PAKET UMROH BULAN FEBRUARI MARET APRIL MEI 2018




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Bekasi, Saco-Indonesia.com - Mantan Ketua MK Akil Mochtar tak hanya disangka kasus dugaan suap pengurusan sengketa Pilkada Kabupaten Lebak, Banten dan Kabupaten Gunung Mas, Kalimantan Tengah.

Akil juga disangka menerima hadiah atau janji (gratifikasi) delapan sengketa Pilkada lainnya, yaitu Pilkada Banten, Jawa Timur, Empat Lawang (Sumatera Selatan), Palembang, Lampung Selatan, Tapanuli Tengah, Morotai (Maluku Utara), dan Buton (Sulawesi Tenggara).

"Itu sangkaan pada Pasal 12 B (Undang-undang Nomor 20 Tahun 2001 tentang Pemberantasan Tindak Pidana Korupsi). Untuk Pilkada Jawa Timur, khusus dugaan penerimaan janji," ujar Juru Bicara KPK Johan Budi di Gedung KPK, Jakarta, Rabu (29/1/2014) kemarin.

Dugaan gratifikasi terkait sengketa Pilkada lainnya itu merupakan proses pengembangan yang dilakukan KPK setelah melakukan pemeriksaan saksi, serta menemukan barang bukti saat penggeledahan di sejumlah tempat.

Johan menambahkan, berkas perkara Akil untuk 10 sengketa Pilkada itu pun sudah dilimpahkan ke tahap penuntutan. Berkas perkara juga telah dinyatakan lengkap untuk dugaan pencucian uang yang juga disangkakan kepada Akil. 

Dengan demikian, Akil akan segera menjalani sidang perdana di Pengadilan Tindak Pidana Korupsi, Jakarta pada Februari 2014. "Ini yang nanti akan didakwakan dalam proses penuntutan," kata Johan.

Kasus ini bermula ketika Akil ditangkap KPK saat akan menerima uang dari politisi Partai Golkar Chairun Nisa dan pengusaha Cornelis Nalau Antun. Uang itu berasal dari Bupati Gunung Mas terpilih, Hambit Bintih untuk mempengaruhi Akil dalam putusan sengketa Pilkada Gunung Mas.

Untuk memutus perkara sesuai permohonan Hambit, Akil disebut meminta uang Rp 3 miliar. Chairun Nisa, Cornelis, dan Hambit, juga ditetapkan KPK sebagai tersangka.

Untuk kasus Lebak, Akil diduga bersama-sama pengacara Susi Tur Andayani menerima suap dari Tubagus Chaeri Wardana alias Wawan yang merupakan adik dari Gubernur Banten Ratu Atut Chosiyah. KPK juga menetapkan Susi, Wawan, dan Atut sebagai tersangka.

Sumber : Kompas.com

Editor : Maulana Lee

Mantan Ketua MK Akil Moctar Diduga Terlibat 10 Sengketa Pilkada

Labbaika Allaahumma labbaik.Labbaika Iaa syariika laka labbaik.Innal hamda wanni'mata laka wal mulk.Laa syariika lak. ("Ya Allah, aku datang karena panggilan-Mu.Tiada sekutu bagi-Mu.Segala nimat dan puji adalah kepunyaan dan kekuasaan-Mu.Tiada sekutu bagi-Mu")

Berduyun-duyun jutaan kaum muslimin dari berbagai penjuru dunia, datang menuju Baitullah untuk memenuhi panggilan-Nya, menjalankan ibadah haji yang merupakan rukun Islam kelima.

Suara tangisan, derai air mata, rintihan doa, desahan zikir dan istigfar bergema di setiap penjuru Masjidil Haram. Inilah ungkapan bahagia kaum muslimin yang mendapat undangan untuk menjadi tamu Allah.

Alangkah bahagianya mereka yang mampu memenuhi panggilan-Nya. Mereka mampu melaksanakan thawaf, shalat dan berdoa di depan ka'bah. Bahkan tak sedikit diantara mereka yang mampu mencium Hajar Aswad di tengah desakan jutaan umat manusia.

Haji, bukanlah ibadah fisik, bukan pula ibadah harta. Namun, haji merupakan ibadah multi dimensi, dimana terdapat dimensi lain yang mesti ada dalam pelaksanaan ibadah haji.

Dalam pelaksanaan ibadah haji, ada empat dimensi yang dibutuhkan untuk mendukung kekhusyuan dan kelancaran ibadah haji tersebut. Adapun keempat dimensi tersebut adalah :

Pertama, Quwwah Jasadiyah (Kekuatan Fisik).
Perjalanan ibadah haji yang kita lakukan adalah perjalanan fisik, misalnya Thawaf (mengelilingi ka'bah) sebanyak tujuh kali putaran, sai (perjalanan antara Shafa dan Marwa), jumrah, dll. Itu semua tentunya membutuhkan kekuatan fisik. Ketika fisik kita lemah dalam melakukan Thawaf, maka kekhusyuan pun akan terganggu. Oleh karena itu, kita dituntut untuk mempersiapkan fisik kita sebelum berangkat ke baitullah. Lakukan olah raga yang cukup dan berikanlah  nutrisi (gizi) yang seimbang (pada tubuh kita), agar fisik kita tetap sehat dan kuat  dalam melaksanakan ibadah haji.

Kedua, Quwwah Maaliyah (Kekuatan Harta).
Mengeluarkan biaya untuk keperluan haji akan dinilai Allah SWT setara dengan mengeluarkan biaya untuk Perang Sabil, satu dirham akan menjadi tujuh ratus kali lipat (HR. Ibnu Abi Syaibah, Ahmad, Thabrani dan Baihaqi). Dalam melaksanakan ibadah haji, yang dibutuhkan bukan hanya semangat yang tinggi atau fisik yang kuat, namun yang tak kalah pentingnya adalah memiliki harta yang cukup. Cukup untuk bekal selama di tanah suci maupun bekal untuk keluarga yang ditinggalkan. Ketika harta kita cukup untuk berangkat haji, begitu kita berniat, segera siapkan diri kita untuk menuju rumah Allah. Rasulullah saw pernah memberikan nasehat, "Bersegeralah melaksanakan haji, karena sesungguhnya seorang di antara kamu tidak mengetahui apa yang akan merintanginya di masa yang akan datang." (H.R. Ahmad).

Ketiga, Quwwah Ilmiyah (Kekuatan Ilmu).
Dalam pelaksanaan ibadah haji, tentunya harus dilakukan sesuai dengan ilmunya (sunnahnya). Untuk itu, sebelum kita berangkat haji, kita harus menguasai terlebih dahulu materi tentang manasik haji, mulai dari thawaf, sai, jumrah dan lain-lain. Mengapa haji yang kita lakukan harus benar? Karena derajat haji mabrur akan mudah di raih, jika dalam pelaksanaan ibadah haji dilakukan dengan benar (sesuai dengan contoh Rasulullah saw).

Keempat, Quwwah Ruhiyah (Kekuatan Ruhani).
Haji adalah ibadah yang membutuhkan kesadaran yang tinggi agar dapat merasakan betapa indah dan nikmatnya menjadi tamu Allah. Luruskan niat dan tanamkan keikhlasan dalam diri kita, bahwa haji yang kita laksanakan hanya karena Allah semata, bukan ingin mendapatkan titel "Haji" sepulangnya dari makkah atau ingin mendapatkan kedudukan terhormat di masyarakat karena telah berhasil berangkat ke tanah suci. Oleh karena itu, mulai saat ini, tinggalkan segala perbuatan yang dilarang oleh-Nya dan sempurnakanlah segala perintah-Nya, niscaya kita akan mendapat kedudukan tertinggi di surga, sebagaimana sabda Rasulullah saw,

"Orang-orang yang sedang berhaji atau berumroh adalah tamu-tamu Allah dan para peziarah rumah-Nya, jika mereka meminta sesuatu dari-Nya niscaya Ia akan memberinya. Dan jika mereka memohon ampunan dari-Nya niscaya Ia akan mengampuninya. Dan jika mereka berdoa kepada-Nya niscaya Ia akan mengabulkannya. Dan jika mereka bersyafaat (memintakan sesuatu untuk orang lain) kepada-Nya niscaya Ia akan menerima syafaatnya" (H.R. Ibnu Majah).

 
Itulah empat dimensi yang harus kita siapkan untuk melaksanakan ibadah haji. Tanpa persiapan tersebut, kekhusyuan dan kelancaran pun akan terganggu . Untuk itu, mulai saat ini persiapkanlah diri kita untuk menjadi tamu-tamu Allah dengan memiliki empat komponen diatas, agar kita mampu meraih kekhuyuan yang optimal.

Wallaahu a'lam.

Sumber : http://www.percikaniman.org

Baca Juga Artikel Lainnya : PENGERTIAN IBADAH HAJI DAN UMRAH

IBADAH HAJI ADALAH IBADAH YANG MULTI DIMENSI

Sparepart AC / AC agar tahan lama perlu perawatan berkala

Memiliki AC di rumah / kantor maka perawatan baik itu AC / Sparepart AC nya juga perlu dilakukan secara berkala agar dapat menghindari keausan yang terlalu cepat dan menghindari penyebaran penyakit via udara misalnya batuk / pilek dll. AC dengan sparepart ac nya bisa menyimpang virus / bakteri dan menyebarkannya via udara ke para penghuni ruangan. Cara untuk perawatan AC dengan sparepart AC nya bisa dilakukan dengan hal seperti ini:

1. Jangan lupa matikan AC untuk dapat mencegah keausan sparepart ac nya

Bila bepergian atau ruangan tidak digunakan, jangan lupa untuk mematika AC. Meski pengoperasiannya cukup mudah, karena juga sudah disediakan remote control, tapi perawatan yang satu ini kerap diabaikan.

Bila udara tidak terlalu panas, usahakan untuk dapat mematikan sekitar satu atau dua jam dalam sehari. Bila perlu gunakan reminder atau timer yang terdapat dalam fasilitas AC. Ketika AC sudah dimatikan, buka lebar-lebar jendela dan pintu agar terjadi pertukaran udara.

2. Rawat kebersihan AC terutama bagian dalam ac / bagian dalam sparepart ac

Periksalah komponen saringan (filter) udara pada AC, minimal sebulan sekali. Penyaring udara yang kotor akan dapat menghambat proses sirkulasi udara dan menjadi tempat yang nyaman bagi kuman, bakteri maupun jamur.

Bakteri inilah yang akan dapat mengalir ke bagian evaporator coil (gulungan penguap) kemudian menyebar kembali ke seluruh ruangan. Komponen AC yang kotor dapat mempengaruhi kinerja sistem pendingin menjadi lebih berat, sehingga tidak menghasilkan dingin yang maksimal dan boros.

3. Selektif dalam penggunaan

Minimalkan potensi gangguan kesehatan dengan seselektif mungkin penggunaan AC, sebab bila di ruangan yang sama terdapat anggota keluarga yang sakit, virus dan kumannya dapat terbantu penyebarannya melalui AC.

Jadi bila ada anggota keluarga yang sakit flu, misalnya, usahakan seminimal mungkin menggunakan AC. Saran ini juga berlaku bila ada salah satu anggota keluarga yang merokok di dalam ruangan atau bila ruangan dan perabotannya tengah dibersihkan.

4. Periksa kondensor AC dan juga sparepart ac dalamnya

Pastikan kondensor yang terletak di luar rumah bersih dari debu, semak belukar dan dedaunan. Bila ingin membersihkan, matikan dulu AC dan bersihkan debu yang telah menempel dengan menggunakan vacuum cleaner.

Pastikan alat kondensor yang terletak di luar rumah bersih dari debu, semak-semak atau dedaunan. Tentu saja, sebelum Anda melakukannya, matikan pendingin ruangan terlebih dahulu. Anda dapat membersihkan debu dari kondensor tersebut dengan menggunakan vacuum cleaner.

5. Lakukan perawatan rutin AC & Sparepart AC nya juga

Agar lebih aman, rawatlah AC dengan memanggil teknisi pembersih AC yang dipercaya minimal enam bulan sekali. Perawatan ini juga tak hanya demi kesehatan keluarga, tapi juga untuk dapat memastikan AC menjadi lebih panjang umur dan hemat biaya bulanan listrik.

 

SPAREPART AC / AC AGAR TAHAN LAMA PERLU PERAWATAN BERKALA

Tinggal menghitung hari lagi saudara-saudara kita kaum muslimin yang mendapatkan rahmad dari Allah Subhanahu Wata’ala akan berangkat menunaikan ibadah haji menuju Makkah. Menjelang keberangkatan, mereka disibukkanlah oleh kegiatan melakukan syukuran, dengan mengundang orang-orang untuk datang kerumah mereka persis layaknya seperti acara perkawinan.

Penulis beberapa waktu yang lalu menerima sepucuk undangan dari seorang kenalan yang akan menunaikan ibadah haji, undangan tersebut berisi kata-kata:

Dengan mengucapkan syukur kehadirat Allah Subhanahu Wata’ala atas izin dan kehendak Allah Subhanahu Wata’ala, kami mengundang bapak/ ibu/sdra/sdri kiranya dapat hadir dalam acara syukuran sehubungan dengan rencana kami berdua suami isteri akan menunaikan ibadah haji tahun ini.

Demikian sepenggal kutipan dari surat undangan yang kami terima dari seorang sahabat yang akan berangkat menunaikan ibadah haji bersama dengan isterinya.

Setelah membaca surat undangan itu, langsung didalam pikiran muncul pertanyaan, mengapa harus melakukan acara syukuran segala, padahal menunaikan haji adalah salah satu kewajiban sebagaimana yang dituangkan dalam rukun islam, yang kedudukannya sama wajibnya seperti sholat,berpuasa dan zakat. Sedangkan ibadah wajib tersebut dalam pelaksanaannya sama sekali tidak pernah ada terdengar orang mengadakan hajatan sjukuran dengan mengundang orang-orang secara beramai-ramai. Apa bedanya dengan sholat dan puasa,kenapa kalau akan sholat dan puasa tidak mengundang orang untuk syukuran.

Mengamati penyelenggaraan acara syukuran haji yang sekarang sudah menjadi tradisi dan membudaya ditengah-tengah kalangan kaum muslimin, sebenarnya baru berkembang dalam sepuluh tahunan terakhir ini. Sedangkan sebelumnya tidak pernah ada acara yang seperti itu. Jadi acara syukuran ini sebenarnya baru saja muncul dikalangan umat islam. Lagi-lagi apabila dilihat dari kaca mata syari’at islam, samasekali tidak ada satu keteranganpun atau satu haditspun baik yang ma’udhu/palsu, dha’if apalagi yang shahih yang menyinggung adanya syukuran berangkat haji. Sehingga acara syukuran haji hanya dibuat-buat oleh orang-orang yang suka membuat-buat atau menambah-nambah dalam agama, dimana para ulama maupun kiayi mendiamkan dan malah sepertinya merestui sehingga banyak orang-orang menirunya, dan menganggap sykuran selamatan tersebut merupakan suatu kebaikan. Mengingat didalamnya ada kebaikan berupa silaturahim dan memberikan makan kepada undangan yang mempunyai nilai ibadah.

Untuk menunaikan ibadah haji sekarang ini selain harus menyediakan biaya untuk ONH yang besarnya berberapa -puluh juta, juga harus diperhitungkan pula untuk ongkos selamatan syukuran. Sehingga semakin memberatkan bagi mereka yang akan berangkat haji, terutama bagi kalangan yang mempunyai dana pas-passan saja. Karena merasa malu atau tidak enak dengan tetangga apabila tidak melakukan syukuran, maka dipaksa-paksakan kanlah bagaimana caranya agar acara syukuran tersebut diselenggarakan dengan mengundang orang-orang dalam jumlah yang banyak yang untuk itu harus pula disediakan makanan dengan berbagai menunya. Untuk keperluan tersebujt tentulah tidak sedikit dana yang harus dikeluarkan.

Banyak diantara orang-orang yang menyebutkan bahwa acara syukuran dengan mengundang seluruh sanak keluarga, sahabat,kerabat, handai taulan dan para kenalan adalah untuk memberitahukan bahwa sipengundang akan menunaikan ibadah haji, suatu ibadah yang tidak semua orang dapat melakukannya sehingga didalamnya terselip rasa bangga dan ini merupakan sikap riya yang dilarang dalam islam.

Islam sebenarnya telah melengkapi syari’atnya secara sempurna sampai kepada hal yang sifatnya kecil dan bahkan sepele dalam bentuk as-sunnah Rasul. Sebagai contoh bagaimana tata cara masuk wc, buang air dan beristinja sudah di patentkan . Apalagi yang sifatnya besar dan berkaitan dengan ibadah tidaklah akan tertinggal sedikitpun pengaturannya. Semua sudah lengkap dan tidak perlu ditambah-tambah dengan ketentuan baru yang dibuat oleh orang-orang yang tidak mempunyai hak mengatur agama ini. Hak mengatur dan menetapkan ketentuan agama ini berupa syari’at hanyalah Allah Subhanahu Wata’ala dan Rasullulah shalalahu'alaihi wasallam. Tidak ada orang lain yang dibolehkan, setinggi apapun ilmunya dan setinggi apapun keulamaannya, diharamkam membuat ketentuan dan menambah hal-hal yang baru dalam agama. Ketetapan syari’at yang ditetapkan sejak awal oleh Allah Subhanahu Wata’ala dan Rasullulah shalalahu ‘alaihi wasallam, sampai sekarang tetap sama dan tidak berubah.

Syari’at islam telah sempurna sebagaimana yang tercantum dalam al-Qur’an surah al-Maa-idah ayat 3 : “Pada hari ini Aku telah sempunakan bagi kamu Agama kamu “

Sehingga tidaklah layak untuk ditambah-tambah lagi dengan hal-hal yang dianggap baik menurut pikiran dan hawa nafsu manusia belaka.

Mengingat haji adalah ibadah, maka apapun yang berkaitan dengan ibadah haji tersebut bila dilakukan diluar yang disyari’atkan maka itu adalah suatu kebid’ah – an yang terlarang .

Mengenai hal ini berkata Syaikhul Islam Ibnu Taimiyah dalam “ Majmu Fatawa IV: 107-108”: Bid’ah dalam islam adalah : segala yang tidak disyari;atkan oleh Allah dan Rasul-Nya, yakni yang tidak diperintahkan baik dalam wujud perintah wajib atau berbentuk anjuran “

Hadits Rasullulah shalalahu ‘alaihi wasallam riwayat Imam Bukhari rahimahullah dari Aisyah radhyallaahu ‘anhuma , ia berkata : Telah bersabda Rasullulah shallalahu ‘alaihi wasallam : “ Barang siapa yang mengadakan di dalam urusan (agama) Kami apa-apa yang btidak ada darinya, maka tertolaklah dia “.

Selain hadits tersebut diatas Imam Muslim rahimahullaah juga meriwayatkan sebuah hadits dari Aisyah radhyallaahu ‘anhuma, ia berkata : Telah bersabda Rasullulah shallalahu ‘alaihi wasallam : “ Barang siapa yang mengerjakan sesuatu amal yang tidak ada keterangannya dari Kami ( Allah dan Rasul-Nya), maka tertolaklah amalnya itu “

Dan hadits yang paling keras yang membicarakan tentang hal-hal yang baru dalam agama yang dikenal dengan sebutan bid’ah adalah sebagai mana riwayat dari Imam Muslim rahimahullaah : “Amma ba’du ! Maka sesungguhnya sebaik-baik perkataan adalah Kitabllah (al-Qur’an) dan sebaik-baik petunjuk adalah peunjuk Muhammad shalalahu ‘alaihi wasallam. Dan sejelek-jelek urudsan adalah yang baru (muhdats) dan setiap muhadts adalah bid’ah, dan setiap bid’ah adalah sesat dan setiapkeesatan tempatnya dineraka ”

Dari hadits-hadits yang dikutipkan tersebut,maka mengingat berbagai bentuk acara syukuran bukan merupakan bagian dari agama yang disyariatkan, yang termasuk di dalamnya acara syukuran utuk menunaikan haji adalah termasuk peruatan bid’ah yang tidak patut dan tidak layak dilakukan oleh kaum muslimin.

Menunaikan haji adalah merupakan ibadah yang akan mendapatkan ganjaran pahala dan merupakan perbuatan yang diwajibkan, maka perbuatan baik tersebut tidaklah boleh dicampur dan ditambahi dengan perbuatan munkar berupa acara syukuran yang bid’ah.

Mudah-mudahan kita termasuk kedalam golongan orang-orang yang menegakkan sunnah sesuai dengan pemahaman para salafus shalih, sehingga kita selamat dari segala bentuk perbuatan bid’ah. ( Wallaahu Ta’ala ‘Alam )

Sumber : http://www.alquran-sunnah.com

Baca Artikel Lainnya : MELEMPAR JUMRAH DI JAMARAT

SELAMAT BERANGKAT HAJI

saco-indonesia.com, Indonesia merupakan negara dengan sistem sanitasi ( pengelolaan air limbah domestic ) terburuk ketiga di Asia Tenggara setelah Laos dan Myanmar ( ANTARA News, 2006 ). Menurut data Status Lingkungan Hidup Indonesia tahun 2002, tidak kurang dari 400.000 m3 / hari limbah rumah tangga yang dibuang langsung ke sungai dan tanah, tanpa melalui pengolahan terlebih dahulu. 61,5 % dari jumlah tersebut telah terdapat di Pulau Jawa.

Pembuangan akhir limbah tinja umumnya telah dibuang dengan menggunakan beberapa cara antara lain dengan menggunakan septic tank, dibuang langsung ke sungai atau danau, dibuang ke tanah , dan ada juga yang dibuang ke kolam atau pantai.
Di beberapa daerah pedesaan di Indonesia, telah masih banyak dijumpai oleh masyarakat yang berada di bawah garis kemiskinan dengan sanitasi yang masih sangat minim. Masih sering dijumpai oleh sebagian masyarakat yang telah membuang hajatnya di sungai karena tidak mempunyai saluran pembuangan khusus untuk proses pembuangan air limbah rumah tangga maupun air buangan dari kamar mandi. Bahkan terkadang juga masih dijumpai masyarakat yang membuang hajatnya di pekarangan rumahnya masing-masing. Hal ini telah terjadi selain disebabkan karena factor ekonomi, faktor kebiasaan yang sulit dirubah dan kualitas pendidikan yang relative rendah dari masyarakat pun juga memang sangat berpengaruh besar terhadap pola hidup masyarakat.

Berdasarkan perkiraan WHO/ UNICEF, sekitar 60 persen penduduk di kawasan pedesaan di Indonesia telah kekurangan akses terhadap sarana sanitasi yang pantas. Kegiatan mandi dan mencuci pakaian di sungai serta buang air besar di tempat terbuka telah membuat orang mudah terpapar penyakit, mengontaminasi air tanah dan permukaan, serta menurunkan kualitas tanah dan tempat tinggal. Perempuan dan anak-anak berada dalam risiko.

1. PENGERTIAN SANITASI
Sanitasi adalah bagian dari system pembuangan air limbah, yang khususnya telah menyangkut pembuangan air kotor dari rumah tangga, dapat juga dari sisa-sisa proses industry, pertanian, peternakan dan rumah sakit (sector kesehatan).
Sanitasi juga merupakan suatu usaha untuk dapat memberikan fasilitas di dalam rumah yang dapat menjamin agar rumah selalu bersih dan sehat. Tentunya tang ditunjang penyediaan air bersih yang cukup, dan pembuangan air kotoran yang lancar.

2. AIR LIMBAH
Air Limbah adalah air buangan yang telah dihasilkan dari suatu proses pruduksi industri maupun domestik (rumah tangga), yang terkadang kehadirannya pada suatu saat dan tempat tertentu tidak dikehendaki lingkungan karena juga tidak memiliki nilai ekonomis. Dalam konsentrasi dan kuantitas tertentu, kehadiran limbah juga dapat berdampak negative terhadap lingkungan tertutama kesehatan manusia sehingga dilakukan penanganan terhadap limbah.

Air kotor adalah air bekas pakai yang sudah tidak memenuhi syarat kesehatan lagi dan harus dibuang agar tidak dapat menimbulkan wabah penyakit
Beberapa hal yang berkaitan dengan pengertian dan kegiatan yang berhubungan dengan limbah cair menurut PP 82 tahun 2001 yaitu :
1. Air adalah semua air yang telah terdapat diatas dan dibawah permukaan tanah, kecuali air laut dan fosil.
2. Sumber air adalah wadah air yang telah terdapat diatas dan dibawah permukaan tanah, seperti, mata air, sungai, rawa, danau, waduk, dan muara.
3. Pengelolaan kualitas air adalah upaya dalam pemeliharaan air sehingga dapat tercapai kualitas air yang diinginkan sesuai peruntukannya untuk dapat menjamin kualitas tetap dalam kondisi alamiahnya.
4. Pengendalian pencemaran air adalah upaya untuk pencegahan dan penanggulangan pencemaran air serta pemulihan kualitas air untuk dapat menjamin kualitas air agar sesuai dengan baku mutu air.
5. Pencemaran air adalah masuknya makhluk hidup, zat, energy, dan atau komponen lain kedalam air oleh kegiatan manusia sehingga kualitas air turun sampai ketingkat tertentu yang dapat menyebabkan air tidak berfungsi lagi sesuai dengan peruntukannya.
6. Limbah cair adalah sisa dari sutu hasil usaha dan atau kegiatan yang berwujud cair.
7. Baku mutu limbah cair adalah, ukuran batas atau kadar unsure pencemar yang ditenggang keberadaannya dalam limbah cair yang akan dibuang atau dilepas kedalam sumber air dari suatu usaha atau kegiatan.

3. ALAT PEMBUANGAN AIR KOTOR
Alat pembuangan air kotor dapat berupa :
- Kamar mandi, washtafel, keran cuci
- WC
- Dapur
Air dari kamar mandi tidak boleh dibuang secara bersama sama dengan air dari WC maupun dari dapur. Sehingga harus dibuatkan seluran masing-masing.
Diameter pipa pembuangan dari kamar mandi adalah 3” (7,5 cm), pipa pembuangan dari WC adalah 4”(10 cm), dan dari dapur boleh dipakai diameter 2”(5cm). pipa pembuangan juga dapat diletakkan pada suatu “shaft”, yaitu lobang menerus yang disediakan untuk tempat pipa air bersih dan pipa air kotor pada bangunan bertingkat untuk dapat memudahkan pengontrolan. Atau dapat dipasang pada kolom-kolom beton dari atas sampai bawah. Setelah sampai bawah, semua pipa air kotor harus juga merupakan saluran tertutup di dalam tanah agar tidak menimbulkan wabah penyakit dan bau tak sedap.
Dibawah lantai, semua pipa sanitasi diberi lobang control, yang sewaktu-waktu dapat dibuka bila terjadi kemacetan.

4. JENIS-JENIS UNIT PENGOLAHAN AIR LIMBAH
a. SEPTICTANK
Sistem septic tank sebenarnya adalah sumur rembesan atau sumur kotoran. Septic tank juga merupakan sitem sanitasi yang terdiri dari pipa saluran dari kloset, bak penampungan kotoran cair dan padat, bak resapan, serta pipa pelepasan air bersih dan udara.

Hal-hal yang yang harus diperhatikan saat pembangunan septic tank agar tidak mencemari air dan tanah sekitarnya adalah :
1. jarak minimal dari sumur air bersih sekurangnya 10m.
2. untuk dapat membuang air keluaran dari septic tank perlu dibuat daerah resapan dengan lantai septic tank dibuat miring kearah ruang lumpur.
3. septic tank direncanakan untuk pembuangan kotoran rumah tangga dengan jumlah air limbah antara 70-90 % dari volume penggunaan air bersih.
4. waktu tinggal air limbah didalam tangki diperkirakan minimal 24 jam.
5. besarnya ruang lumpur diperkirakan untuk dapat menampung lumpur yang telah dihasilkan setiap orang rata-rata 30-40 liter/orang/tahun dan waktu pengambilan lumpur diperhitungkan 2-4 tahun.
6. pipa air masuk kedalam tangki hendaknya selalu lebih tinggi kurang lebh 2.5 cm dari pipa air keluar.
7. septic tank harus dilengkapi dengan lubang pemeriksaan dan lubang penghawaan untuk dapat membuang gas hasil penguraian.
Agar septic tank tidak mudah penuh dan mampat, awet dan tahan lama perlu diperhatikan hal berikut :
1. Kemiringan Pipa
Kemiringan pipa menentukan kelancaran proses pembuangan limbah. Selisih ketinggian kloset dan permukaan air bak penampung kotoran minimal 2 %, artinya setiap 100cm terdapat perbedaan ketinggian 2cm.
2. Pemilihan Pipa yang tepat
Pipa saluran sebaiknya berupa PVC. Ukuran minimal adalah 4 inchi. Rumah yang telah memiliki jumlah toilet yang banyak sebaiknya harus menggunakan pipa yang lebih besar. Perancangan saluran diusahakan dibuat lurus tanpa belokan, karena belokan atau sudut juga dapat membuat mampat.
3. Sesuaikan Kapasitas Septic tank
Untuk rumah tinggal dengan jumlah penghuni empat orang, cukup dibuat septic tank dengan ukuran (1.5×1.5×2)m. bak endapan dan sumur resapan bias dibuat dengan ukuran (1x1x2)m. semakin banyak penghuni rumah maka semakin besar ukuran yang telah dibutuhkan.
4. Bak Harus Kuat dan Kedap Air
Septic tank harus terbuat dari bahan yang tahan terhadap korosi, rapat air dan tahan lama. Konstruksi septic tank juga harus kuat untuk menahan gaya-gaya yang timbul akibat tekanan air, tanah maupun beban lainnya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

PROSES PEMBUTAN SANITASI

Ms. Rendell was a prolific writer of intricately plotted mystery novels that combined psychological insight, social conscience and teeth-chattering terror.

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Ms. Pryor, who served more than two decades in the State Department, was the author of well-regarded biographies of the founder of the American Red Cross and the Confederate commander.

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Ms. Plisetskaya, renowned for her fluidity of movement, expressive acting and willful personality, danced on the Bolshoi stage well into her 60s, but her life was shadowed by Stalinism.

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At the National Institutes of Health, Dr. Suzman’s signature accomplishment was the central role he played in creating a global network of surveys on aging.

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A lapsed seminarian, Mr. Chambers succeeded Saul Alinsky as leader of the social justice umbrella group Industrial Areas Foundation.

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WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).

The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.

Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”

Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.

Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.

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Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk. Credit Joe Raedle/Getty Images

“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”

We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.

Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”

Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.

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Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.

And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.

That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.

With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.

On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”

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Who Is Running for President (and Who’s Not)?

Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.

This is intentional, Republican operatives said.

In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.

“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.

But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”

Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.

“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.

Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.

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But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.

Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.

Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”

Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.

Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.

But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.

The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.

“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.

There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.

“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”

G.O.P. Hopefuls Now Aiming to Woo the Middle Class

Under Mr. Michelin’s leadership, which ended when he left the company in 2002, the Michelin Group became the world’s biggest tire maker, establishing a big presence in the United States and other major markets overseas.

François Michelin, Head of Tire Company, Dies at 88

The live music at the Vice Media party on Friday shook the room. Shane Smith, Vice’s chief executive, was standing near the stage — with a drink in his hand, pants sagging, tattoos showing — watching the rapper-cum-chef Action Bronson make pizzas.

The event was an after-party, a happy-hour bacchanal for the hundreds of guests who had come for Vice’s annual presentation to advertisers and agencies that afternoon, part of the annual frenzy for ad dollars called the Digital Content NewFronts. Mr. Smith had spoken there for all of five minutes before running a slam-bang highlight reel of the company’s shows that had titles like “Weediquette” and “Gaycation.”

In the last year, Vice has secured $500 million in financing and signed deals worth hundreds of millions of dollars with established media companies like HBO that are eager to engage the young viewers Vice attracts. Vice said it was now worth at least $4 billion, with nearly $1 billion in projected revenue for 2015. It is a long way from Vice’s humble start as a free magazine in 1994.

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At the Vice after-party, the rapper Action Bronson, a host of a Vice show, made a pizza. Credit Jesse Dittmar for The New York Times

But even as cash flows freely in Vice’s direction, the company is trying to keep its brash, insurgent image. At the party on Friday, it plied guests with beers and cocktails. Its apparently unrehearsed presentation to advertisers was peppered with expletives. At one point, the director Spike Jonze, a longtime Vice collaborator, asked on stage if Mr. Smith had been drinking.

“My assistant tried to cut me off,” Mr. Smith replied. “I’m on buzz control.”

Now, Vice is on the verge of getting its own cable channel, which would give the company a traditional outlet for its slate of non-news programming. If all goes as planned, A&E Networks, the television group owned by Hearst and Disney, will turn over its History Channel spinoff, H2, to Vice.

The deal’s announcement was expected last week, but not all of A&E’s distribution partners — the cable and satellite TV companies that carry the network’s channels — have signed off on the change, according to a person familiar with the negotiations who spoke on the condition of anonymity because the talks were private.

A cable channel would be a further step in a transformation for Vice, from bad-boy digital upstart to mainstream media company.

Keen for the core audience of young men who come to Vice, media giants like 21st Century Fox, Time Warner and Disney all showed interest in the company last year. Vice ultimately secured $500 million in financing from A&E Networks and Technology Crossover Ventures, a Silicon Valley venture capital firm that has invested in Facebook and Netflix.

Those investments valued Vice at more than $2.5 billion. (In 2013, Fox bought a 5 percent stake for $70 million.)

Then in March, HBO announced that it had signed a multiyear deal to broadcast a daily half-hour Vice newscast. Vice already produces a weekly newsmagazine show, called “Vice,” for the network. That show will extend its run through 2018, with an increase to 35 episodes a year, from 14.

Michael Lombardo, HBO’s president for programming, said when the deal was announced that it was “certainly one of our biggest investments with hours on the air.”

Vice, based in Brooklyn, also recently signed a multiyear $100 million deal with Rogers Communications, a Canadian media conglomerate, to produce original content for TV, smartphone and desktop viewers.

Vice’s finances are private, but according to an internal document reviewed by The New York Times and verified by a person familiar with the company’s financials, the company is on track to make about $915 million in revenue this year.

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Vice showed a highlight reel of its TV series at the NewFronts last week in New York. Credit Jesse Dittmar for The New York Times

It brought in $545 million in a strong first quarter, which included portions of the new HBO deal and the Rogers deal, according to the document. More of its revenue now comes from these types of content partnerships, compared with the branded content deals that made up much of its revenue a year ago, the company said.

Mr. Smith said the company was worth at least $4 billion. If the valuation gets much higher, he said he would consider taking the company public.

“I don’t care about money; we have plenty of money,” Mr. Smith, who is Vice’s biggest shareholder, said in an interview after the presentation on Friday. “I care about strategic deals.”

In the United States, Vice Media had 35.2 million unique visitors across its sites in March, according to comScore.

The third season of Vice’s weekly HBO show has averaged 1.8 million viewers per episode, including reruns, through April 12, according to Brad Adgate, the director of research at Horizon Media. (Vice said the show attracted three million weekly viewers when repeat broadcasts, online and on-demand viewings were included.)

For years, Mr. Smith has criticized traditional TV, calling it slow and unable to draw younger viewers. But if all the deals Vice has struck are to work out, Mr. Smith may have to play more by the rules of traditional media. James Murdoch, Rupert Murdoch’s son and a member of Vice’s board, was at the company’s presentation on Friday, as were other top media executives.

“They know they need people like me to help them, but they can’t get out of their own way,” Mr. Smith said in the interview Friday. “My only real frustration is we’re used to being incredibly dynamic, and they’re not incredibly dynamic.”

With its own television channel in the United States, Vice would have something it has long coveted even as traditional media companies are looking beyond TV. Last year, Vice’s deal with Time Warner failed in part because the two companies could not agree on how much control Vice would have over a 24-hour television network.

Vice said it intended to fill its new channel with non-news programming. The company plans to have sports shows, fashion shows, food shows and the “Gaycation” travel show with the actress Ellen Page. It is also in talks with Kanye West about a show.

It remains to be seen whether Vice’s audience will watch a traditional cable channel. Still, Vice has effectively presold all of the ad spots to two of the biggest advertising agencies for the first three years, Mr. Smith said.

In the meantime, Mr. Smith is enjoying Vice’s newfound role as a potential savior of traditional media companies.

“I’m a C.E.O. of a content company,” Mr. Smith said before he caught a flight to Las Vegas for the boxing match on Saturday between Floyd Mayweather Jr. and Manny Pacquiao. “If it stops being fun, then why are you doing it?”

As Vice Moves More to TV, It Tries to Keep Brash Voice

WASHINGTON — During a training course on defending against knife attacks, a young Salt Lake City police officer asked a question: “How close can somebody get to me before I’m justified in using deadly force?”

Dennis Tueller, the instructor in that class more than three decades ago, decided to find out. In the fall of 1982, he performed a rudimentary series of tests and concluded that an armed attacker who bolted toward an officer could clear 21 feet in the time it took most officers to draw, aim and fire their weapon.

The next spring, Mr. Tueller published his findings in SWAT magazine and transformed police training in the United States. The “21-foot rule” became dogma. It has been taught in police academies around the country, accepted by courts and cited by officers to justify countless shootings, including recent episodes involving a homeless woodcarver in Seattle and a schizophrenic woman in San Francisco.

Now, amid the largest national debate over policing since the 1991 beating of Rodney King in Los Angeles, a small but vocal set of law enforcement officials are calling for a rethinking of the 21-foot rule and other axioms that have emphasized how to use force, not how to avoid it. Several big-city police departments are already re-examining when officers should chase people or draw their guns and when they should back away, wait or try to defuse the situation

Police Rethink Long Tradition on Using Force

“It was really nice to play with other women and not have this underlying tone of being at each other’s throats.”

ay 4, 2015 ‘Game of Thrones’ Q&A: Keisha Castle-Hughes on the Tao of the Sand Snakes

The 6-foot-10 Phillips played alongside the 6-11 Rick Robey on the Wildcats team that won the 1978 N.C.A.A. men’s basketball title.

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ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

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His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination

Even as a high school student, Dave Goldberg was urging female classmates to speak up. As a young dot-com executive, he had one girlfriend after another, but fell hard for a driven friend named Sheryl Sandberg, pining after her for years. After they wed, Mr. Goldberg pushed her to negotiate hard for high compensation and arranged his schedule so that he could be home with their children when she was traveling for work.

Mr. Goldberg, who died unexpectedly on Friday, was a genial, 47-year-old Silicon Valley entrepreneur who built his latest company, SurveyMonkey, from a modest enterprise to one recently valued by investors at $2 billion. But he was also perhaps the signature male feminist of his era: the first major chief executive in memory to spur his wife to become as successful in business as he was, and an essential figure in “Lean In,” Ms. Sandberg’s blockbuster guide to female achievement.

Over the weekend, even strangers were shocked at his death, both because of his relatively young age and because they knew of him as the living, breathing, car-pooling center of a new philosophy of two-career marriage.

“They were very much the role models for what this next generation wants to grapple with,” said Debora L. Spar, the president of Barnard College. In a 2011 commencement speech there, Ms. Sandberg told the graduates that whom they married would be their most important career decision.

In the play “The Heidi Chronicles,” revived on Broadway this spring, a male character who is the founder of a media company says that “I don’t want to come home to an A-plus,” explaining that his ambitions require him to marry an unthreatening helpmeet. Mr. Goldberg grew up to hold the opposite view, starting with his upbringing in progressive Minneapolis circles where “there was woman power in every aspect of our lives,” Jeffrey Dachis, a childhood friend, said in an interview.

The Goldberg parents read “The Feminine Mystique” together — in fact, Mr. Goldberg’s father introduced it to his wife, according to Ms. Sandberg’s book. In 1976, Paula Goldberg helped found a nonprofit to aid children with disabilities. Her husband, Mel, a law professor who taught at night, made the family breakfast at home.

Later, when Dave Goldberg was in high school and his prom date, Jill Chessen, stayed silent in a politics class, he chastised her afterward. He said, “You need to speak up,” Ms. Chessen recalled in an interview. “They need to hear your voice.”

Years later, when Karin Gilford, an early employee at Launch Media, Mr. Goldberg’s digital music company, became a mother, he knew exactly what to do. He kept giving her challenging assignments, she recalled, but also let her work from home one day a week. After Yahoo acquired Launch, Mr. Goldberg became known for distributing roses to all the women in the office on Valentine’s Day.

Ms. Sandberg, who often describes herself as bossy-in-a-good-way, enchanted him when they became friendly in the mid-1990s. He “was smitten with her,” Ms. Chessen remembered. Ms. Sandberg was dating someone else, but Mr. Goldberg still hung around, even helping her and her then-boyfriend move, recalled Bob Roback, a friend and co-founder of Launch. When they finally married in 2004, friends remember thinking how similar the two were, and that the qualities that might have made Ms. Sandberg intimidating to some men drew Mr. Goldberg to her even more.

Over the next decade, Mr. Goldberg and Ms. Sandberg pioneered new ways of capturing information online, had a son and then a daughter, became immensely wealthy, and hashed out their who-does-what-in-this-marriage issues. Mr. Goldberg’s commute from the Bay Area to Los Angeles became a strain, so he relocated, later joking that he “lost the coin flip” of where they would live. He paid the bills, she planned the birthday parties, and both often left their offices at 5:30 so they could eat dinner with their children before resuming work afterward.

Friends in Silicon Valley say they were careful to conduct their careers separately, politely refusing when outsiders would ask one about the other’s work: Ms. Sandberg’s role building Facebook into an information and advertising powerhouse, and Mr. Goldberg at SurveyMonkey, which made polling faster and cheaper. But privately, their work was intertwined. He often began statements to his team with the phrase “Well, Sheryl said” sharing her business advice. He counseled her, too, starting with her salary negotiations with Mark Zuckerberg.

“I wanted Mark to really feel he stretched to get Sheryl, because she was worth it,” Mr. Goldberg explained in a 2013 “60 Minutes” interview, his Minnesota accent and his smile intact as he offered a rare peek of the intersection of marriage and money at the top of corporate life.

 

 

While his wife grew increasingly outspoken about women’s advancement, Mr. Goldberg quietly advised the men in the office on family and partnership matters, an associate said. Six out of 16 members of SurveyMonkey’s management team are female, an almost unheard-of ratio among Silicon Valley “unicorns,” or companies valued at over $1 billion.

When Mellody Hobson, a friend and finance executive, wrote a chapter of “Lean In” about women of color for the college edition of the book, Mr. Goldberg gave her feedback on the draft, a clue to his deep involvement. He joked with Ms. Hobson that she was too long-winded, like Ms. Sandberg, but aside from that, he said he loved the chapter, she said in an interview.

By then, Mr. Goldberg was a figure of fascination who inspired a “where can I get one of those?” reaction among many of the women who had read the best seller “Lean In.” Some lamented that Ms. Sandberg’s advice hinged too much on marrying a Dave Goldberg, who was humble enough to plan around his wife, attentive enough to worry about which shoes his young daughter would wear, and rich enough to help pay for the help that made the family’s balancing act manageable.

Now that he is gone, and Ms. Sandberg goes from being half of a celebrated partnership to perhaps the business world’s most prominent single mother, the pages of “Lean In” carry a new sting of loss.

“We are never at 50-50 at any given moment — perfect equality is hard to define or sustain — but we allow the pendulum to swing back and forth between us,” she wrote in 2013, adding that they were looking forward to raising teenagers together.

“Fortunately, I have Dave to figure it out with me,” she wrote.

Dave Goldberg Was Lifelong Women’s Advocate

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

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Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

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Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

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President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

Obama Finds a Bolder Voice on Race Issues

Since a white police officer, Darren Wilson fatally shot unarmed black teenager, Michael Brown, in a confrontation last August in Ferguson, Mo., there have been many other cases in which the police have shot and killed suspects, some of them unarmed. Mr. Brown's death set off protests throughout the country, pushing law enforcement into the spotlight and sparking a public debate on police tactics. Here is a selection of police shootings that have been reported by news organizations since Mr. Brown's death. In some cases, investigations are continuing.

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The apartment complex northeast of Atlanta where Anthony Hill, 27, was fatally shot by a DeKalb County police officer. Credit Ben Gray/Atlanta Journal Constitution

Chamblee, Ga.
Fatal Police Shootings: Accounts Since Ferguson
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paket berangkat umrah mei di Ciracas jakarta
paket umrah februari di Batuampar jakarta
promo umroh februari di Pulogebang jakarta
harga berangkat umroh april di Kebon Pala jakarta
biaya paket umroh januari di Kebon Pala jakarta
promo berangkat umroh akhir tahun di Cipayung jakarta
harga berangkat umrah akhir tahun di Rawa Bunga jakarta
biaya umrah akhir tahun di Duren Sawit jakarta
paket promo umroh januari di Pulo Gadung jakarta
paket berangkat umroh maret di Duren Sawit jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah april di Pasar Rebo jakarta
paket umrah februari di Cakung Barat jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah awal tahun di Utan Kayu Selatan jakarta
biaya umrah juni di Cipayung jakarta
paket promo umroh januari di Pasar Rebo jakarta
biaya umrah mei di Kelapa Dua Wetan jakarta
promo berangkat umrah awal tahun di Klender jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah desember di Kebon Pala jakarta
biaya paket umrah akhir tahun bogor
harga umroh februari di Cipinang Muara jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah mei di Kayu Manis jakarta
harga berangkat umrah mei di Bambu Apus jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh mei di Cipinang Muara jakarta
paket umroh mei di Jatinegara Kaum jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh akhir tahun di Duren Sawit jakarta
harga paket berangkat umrah januari di Halim Perdanakusuma jakarta
harga umrah februari di Pondok Kopi jakarta
paket promo umrah maret di Pondok Bambu jakarta
paket promo umroh maret di Setu jakarta
harga paket umrah akhir tahun di Jatinegara jakarta
promo berangkat umrah mei di Kayu Manis jakarta
paket umrah ramadhan di Jatinegara jakarta
promo berangkat umrah awal tahun di Kayu Manis jakarta
paket umroh januari di Rawa Terate jakarta
biaya paket umrah januari di Kramat Jati jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah januari di Cipayung jakarta
paket promo umroh akhir tahun di Pekayon jakarta
paket promo umrah april di Malaka Jaya jakarta
promo berangkat umrah awal tahun di Bali Mester jakarta
harga berangkat umrah awal tahun di Kampung Gedong,Cijantung jakarta
paket berangkat umroh januari di Ceger jakarta
harga berangkat umrah desember di Ceger jakarta
biaya umroh akhir tahun di Utan Kayu Utara jakarta
harga umroh april bekasi timur
harga berangkat umrah awal tahun di Utan Kayu Utara jakarta
paket promo umroh mei di Halim Perdanakusuma jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh februari di Pondok Kopi jakarta
paket berangkat umroh april di Kramat Jati jakarta
harga paket umroh awal tahun di Cibubur jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah januari di Cilangkap jakarta
promo umrah maret di Jatinegara Kaum jakarta
harga paket berangkat umrah januari di Pisangan Timur jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh april di Utan Kayu Utara jakarta
paket promo umrah januari di Kayu Putih jakarta
harga paket umroh awal tahun di Cipinang Besar Selatan jakarta
biaya paket umrah maret di Kebon Manggis jakarta
harga umroh februari di Cakung Barat jakarta
promo berangkat umrah awal tahun di Jatinegara jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh juni di Jatinegara jakarta
paket promo umroh desember di Bambu Apus jakarta
paket berangkat umroh maret di Munjul jakarta