. Goldberg to her even more.

Over the next decade, Mr. Goldberg and Ms. Sandberg pioneered new ways of capturing information online, had a son and then a daughter, became immensely wealthy, and hashed out their who-does-what-in-this-marriage issues. Mr. Goldberg’s commute from the Bay Area to Los Angeles became a strain, so he relocated, later joking that he “lost the coin flip” of where they would live. He paid the bills, she planned the birthday parties, and both often left their offices at 5:30 so they could eat dinner with their children before resuming work afterward.

Friends in Silicon Valley say they were careful to conduct their careers separately, politely refusing when outsiders would ask one about the other’s work: Ms. Sandberg’s role building Facebook into an information and advertising powerhouse, and Mr. Goldberg at SurveyMonkey, which made polling faster and cheaper. But privately, their work was intertwined. He often began statements to his team with the phrase “Well, Sheryl said” sharing her business advice. He counseled her, too, starting with her salary negotiations with Mark Zuckerberg.

“I wanted Mark to really feel he stretched to get Sheryl, because she was worth it,” Mr. Goldberg explained in a 2013 “60 Minutes” interview, his Minnesota accent and his smile intact as he offered a rare peek of the intersection of marriage and money at the top of corporate life.

 

 

While his wife grew increasingly outspoken about women’s advancement, Mr. Goldberg quietly advised the men in the office on family and partnership matters, an associate said. Six out of 16 members of SurveyMonkey’s management team are female, an almost unheard-of ratio among Silicon Valley “unicorns,” or companies valued at over $1 billion.

When Mellody Hobson, a friend and finance executive, wrote a chapter of “Lean In” about women of color for the college edition of the book, Mr. Goldberg gave her feedback on the draft, a clue to his deep involvement. He joked with Ms. Hobson that she was too long-winded, like Ms. Sandberg, but aside from that, he said he loved the chapter, she said in an interview.

By then, Mr. Goldberg was a figure of fascination who inspired a “where can I get one of those?” reaction among many of the women who had read the best seller “Lean In.” Some lamented that Ms. Sandberg’s advice hinged too much on marrying a Dave Goldberg, who was humble enough to plan around his wife, attentive enough to worry about which shoes his young daughter would wear, and rich enough to help pay for the help that made the family’s balancing act manageable.

Now that he is gone, and Ms. Sandberg goes from being half of a celebrated partnership to perhaps the business world’s most prominent single mother, the pages of “Lean In” carry a new sting of loss.

“We are never at 50-50 at any given moment — perfect equality is hard to define or sustain — but we allow the pendulum to swing back and forth between us,” she wrote in 2013, adding that they were looking forward to raising teenagers together.

“Fortunately, I have Dave to figure it out with me,” she wrote.

Dave Goldberg Was Lifelong Women’s Advocate

Mr. Paczynski was one of the concentration camp’s longest surviving inmates and served as the personal barber to its Nazi commandant Rudolf Höss.

Jozef Paczynski, Inmate Barber to Auschwitz Commandant, Dies at 95

Mr. Bartoszewski was given honorary Israeli citizenship for his work to save Jews during World War II and later surprised even himself by being instrumental in reconciling Poland and Germany.

Wladyslaw Bartoszewski, 93, Dies; Polish Auschwitz Survivor Aided Jews

BALTIMORE — In the afternoons, the streets of Locust Point are clean and nearly silent. In front of the rowhouses, potted plants rest next to steps of brick or concrete. There is a shopping center nearby with restaurants, and a grocery store filled with fresh foods.

And the National Guard and the police are largely absent. So, too, residents say, are worries about what happened a few miles away on April 27 when, in a space of hours, parts of this city became riot zones.

“They’re not our reality,” Ashley Fowler, 30, said on Monday at the restaurant where she works. “They’re not what we’re living right now. We live in, not to be racist, white America.”

As Baltimore considers its way forward after the violent unrest brought by the death of Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old black man who died of injuries he suffered while in police custody, residents in its predominantly white neighborhoods acknowledge that they are sometimes struggling to understand what beyond Mr. Gray’s death spurred the turmoil here. For many, the poverty and troubled schools of gritty West Baltimore are distant troubles, glimpsed only when they pass through the area on their way somewhere else.

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Officers blocked traffic at Pennsylvania and West North Avenues after reports that a gun was discharged in the area. Credit Drew Angerer for The New York Times

And so neighborhoods of Baltimore are facing altogether different reckonings after Mr. Gray’s death. In mostly black communities like Sandtown-Winchester, where some of the most destructive rioting played out last week, residents are hoping businesses will reopen and that the police will change their strategies. But in mostly white areas like Canton and Locust Point, some residents wonder what role, if any, they should play in reimagining stretches of Baltimore where they do not live.

“Most of the people are kind of at a loss as to what they’re supposed to do,” said Dr. Richard Lamb, a dentist who has practiced in the same Locust Point office for nearly 39 years. “I listen to the news reports. I listen to the clergymen. I listen to the facts of the rampant unemployment and the lack of opportunities in the area. Listen, I pay my taxes. Exactly what can I do?”

And in Canton, where the restaurants have clever names like Nacho Mama’s and Holy Crepe Bakery and Café, Sara Bahr said solutions seemed out of reach for a proudly liberal city.

“I can only imagine how frustrated they must be,” said Ms. Bahr, 36, a nurse who was out with her 3-year-old daughter, Sally. “I just wish I knew how to solve poverty. I don’t know what to do to make it better.”

The day of unrest and the overwhelmingly peaceful demonstrations that followed led to hundreds of arrests, often for violations of the curfew imposed on the city for five consecutive nights while National Guard soldiers patrolled the streets. Although there were isolated instances of trouble in Canton, the neighborhood association said on its website, many parts of southeast Baltimore were physically untouched by the tumult.

Tensions in the city bubbled anew on Monday after reports that the police had wounded a black man in Northwest Baltimore. The authorities denied those reports and sent officers to talk with the crowds that gathered while other officers clutching shields blocked traffic at Pennsylvania and West North Avenues.

Lt. Col. Melvin Russell, a community police officer, said officers had stopped a man suspected of carrying a handgun and that “one of those rounds was spent.”

Colonel Russell said officers had not opened fire, “so we couldn’t have shot him.”

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Lambi Vasilakopoulos, right, who runs a casual restaurant in Canton, said he was incensed by last week's looting and predicted tensions would worsen. Credit Drew Angerer for The New York Times

The colonel said the man had not been injured but was taken to a hospital as a precaution. Nearby, many people stood in disbelief, despite the efforts by the authorities to quash reports they described as “unfounded.”

Monday’s episode was a brief moment in a larger drama that has yielded anger and confusion. Although many people said they were familiar with accounts of the police harassing or intimidating residents, many in Canton and Locust Point said they had never experienced it themselves. When they watched the unrest, which many protesters said was fueled by feelings that they lived only on Baltimore’s margins, even those like Ms. Bahr who were pained by what they saw said they could scarcely comprehend the emotions associated with it.

But others, like Lambi Vasilakopoulos, who runs a casual restaurant in Canton, said they were incensed by what unfolded last week.

“What happened wasn’t called for. Protests are one thing; looting is another thing,” he said, adding, “We’re very frustrated because we’re the ones who are going to pay for this.”

There were pockets of optimism, though, that Baltimore would enter a period of reconciliation.

“I’m just hoping for peace,” Natalie Boies, 53, said in front of the Locust Point home where she has lived for 50 years. “Learn to love each other; be patient with each other; find justice; and care.”

A skeptical Mr. Vasilakopoulos predicted tensions would worsen.

“It cannot be fixed,” he said. “It’s going to get worse. Why? Because people don’t obey the laws. They don’t want to obey them.”

But there were few fears that the violence that plagued West Baltimore last week would play out on these relaxed streets. The authorities, Ms. Fowler said, would make sure of that.

“They kept us safe here,” she said. “I didn’t feel uncomfortable when I was in my house three blocks away from here. I knew I was going to be O.K. because I knew they weren’t going to let anyone come and loot our properties or our businesses or burn our cars.”

Baltimore Residents Away From Turmoil Consider Their Role

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

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Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

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Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

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President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

Obama Finds a Bolder Voice on Race Issues

Fullmer, who reigned when fight clubs abounded and Friday night fights were a television staple, was known for his title bouts with Sugar Ray Robinson and Carmen Basilio.

Gene Fullmer, a Brawling Middleweight Champion, Dies at 83

Under Mr. Michelin’s leadership, which ended when he left the company in 2002, the Michelin Group became the world’s biggest tire maker, establishing a big presence in the United States and other major markets overseas.

François Michelin, Head of Tire Company, Dies at 88

Late in April, after Native American actors walked off in disgust from the set of Adam Sandler’s latest film, a western sendup that its distributor, Netflix, has defended as being equally offensive to all, a glow of pride spread through several Native American communities.

Tantoo Cardinal, a Canadian indigenous actress who played Black Shawl in “Dances With Wolves,” recalled thinking to herself, “It’s come.” Larry Sellers, who starred as Cloud Dancing in the 1990s television show “Dr. Quinn, Medicine Woman,” thought, “It’s about time.” Jesse Wente, who is Ojibwe and directs film programming at the TIFF Bell Lightbox in Toronto, found himself encouraged and surprised. There are so few film roles for indigenous actors, he said, that walking off the set of a major production showed real mettle.

But what didn’t surprise Mr. Wente was the content of the script. According to the actors who walked off the set, the film, titled “The Ridiculous Six,” included a Native American woman who passes out and is revived after white men douse her with alcohol, and another woman squatting to urinate while lighting a peace pipe. “There’s enough history at this point to have set some expectations around these sort of Hollywood depictions,” Mr. Wente said.

The walkout prompted a rhetorical “What do you expect from an Adam Sandler film?,” and a Netflix spokesman said that in the movie, blacks, Mexicans and whites were lampooned as well. But Native American actors and critics said a broader issue was at stake. While mainstream portrayals of native peoples have, Mr. Wente said, become “incrementally better” over the decades, he and others say, they remain far from accurate and reflect a lack of opportunities for Native American performers. What’s more, as Native Americans hunger for representation on screen, critics say the absence of three-dimensional portrayals has very real off-screen consequences.

“Our people are still healing from historical trauma,” said Loren Anthony, one of the actors who walked out. “Our youth are still trying to figure out who they are, where they fit in this society. Kids are killing themselves. They’re not proud of who they are.” They also don’t, he added, see themselves on prime time television or the big screen. Netflix noted while about five people walked off the “The Ridiculous Six” set, 100 or so Native American actors and extras stayed.

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But in interviews, nearly a dozen Native American actors and film industry experts said that Mr. Sandler’s humor perpetuated decades-old negative stereotypes. Mr. Anthony said such depictions helped feed the despondency many Native Americans feel, with deadly results: Native Americans have the highest suicide rate out of all the country’s ethnicities.

The on-screen problem is twofold, Mr. Anthony and others said: There’s a paucity of roles for Native Americans — according to the Screen Actors Guild in 2008 they accounted for 0.3 percent of all on-screen parts (those figures have yet to be updated), compared to about 2 percent of the general population — and Native American actors are often perceived in a narrow way.

In his Peabody Award-winning documentary “Reel Injun,” the Cree filmmaker Neil Diamond explored Hollywood depictions of Native Americans over the years, and found they fell into a few stereotypical categories: the Noble Savage, the Drunk Indian, the Mystic, the Indian Princess, the backward tribal people futilely fighting John Wayne and manifest destiny. While the 1990 film “Dances With Wolves” won praise for depicting Native Americans as fully fleshed out human beings, not all indigenous people embraced it. It was still told, critics said, from the colonialists’ point of view. In an interview, John Trudell, a Santee Sioux writer, actor (“Thunderheart”) and the former chairman of the American Indian Movement, described the film as “a story of two white people.”

“God bless ‘Dances with Wolves,’ ” Michael Horse, who played Deputy Hawk in “Twin Peaks,” said sarcastically. “Even ‘Avatar.’ Someone’s got to come save the tribal people.”

Dan Spilo, a partner at Industry Entertainment who represents Adam Beach, one of today’s most prominent Native American actors, said while typecasting dogs many minorities, it is especially intractable when it comes to Native Americans. Casting directors, he said, rarely cast them as police officers, doctors or lawyers. “There’s the belief that the Native American character should be on reservations or riding a horse,” he said.

“We don’t see ourselves,” Mr. Horse said. “We’re still an antiquated culture to them, and to the rest of the world.”

Ms. Cardinal said she was once turned down for the role of the wife of a child-abusing cop because the filmmakers felt that casting her would somehow be “too political.”

Another sore point is the long run of white actors playing American Indians, among them Burt Lancaster, Rock Hudson, Audrey Hepburn and, more recently, Johnny Depp, whose depiction of Tonto in the 2013 film “Lone Ranger,” was viewed as racist by detractors. There are, of course, exceptions. The former A&E series “Longmire,” which, as it happens, will now be on Netflix, was roundly praised for its depiction of life on a Northern Cheyenne reservation, with Lou Diamond Phillips, who is of Cherokee descent, playing a Northern Cheyenne man.

Others also point to the success of Mr. Beach, who played a Mohawk detective in “Law & Order: Special Victims Unit” and landed a starring role in the forthcoming D C Comics picture “Suicide Squad.” Mr. Beach said he had come across insulting scripts backed by people who don’t see anything wrong with them.

“I’d rather starve than do something that is offensive to my ancestral roots,” Mr. Beach said. “But I think there will always be attempts to drawn on the weakness of native people’s struggles. The savage Indian will always be the savage Indian. The white man will always be smarter and more cunning. The cavalry will always win.”

The solution, Mr. Wente, Mr. Trudell and others said, lies in getting more stories written by and starring Native Americans. But Mr. Wente noted that while independent indigenous film has blossomed in the last two decades, mainstream depictions have yet to catch up. “You have to stop expecting for Hollywood to correct it, because there seems to be no ability or desire to correct it,” Mr. Wente said.

There have been calls to boycott Netflix but, writing for Indian Country Today Media Network, which first broke news of the walk off, the filmmaker Brian Young noted that the distributor also offered a number of films by or about Native Americans.

The furor around “The Ridiculous Six” may drive more people to see it. Then one of the questions that Mr. Trudell, echoing others, had about the film will be answered: “Who the hell laughs at this stuff?”

Native American Actors Work to Overcome a Long-Documented Bias

UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?

What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.

Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.

 

 

Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.

In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.

“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”

He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.

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Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”

It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.

Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.

He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.

They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.

Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.

As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.

He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.

Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.

“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”

The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”

Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.

Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.

R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.

“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”

With Iran Talks, a Tangled Path to Ending Syria’s War

Hockey is not exactly known as a city game, but played on roller skates, it once held sway as the sport of choice in many New York neighborhoods.

“City kids had no rinks, no ice, but they would do anything to play hockey,” said Edward Moffett, former director of the Long Island City Y.M.C.A. Roller Hockey League, in Queens, whose games were played in city playgrounds going back to the 1940s.

From the 1960s through the 1980s, the league had more than 60 teams, he said. Players included the Mullen brothers of Hell’s Kitchen and Dan Dorion of Astoria, Queens, who would later play on ice for the National Hockey League.

One street legend from the heyday of New York roller hockey was Craig Allen, who lived in the Woodside Houses projects and became one of the city’s hardest hitters and top scorers.

“Craig was a warrior, one of the best roller hockey players in the city in the ’70s,” said Dave Garmendia, 60, a retired New York police officer who grew up playing with Mr. Allen. “His teammates loved him and his opponents feared him.”

Young Craig took up hockey on the streets of Queens in the 1960s, playing pickup games between sewer covers, wearing steel-wheeled skates clamped onto school shoes and using a roll of electrical tape as the puck.

His skill and ferocity drew attention, Mr. Garmendia said, but so did his skin color. He was black, in a sport made up almost entirely by white players.

“Roller hockey was a white kid’s game, plain and simple, but Craig broke the color barrier,” Mr. Garmendia said. “We used to say Craig did more for race relations than the N.A.A.C.P.”

Mr. Allen went on to coach and referee roller hockey in New York before moving several years ago to South Carolina. But he continued to organize an annual alumni game at Dutch Kills Playground in Long Island City, the same site that held the local championship games.

The reunion this year was on Saturday, but Mr. Allen never made it. On April 26, just before boarding the bus to New York, he died of an asthma attack at age 61.

Word of his death spread rapidly among hundreds of his old hockey colleagues who resolved to continue with the event, now renamed the Craig Allen Memorial Roller Hockey Reunion.

The turnout on Saturday was the largest ever, with players pulling on their old equipment, choosing sides and taking once again to the rink of cracked blacktop with faded lines and circles. They wore no helmets, although one player wore a fedora.

Another, Vinnie Juliano, 77, of Long Island City, wore his hearing aids, along with his 50-year-old taped-up quads, or four-wheeled skates with a leather boot. Many players here never converted to in-line skates, and neither did Mr. Allen, whose photograph appeared on a poster hanging behind the players’ bench.

“I’m seeing people walking by wondering why all these rusty, grizzly old guys are here playing hockey,” one player, Tommy Dominguez, said. “We’re here for Craig, and let me tell you, these old guys still play hard.”

Everyone seemed to have a Craig Allen story, from his earliest teams at Public School 151 to the Bryant Rangers, the Woodside Wings, the Woodside Blues and more.

Mr. Allen, who became a yellow-cab driver, was always recruiting new talent. He gained the nickname Cabby for his habit of stopping at playgrounds all over the city to scout players.

Teams were organized around neighborhoods and churches, and often sponsored by local bars. Mr. Allen, for one, played for bars, including Garry Owen’s and on the Fiddler’s Green Jokers team in Inwood, Manhattan.

Play was tough and fights were frequent.

“We were basically street gangs on skates,” said Steve Rogg, 56, a mail clerk who grew up in Jackson Heights, Queens, and who on Saturday wore his Riedell Classic quads from 1972. “If another team caught up with you the night before a game, they tossed you a beating so you couldn’t play the next day.”

Mr. Garmendia said Mr. Allen’s skin color provoked many fights.

“When we’d go to some ignorant neighborhoods, a lot of players would use slurs,” Mr. Garmendia said, recalling a game in Ozone Park, Queens, where local fans parked motorcycles in a lineup next to the blacktop and taunted Mr. Allen. Mr. Garmendia said he checked a player into the motorcycles, “and the bikes went down like dominoes, which started a serious brawl.”

A group of fans at a game in Brooklyn once stuck a pole through the rink fence as Mr. Allen skated by and broke his jaw, Mr. Garmendia said, adding that carloads of reinforcements soon arrived to defend Mr. Allen.

And at another racially incited brawl, the police responded with six patrol cars and a helicopter.

Before play began on Saturday, the players gathered at center rink to honor Mr. Allen. Billy Barnwell, 59, of Woodside, recalled once how an all-white, all-star squad snubbed Mr. Allen by playing him third string. He scored seven goals in the first game and made first string immediately.

“He’d always hear racial stuff before the game, and I’d ask him, ‘How do you put up with that?’” Mr. Barnwell recalled. “Craig would say, ‘We’ll take care of it,’ and by the end of the game, he’d win guys over. They’d say, ‘This guy’s good.’”

Tribute for a Roller Hockey Warrior

Gagne wrestled professionally from the late 1940s until the 1980s and was a transitional figure between the early 20th century barnstormers and the steroidal sideshows of today

Verne Gagne, Wrestler Who Grappled Through Two Eras, Dies at 89

As governor, Mr. Walker alienated Republicans and his fellow Democrats, particularly the Democratic powerhouse Richard J. Daley, the mayor of Chicago.

Dan Walker, 92, Dies; Illinois Governor and Later a U.S. Prisoner

WASHINGTON — A decade after emergency trailers meant to shelter Hurricane Katrina victims instead caused burning eyes, sore throats and other more serious ailments, the Environmental Protection Agency is on the verge of regulating the culprit: formaldehyde, a chemical that can be found in commonplace things like clothes and furniture.

But an unusual assortment of players, including furniture makers, the Chinese government, Republicans from states with a large base of furniture manufacturing and even some Democrats who championed early regulatory efforts, have questioned the E.P.A. proposal. The sustained opposition has held sway, as the agency is now preparing to ease key testing requirements before it releases the landmark federal health standard.

The E.P.A.’s five-year effort to adopt this rule offers another example of how industry opposition can delay and hamper attempts by the federal government to issue regulations, even to control substances known to be harmful to human health.

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Document: The Formaldehyde Fight

Formaldehyde is a known carcinogen that can also cause respiratory ailments like asthma, but the potential of long-term exposure to cause cancers like myeloid leukemia is less well understood.

The E.P.A.’s decision would be the first time that the federal government has regulated formaldehyde inside most American homes.

“The stakes are high for public health,” said Tom Neltner, senior adviser for regulatory affairs at the National Center for Healthy Housing, who has closely monitored the debate over the rules. “What we can’t have here is an outcome that fails to confront the health threat we all know exists.”

The proposal would not ban formaldehyde — commonly used as an ingredient in wood glue in furniture and flooring — but it would impose rules that prevent dangerous levels of the chemical’s vapors from those products, and would set testing standards to ensure that products sold in the United States comply with those limits. The debate has sharpened in the face of growing concern about the safety of formaldehyde-treated flooring imported from Asia, especially China.

What is certain is that a lot of money is at stake: American companies sell billions of dollars’ worth of wood products each year that contain formaldehyde, and some argue that the proposed regulation would impose unfair costs and restrictions.

Determined to block the agency’s rule as proposed, these industry players have turned to the White House, members of Congress and top E.P.A. officials, pressing them to roll back the testing requirements in particular, calling them redundant and too expensive.

“There are potentially over a million manufacturing jobs that will be impacted if the proposed rule is finalized without changes,” wrote Bill Perdue, the chief lobbyist at the American Home Furnishings Alliance, a leading critic of the testing requirements in the proposed regulation, in one letter to the E.P.A.

Industry opposition helped create an odd alignment of forces working to thwart the rule. The White House moved to strike out key aspects of the proposal. Subsequent appeals for more changes were voiced by players as varied as Senator Barbara Boxer, Democrat of California, and Senator Roger Wicker, Republican of Mississippi, as well as furniture industry lobbyists.

Hurricane Katrina in 2005 helped ignite the public debate over formaldehyde, after the deadly storm destroyed or damaged hundreds of thousands of homes along the Gulf of Mexico, forcing families into temporary trailers provided by the Federal Emergency Management Agency.

The displaced storm victims quickly began reporting respiratory problems, burning eyes and other issues, and tests then confirmed high levels of formaldehyde fumes leaking into the air inside the trailers, which in many cases had been hastily constructed.

Public health advocates petitioned the E.P.A. to issue limits on formaldehyde in building materials and furniture used in homes, given that limits already existed for exposure in workplaces. But three years after the storm, only California had issued such limits.

Industry groups like the American Chemistry Council have repeatedly challenged the science linking formaldehyde to cancer, a position championed by David Vitter, the Republican senator from Louisiana, who is a major recipient of chemical industry campaign contributions, and whom environmental groups have mockingly nicknamed “Senator Formaldehyde.”

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Formaldehyde in Laminate Flooring

In laminate flooring, formaldehyde is used as a bonding agent in the fiberboard (or other composite wood) core layer and may also be used in glues that bind layers together. Concerns were raised in March when certain laminate flooring imported from China was reported to contain levels of formaldehyde far exceeding the limit permitted by California.

Typical

laminate

flooring

CLEAR FINISH LAYER

Often made of melamine resin

PATTERN LAYER

Paper printed to resemble wood,

or a thin wood veneer

GLUE

Layers may be bound using

formaldehyde-based glues

CORE LAYER

Fiberboard or other

composite, formed using

formaldehyde-based adhesives

BASE LAYER

Moisture-resistant vapor barrier

What is formaldehyde?

Formaldehyde is a common chemical used in many industrial and household products as an adhesive, bonding agent or preservative. It is classified as a volatile organic compound. The term volatile means that, at room temperature, formaldehyde will vaporize, or become a gas. Products made with formaldehyde tend to release this gas into the air. If breathed in large quantities, it may cause health problems.

WHERE IT IS COMMONLY FOUND

POTENTIAL HEALTH RISKS

Pressed-wood and composite wood products

Wallpaper and paints

Spray foam insulation used in construction

Commercial wood floor finishes

Crease-resistant fabrics

In cigarette smoke, or in the fumes from combustion of other materials, including wood, oil and gasoline.

Exposure to formaldehyde in sufficient amounts may cause eye, throat or skin irritation, allergic reactions, and respiratory problems like coughing, wheezing or asthma.

Long-term exposure to high levels has been associated with cancer in humans and laboratory animals.

Exposure to formaldehyde may affect some people more severely than others.

By 2010, public health advocates and some industry groups secured bipartisan support in Congress for legislation that ordered the E.P.A. to issue federal rules that largely mirrored California’s restrictions. At the time, concerns were rising over the growing number of lower-priced furniture imports from Asia that might include contaminated products, while also hurting sales of American-made products.

Maneuvering began almost immediately after the E.P.A. prepared draft rules to formally enact the new standards.

White House records show at least five meetings in mid-2012 with industry executives — kitchen cabinet makers, chemical manufacturers, furniture trade associations and their lobbyists, like Brock R. Landry, of the Venable law firm. These parties, along with Senator Vitter’s office, appealed to top administration officials, asking them to intervene to roll back the E.P.A. proposal.

The White House Office of Management and Budget, which reviews major federal regulations before they are adopted, apparently agreed. After the White House review, the E.P.A. “redlined” many of the estimates of the monetary benefits that would be gained by reductions in related health ailments, like asthma and fertility issues, documents reviewed by The New York Times show.

As a result, the estimated benefit of the proposed rule dropped to $48 million a year, from as much as $278 million a year. The much-reduced amount deeply weakened the agency’s justification for the sometimes costly new testing that would be required under the new rules, a federal official involved in the effort said.

“It’s a redlining blood bath,” said Lisa Heinzerling, a Georgetown University Law School professor and a former E.P.A. official, using the Washington phrase to describe when language is stricken from a proposed rule. “Almost the entire discussion of these potential benefits was excised.”

Senator Vitter’s staff was pleased.

“That’s a huge difference,” said Luke Bolar, a spokesman for Mr. Vitter, of the reduced estimated financial benefits, saying the change was “clearly highlighting more mismanagement” at the E.P.A.

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The review’s outcome galvanized opponents in the furniture industry. They then targeted a provision that mandated new testing of laminated wood, a cheaper alternative to hardwood. (The California standard on which the law was based did not require such testing.)

But E.P.A. scientists had concluded that these laminate products — millions of which are sold annually in the United States — posed a particular risk. They said that when thin layers of wood, also known as laminate or veneer, are added to furniture or flooring in the final stages of manufacturing, the resulting product can generate dangerous levels of fumes from often-used formaldehyde-based glues.

Industry executives, outraged by what they considered an unnecessary and financially burdensome level of testing, turned every lever within reach to get the requirement removed. It would be particularly onerous, they argued, for small manufacturers that would have to repeatedly interrupt their work to do expensive new testing. The E.P.A. estimated that the expanded requirements for laminate products would cost the furniture industry tens of millions of dollars annually, while the industry said that the proposed rule over all would cost its 7,000 American manufacturing facilities over $200 million each year.

“A lot of people don’t seem to appreciate what a lot of these requirements do to a small operation,” said Dick Titus, executive vice president of the Kitchen Cabinet Manufacturers Association, whose members are predominantly small businesses. “A 10-person shop, for example, just really isn’t equipped to handle that type of thing.”

Photo
 
Becky Gillette wants strong regulation of formaldehyde. Credit Beth Hall for The New York Times

Big industry players also weighed in. Executives from companies including La-Z-Boy, Hooker Furniture and Ashley Furniture all flew to Washington for a series of meetings with the offices of lawmakers including House Speaker John Boehner, Republican of Ohio, and about a dozen other lawmakers, asking several of them to sign a letter prepared by the industry to press the E.P.A. to back down, according to an industry report describing the lobbying visit.

Within a matter of weeks, two letters — using nearly identical language — were sent by House and Senate lawmakers to the E.P.A. — with the industry group forwarding copies of the letters to the agency as well, and then posting them on its website.

The industry lobbyists also held their own meeting at E.P.A. headquarters, and they urged Jim Jones, who oversaw the rule-making process as the assistant administrator for the agency’s Office of Chemical Safety and Pollution Prevention, to visit a North Carolina furniture manufacturing plant. According to the trade group, Mr. Jones told them that the visit had “helped the agency shift its thinking” about the rules and how laminated products should be treated.

The resistance was particularly intense from lawmakers like Mr. Wicker of Mississippi, whose state is home to major manufacturing plants owned by Ashley Furniture Industries, the world’s largest furniture maker, and who is one of the biggest recipients in Congress of donations from the industry’s trade association. Asked if the political support played a role, a spokesman for Mr. Wicker replied: “Thousands of Mississippians depend on the furniture manufacturing industry for their livelihoods. Senator Wicker is committed to defending all Mississippians from government overreach.”

Individual companies like Ikea also intervened, as did the Chinese government, which claimed that the new rule would create a “great barrier” to the import of Chinese products because of higher costs.

Perhaps the most surprising objection came from Senator Boxer, of California, a longtime environmental advocate, whose office questioned why the E.P.A.’s rule went further than her home state’s in seeking testing on laminated products. “We did not advocate an outcome, other than safety,” her office said in a statement about why the senator raised concerns. “We said ‘Take a look to see if you have it right.’ ”

Safety advocates say that tighter restrictions — like the ones Ms. Boxer and Mr. Wicker, along with Representative Doris Matsui, a California Democrat, have questioned — are necessary, particularly for products coming from China, where items as varied as toys and Christmas lights have been found to violate American safety standards.

While Mr. Neltner, the environmental advocate who has been most involved in the review process, has been open to compromise, he has pressed the E.P.A. not to back down entirely, and to maintain a requirement that laminators verify that their products are safe.

An episode of CBS’s “60 Minutes” in March brought attention to the issue when it accused Lumber Liquidators, the discount flooring retailer, of selling laminate products with dangerous levels of formaldehyde. The company has disputed the show’s findings and test methods, maintaining that its products are safe.

“People think that just because Congress passed the legislation five years ago, the problem has been fixed,” said Becky Gillette, who then lived in coastal Mississippi, in the area hit by Hurricane Katrina, and was among the first to notice a pattern of complaints from people living in the trailers. “Real people’s faces and names come up in front of me when I think of the thousands of people who could get sick if this rule is not done right.”

An aide to Ms. Matsui rejected any suggestion that she was bending to industry pressure.

“From the beginning the public health has been our No. 1 concern,” said Kyle J. Victor, an aide to Ms. Matsui.

But further changes to the rule are likely, agency officials concede, as they say they are searching for a way to reduce the cost of complying with any final rule while maintaining public health goals. The question is just how radically the agency will revamp the testing requirement for laminated products — if it keeps it at all.

“It’s not a secret to anybody that is the most challenging issue,” said Mr. Jones, the E.P.A. official overseeing the process, adding that the health consequences from formaldehyde are real. “We have to reduce those exposures so that people can live healthy lives and not have to worry about being in their homes.”

The Uphill Battle to Better Regulate Formaldehyde

Since a white police officer, Darren Wilson fatally shot unarmed black teenager, Michael Brown, in a confrontation last August in Ferguson, Mo., there have been many other cases in which the police have shot and killed suspects, some of them unarmed. Mr. Brown's death set off protests throughout the country, pushing law enforcement into the spotlight and sparking a public debate on police tactics. Here is a selection of police shootings that have been reported by news organizations since Mr. Brown's death. In some cases, investigations are continuing.

Photo
 
 
The apartment complex northeast of Atlanta where Anthony Hill, 27, was fatally shot by a DeKalb County police officer. Credit Ben Gray/Atlanta Journal Constitution

Chamblee, Ga.
Fatal Police Shootings: Accounts Since Ferguson
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