PAKET UMROH BULAN FEBRUARI MARET APRIL MEI 2018

TRAVEL UMROH RESMI KEMENAG RI

Call / WA: SEPTINA 0821-1420-2323 / Klik disini

 
PAKET UMROH PAKET HAJI PLUS PROMO UMROH




Artikel lainnya »

Jasa Pembuatran Website Dan SEO

 
Jasa SEO
adalah proses optimasi sebuah situs web agar dapat menempati peringkat tertinggi pada hasil pencarian search engine.

Semakin tinggi peringkat sebuah situs web pada hasil pencarian search engine, semakin tinggi jumlah pengunjung yang datang dan itu berarti semakin besar peluang untuk terjadinya penjualan pada situs web tersebut. 85% pengguna search engine mengklik dari hasil hasil pencarian organic. Untuk itu situs web Anda harus berada pada posisi 20 teratas, dan sebaiknya di posisi 10 teratas pada hasil pencarian search engine. Perlu diketahui bahwa sekitar 90% dari pengguna tidak melanjutkan lebih dari halaman ke-2 pada hasil pencarian search engine.
 

1. OPTIMIZATION AUDIT
Jasa SEO Bergaransi
Untuk memulai, kami melakukan audit pada situs web Anda untuk mengidentifikasi hal-hal yang membutuhkan perbaikan dalam optimasi situs web anda. Hal ini untuk memfokuskan pada strategi yang sesuai, dan memastikan situs web Anda teroptimasi secara maksimal dari strategi jasa SEO kami.
2. COMPETITIVE ANALYSIS
Jasa SEO Jakarta
Sejalan dengan audit optimasi, jasa SEO kami juga melakukan analisa kompetisi untuk mengevaluasi peringkat situs web Anda yang berkaitan secara langsung dengan pesaing Anda, dan perencanaan perbaikan untuk mendapatkan peringkat lebih baik dari pesaing Anda.
3. KEYWORD ANALYSIS
Jasa SEO Terbaik
Selanjutnya, kami menggunakan sejumlah alat analisa untuk mengidentifikasi target kata kunci yang akan digunakan untuk mendatangkan kunjungan oleh pengunjung yang ditargetkan ke situs web Anda. Kami mencari target kata kunci dengan jumlah pencarian yang tinggi dengan tingkat persaingan yang rendah.
Jasa SEO Google
Kami memeriksa struktur dan kode situs web anda, dan merevisi jika diperlukan untuk memperbaiki adanya kesalahan yang menghambat mesin pencari mengindeks situs web anda. Kami akan mengoptimalkan struktur situs web anda, struktur link, dan struktur sitemap untuk meningkatkan 'deep linking' yang akan menghasilkan pengindeksan konten yang lebih teratur oleh spider mesin pencari.
5. USABILITY IMPROVEMENTS
Jasa SEO Search Engine
Sebuah situs web yang dioptimalkan untuk mesin pencari hanya berharga apabila Anda dapat mengkonversi kunjungan menjadi pelanggan atau pengunjung melakukan sesuatu sesuai dengan tujuan dari situs web anda. Ini sebabnya kami mengevaluasi keseluruhan fungsi dan kegunaan situs web, dan memperbaikinya agar memudahkan pengguna dalam bernavigasi pada situs web Anda.
6. CONTENT STRATEGY
Jasa SEO Keywords
Dengan menggunakan data dari analisa kata kunci (keyword), kami mengoptimalkan konten secara on-page pada halaman situs sehingga target kata kunci terletak di daerah konten yang paling efektif. Kami bekerja sama dengan Anda untuk mengembangkan strategi pembuatan konten karena faktor utama optimasi adalah konten yang friendly bagi mesin pencari sekaligus mampu menarik perhatian pengunjung situs.
7. BLOG CREATION
Jasa SEO Blog
Mesin pencari akan melakukan pengindeksan secara lebih teratur apabila sebuah situs web secara aktif melakukan pembaruan dalam konten.
Mesin pencari dapat meningkatkan posisi situs web pada peringkat yang lebih tinggi secara berkala. Ini sebabnya kami merekomendasikan bahwa semua klien kami memiliki sebuah blog pada situs mereka.
Kami dapat membantu anda membuat, mengelola, dan secara berkala mengupdate blog perusahaan secara profesional dengan konten yang menarik.
8. LINK BUILDING
Jasa SEO Link
Link Building adalah bagian terpenting dari optimasi mesin pencari.
Mesin pencari seperti Google menganggap incoming link yang mengarah ke situs web Anda sebagai bentuk 'referensi' oleh situs lain. Semakin banyak situs web Anda mendapatkan 'referensi' dari situs lain, search engine menganggap situs Anda penting dan mempunyai otoritas. Jasa SEO kami memfokuskan pada incoming link dari situs-situs yang berkualitas, relevan, dan mempunyai otoritas pada industri yang berkaitan.
9. REAL-TIME MONITORING
Jasa SEO Monitoring
Jasa SEO kami menggunakan Google Analytics untuk mengevaluasi efektivitas proses optimasi, dan untuk menganalisa hasil konversi dari sasaran yang ditetapkan.
10. CONVERSION OPTIMIZATION
Jasa SEO Optimasi

Kami menganalisa dan memperbaiki bagaimana situs web Anda dapat mengkonversi kunjungan oleh pengunjung menjadi pelanggan Anda.

 

1
CONSULTATION
Kami akan berkonsultasi dengan Anda untuk mengetahui tujuan dari situs web perusahaan secara keseluruhan dan produk utama yang ditawarkan. Selanjutnya jasa SEO kami akan melakukan audit optimasi situs web Anda untuk mengidentifikasi teknik-teknik khusus yang dapat diterapkan untuk meningkatkan peringkat situs web Anda.
2
IMPLEMENTATION
Jasa SEO kami memperbaiki faktor on-site situs web Anda seperti struktur situs web, title, kode HTML, dan kepadatan kata kunci (keyword density). Kami juga mengoptimasi faktor off-site situs web dengan mencantumkan situs web Anda pada beberapa direktori bisnis terkemuka, dan membangun incoming link yang berkualitas dari situs-situs yang mempunyai otoritas dengan peringkat tinggi dan berkaitan dengan bisnis Anda.
3
MONITORING AND REPORTING

Setelah implementasi, jasa SEO kami terus memonitor peringkat situs web Anda untuk beberapa target kata kunci yang mendatangkan banyak kunjungan. Kami akan mengirimkan kepada Anda detail laporan bulanan tentang kinerja dan performa dari kampanye optimasi mesin pencari yang kita lakukan.

4
CONTINUOUS ADJUSMENTS AND IMPROVEMENTS
Kami mengevaluasi efektivitas optimasi yang sedang berlangsung dalam upaya peningkatan jumlah kunjungan dan penjualan pada situs web Anda. Pada tahap ini, Anda dapat melihat potensi optimasi mesin pencari. Kita akan bekerja sama kembali untuk memperbaiki lebih lanjut tentang target kata kunci, dan strategi konten yang akan menjadikan situs web Anda meduduki peringkat yang lebih baik lagi.
JASA PEMBUATRAN WEBSITE DAN SEO

saco-indonesia.com,

Pantai Sawarna

 
Teman-teman travellers sekarang cerita cerita tentang Pantai Sawarna yuk.., Pantai Sawarna yang terletak di Propinsi Banten ternyata telah mempunyai banyak objek wisata pantai yang sangat menarik untuk dapat di kunjungi teman teman travellers, salah satunya adalah Pantai Sawarna. Pantai Sawarna yang terletak di Desa Sawarna, Kecamatan Bayah, Kabupaten Lebak, Propinsi Banten dan teman-teman trevellers menti ketahui Total jarak dari kota Jakarta sekitar 230 kilometer dengan waktu tempuh selama 6 – 7 jam. Dan lagi yang sobat travellers harus ketahui kenapa dinamakan pantai sawarna? Dulu ada seorang laki-laki yang bernama suwarna dwipa adalah bupati lebak pada waktu jaman belanda, kemudian beliau wafat di sungai sawarna, kemudian nama desa sawarna telah di ambil dari nama bupati belanda tersebut yaitu sawarna, yang bersamaan dengan nama sungai tempat dimana beliau wafat.

 
Sahabat trevelles Pantai Sawarna ini telah menyuguhkan pemandangan alam yang sangat indah. Deburan ombak dan pasir putihnya telah membuat liburan sobat travellers akan sangat mengasyikkan. Pantai Sawarna yang dikelilingi oleh persawahan dan perbukitan dengan pepohonan hijau yang lebat, telah menambah suasana menjadi teduh dan asri travellers.

 
Sobat travellers Memang untuk dapat menuju ke pantai cantik ini tidaklah mudah, karena lokasinya yang sangat jauh dari kota dan kontur jalan yang jelek karena banyak bagian jalan yang rusak dan berlubang, apalagi mulai dari Pelabuhan Ratu sampai ke Pantai Sawarna tersebut jalan nya menanjak dan banyak lubang besarmsehingga benar-menbutuhkan kehati-hatian yang ekstra sobat trevellers. Tapi begitu sampai di Desa Sawarna ini bakal terbayar deh rasa lelah capenya sewaktu di perjalanan tadi yang memakan waktu 7 jam.

 
Selain itu juga terdapat beberapa goa di sekitar kawasan pantai ini yang menambah lengkapnya liburan sobat, Salah satunya Goa Lalay teman-teman travelers, namanya aneh ya.. tau gak kenapa dinamakan goa lalay, lalay itu sendiri dalam bahasa sunda yang berarti kalalawar, karena memang benar di dalam gua lalai ini banyak sekali kalalawarnya sahabat travellers. Kalalawar juga sangat senang bersarang di dalam goa ini.

 
Sebenarnya di Desa Sawarna sendiri, bukan hanya Pantai Sawarna / Pantai Ciantir, yang bisa sobat kunjungi. Ada beberapa pantai cantik lainnya yang bisa sobat travellers telusuri. Seperti Pantai Tanjung Layar yang terkenal dengan sepasang batu besar yang berada di tengah pantai yang termasuk icon dari pantai sawarna sendiri, Pantai Lagoon Pari yang telah memiliki air laut yang jernih dan pasir putihnya dan deburan ombaknya yang lebih tenang karna posisinya yang di lidungi oleh karang yang menjorok ke laut, di banding Pantai Ciantir yang arus ombaknya lebih besar sngat cocok bagi para serfing dan sangat tidak disaran kan untuk berenang sahabat travellers. , dan Pantai Karang Taraje dengan hamparan batu karang yang besar berbentuk seperti tembok pelindung dr ombak besar sehingga dapat memberikan kesan seperti air terjun dan ikan-ikan kecil yang berenang kesana kemari di sekitar karang. Indah banget sahabat travellers
 
 
Ketika berada di pantai ini, Sahabat travellers akan dapat melupakan kepenatan dan keletihan yang kamu alami karena memang pantai Sawarna ini sangat indah. Deburan ombak yang khas dan juga pasir putihnya membuat waktu liburan Anda terasa sangat menyenangkan. Selain pantai dan lautnya yang indah, pemandangan lain yang bisa kamu lihat di sana adalah pematang sawah dan juga perbukitan yang ditumbuhi oleh pohon-pohon hijau semakin membuat kamu merasakan keindahan alam yang sebenarnya

Di desa Sawarna ada pantai lain yang tidak kalah menarik dengan pantai Sawarna. Kalau sobat travellers berlibur ke sana, jangan lupa untuk mengunjungi Pantai Tanjung layar yang sangat terkenal dengan sepasanga batu besar yang terletak di tengah pantainya. Selain pantai Tanjung Layar, masih ada juga pantai Lagoon Pari yang terkenal dengan air lautnya yang jerniih dan pasir pantainya yang putih semua destinasi wisata di sekitaran Desa sawarna patut pokonya sahabat travellers kunjungi, haruus haruus…!!!

Sekian dulu sahabat travellers info menarik tentang keindahan pantai Sawarna. Semoga artikel dari team kami ini akan bisa memberikan manfaat buat kalian dan teman-teman sahabat travellers sekalian.. pokonya pantang pulang sebelum hitam.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

PANTAI SAWARNA

saco-indonesia.com, Berada di penjara, ternyata Anas Urbaningrum masih sangat perhatian dengan Partai Demokrat. Melalui Twitter-nya, Anas Urbaningrum telah menyampaikan prediksinya suara Demokrat juga akan semakin turun.

"Perkiraan saya, kalau ada rilis hasil survei (kredibel) lagi dalam waktu dekat ini, angka PD juga akan terus turun," tulis Anas di akun @anasurbaningrum, Minggu (26/1/2014).

Karena itulah, menurut Anas, penyelamatan Demokrat juga sudah mendesak demi bertarung di Pemilu 2014. Bahkan, kata dia, penyelamatan Demokrat saat ini jauh lebih mendesak jika dibandingkan ketika ada desakan kepadanya untuk mundur dari kursi Ketua Umum.

"Hanya saja sekarang ini para jubir penyelamatan sedang bisu. Bisu karena tidak ada perintah dan pusing mikir berita-berita," tambahnya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

JUBIR PENYELAMAT DEMOKRAT SEDANG BISU

saco-indonesia.com, Operational Manager PT Kernel Oil Pte Limited (KOPL) PT Kernel Oil, Simon Gunawan Tanjaya telah mengaku memberikan uang USD700 ribu kepada terdakwa mantan kepala SKK Migas, Rudi Rubiandini melalui Deviardi.

Hal itu telah diungkapkan oleh Simon di depan Majelis Hakim Pengadilan Tipikor, Jakarta saat menjadi saksi kasus suap mantan Kepala SKK Migas Rudi Rubiandini, Selasa (11/2/2014).

Simon juga mengatakan, ia telah mendapat perintah dari Komisaris PT Kernel Oil di Singapura, Widodo Ratanachaitong untuk dapat mengantarkan uang tersebut."Waktu itu saya ada penyerahan uang total USD700 ribu kepada Deviardi, itu telah terjadi sebelum dan setelah Lebaran," katanya.

Dikatakan Simon uang tersebut telah diberikan dalam dua tahap. Sebelum lebaran diberikan USD300 ribu dan sesudah lebaran USD400 ribu di Gedung Equity Tower.

Simon mengaku tidak tahu, kalau uang yang telah diberikan ke Deviardi akan dilanjutkan kembali ke Rudi. Bahkan, Ia baru mengetahui hal itu setelah Rudi ditangkap KPK bila uang itu memuluskan proyek tender di SKK Migas. "Waktu itu saya ditugaskan karena kan ada uang cash di Singapura. Lalu saya dititipkan uang USD 700 ribu (oleh Widodo). Jadi ada pembicaraan via skype (dengan Widodo), di tangan Widodo ada uang cash USD 700 ribu dan ingin dikembalikan ke Deviardi," terangnya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

KOMISARIS KERNEL OIL PERINTAHKAN SIMON SUAP RUDI RUBIANDINI

SACO- INDONESIA.COM - Sebanyak 37 bayi dilaporkan hilang di wilayah Jabodetabek usai dilahirkan sepanjang tahun 2012. Data dari Komnas Perlindungan Anak (Komnas PA) menyimpulkan, rumah bersalin dan puskesmas menjadi lokasi hilangnya bayi yang baru dilahirkan tersebut.

Bayi hilang bisa dikarenakan penculikan atau tertukar. Berbagai modus kerap digunakan untuk penculikan bayi. Salah satunya menyamar sebagai pegawai di instansi kesehatan terkait. Modus didukung tingkat pengamanan minimum di klinik, puskesmas, atau rumah bersalin.

"Lokasi kejadian hilangnya bayi umumnya tidak memiliki kamera pengintai, baik di jalan maupun kamar pasien. Tingkat keamanan juga minimum sehingga membebaskan pegawai keluar masuk area rumah sakit. Belum lagi yang menggunakan orang dalam," ujar Ketua Komnas PA Arist Merdeka Sirait saat dihubungi Selasa (30/4/2013).

Keadaan ini, kata Arist, mempermudah para pelaku kriminal melakukan aksinya. Untuk mencegah bayi hilang, ia menyarankan pasien selalu didampingi keluarga, terutama suami. Sebelum memutuskan tempat untuk bersalin, sebaiknya pastikan siapa dan berapa orang yang akan menangani persalinan. Calon pasien dan keluarga harus tahu siapa nama dokter, perawat, atau pegawai lain yang kerap berhubungan dengannya.

Selanjutnya, pastikan lokasi persalinan memiliki tingkat kemanan yang memadai. Aris pun menyarankan untuk memastikan adanya kamera pengintai, baik di ruang penyimpanan bayi, pasien, ataupun area instansi kesehatan.

"Pastikan juga mereka memiliki tenaga sekuriti yang berkualitas, baik, dan memberikan kenyamanan," ujarnya.

Wajib didampingi suami
Terlepas dari tingkat pengamanan, Aris mengharuskan suami mengawal proses persalinan dan sebisa mungkin mendampingi istri. Hal ini untuk memastikan istri dan bayi mereka dalam kondisi baik.

"Selepas melahirkan suami harus tahu bagaimana bayinya, kemana bayinya pergi, dan siapa yang membawanya," kata Aris.

Hal senada dikatakan psikolog Dien Eryati. Menurutnya, kerjasama suami istri dibutuhkan untuk mencegah bayi diculik atau tertukar usai dilahirkan. Apalagi kondisi istri biasanya masih lemah usai melahirkan.

"Suami harus ikut semua proses melahirkan. Mengetahui bagaimana proses melahirkan akan menumbuhkan motivasi untuk menjaga bayi jangan sampai diculik atau tertukar," kata Dien.

Bila akan ditempatkan dalam ruangan khusus, Dien menyarankan suami mengikuti suster yang membawa bayi. Kegiatan ini memastikan keberadaan dan keamanan posisi bayi Suami juga wajib memperhatikan detail rupa dan tanda khusus pada bayi. Dien mengatakan, suami juga harus sesering mungkin melihat bayi dan memastikan keamanannya. Hal ini, untuk memastikan bayi tidak tertukar atau hilang selama di instansi bersalin. 

Sumber:Kompas.com

Editor : Maulana Lee
 
37 Bayi Dilaporkan Hilang di Jabodetabek

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

Advertisement

“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’

GREENWICH, Conn. — Mago is in the bedroom. You can go in.

The big man lies on a hospital bed with his bare feet scraping its bottom rail. His head is propped on a scarlet pillow, the left temple dented, the right side paralyzed. His dark hair is kept just long enough to conceal the scars.

The occasional sounds he makes are understood only by his wife, but he still has that punctuating left hand. In slow motion, the fingers curl and close. A thumbs-up greeting.

Hello, Mago.

This is Magomed Abdusalamov, 34, also known as the Russian Tyson, also known as Mago. He is a former heavyweight boxer who scored four knockouts and 14 technical knockouts in his first 18 professional fights. He preferred to stand between rounds. Sitting conveyed weakness.

But Mago lost his 19th fight, his big chance, at the packed Theater at Madison Square Garden in November 2013. His 19th decision, and his last.

Now here he is, in a small bedroom in a working-class neighborhood in Greenwich, in a modest house his family rents cheap from a devoted friend. The air-pressure machine for his mattress hums like an expectant crowd.

 

Photo
 
Mike Perez, left, and Magomed Abdusalamov during the fight in which Abdusalamov was injured. Credit Joe Camporeale/USA Today Sports, via Reuters

 

Today is like any other day, except for those days when he is hurried in crisis to the hospital. Every three hours during the night, his slight wife, Bakanay, 28, has risen to turn his 6-foot-3 body — 210 pounds of dead weight. It has to be done. Infections of the gaping bedsore above his tailbone have nearly killed him.

Then, with the help of a young caretaker, Baka has gotten two of their daughters off to elementary school and settled down the toddler. Yes, Mago and Baka are blessed with all girls, but they had also hoped for a son someday.

They feed Mago as they clean him; it’s easier that way. For breakfast, which comes with a side of crushed antiseizure pills, he likes oatmeal with a squirt of Hershey’s chocolate syrup. But even oatmeal must be puréed and fed to him by spoon.

He opens his mouth to indicate more, the way a baby does. But his paralysis has made everything a choking hazard. His water needs a stirring of powdered food thickener, and still he chokes — eh-eh-eh — as he tries to cough up what will not go down.

Advertisement

Mago used to drink only water. No alcohol. Not even soda. A sip of juice would be as far as he dared. Now even water betrays him.

With the caretaker’s help, Baka uses a washcloth and soap to clean his body and shampoo his hair. How handsome still, she has thought. Sometimes, in the night, she leaves the bedroom to watch old videos, just to hear again his voice in the fullness of life. She cries, wipes her eyes and returns, feigning happiness. Mago must never see her sad.

 

Photo
 
 Abdusalamov's hand being massaged. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

When Baka finishes, Mago is cleanshaven and fresh down to his trimmed and filed toenails. “I want him to look good,” she says.

Theirs was an arranged Muslim marriage in Makhachkala, in the Russian republic of Dagestan. He was 23, she was 18 and their future hinged on boxing. Sometimes they would shadowbox in love, her David to his Goliath. You are so strong, he would tell her.

His father once told him he could either be a bandit or an athlete, but if he chose banditry, “I will kill you.” This paternal advice, Mago later told The Ventura County Reporter, “made it a very easy decision for me.”

Mago won against mediocre competition, in Moscow and Hollywood, Fla., in Las Vegas and Johnstown, Pa. He was knocked down only once, and even then, it surprised more than hurt. He scored a technical knockout in the next round.

It all led up to this: the undercard at the Garden, Mike Perez vs. Magomed Abdusalamov, 10 rounds, on HBO. A win, he believed, would improve his chances of taking on the heavyweight champion Wladimir Klitschko, who sat in the crowd of 4,600 with his fiancée, the actress Hayden Panettiere, watching.

Wearing black-and-red trunks and a green mouth guard, Mago went to work. But in the first round, a hard forearm to his left cheek rocked him. At the bell, he returned to his corner, and this time, he sat down. “I think it’s broken,” he repeatedly said in Russian.

 

Photo
 
Bakanay Abdusalamova, Abdusalamov's wife, and her injured husband and a masseur in the background. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

Maybe at that point, somebody — the referee, the ringside doctors, his handlers — should have stopped the fight, under a guiding principle: better one punch too early than one punch too late. But the bloody trade of blows continued into the seventh, eighth, ninth, a hand and orbital bone broken, his face transforming.

Meanwhile, in the family’s apartment in Miami, Baka forced herself to watch the broadcast. She could see it in his swollen eyes. Something was off.

After the final round, Perez raised his tattooed arms in victory, and Mago wandered off in a fog. He had taken 312 punches in about 40 minutes, for a purse of $40,000.

 

 

In the locker room, doctors sutured a cut above Mago’s left eye and tested his cognitive abilities. He did not do well. The ambulance that waits in expectation at every fight was not summoned by boxing officials.

Blood was pooling in Mago’s cranial cavity as he left the Garden. He vomited on the pavement while his handlers flagged a taxi to St. Luke’s-Roosevelt Hospital. There, doctors induced a coma and removed part of his skull to drain fluids and ease the swelling.

Then came the stroke.

 

Photo
 
A championship belt belonging to Abdusalamov and a card from one of his daughters. Credit Ángel Franco/The New York Times

 

It is lunchtime now, and the aroma of puréed beef and potatoes lingers. So do the questions.

How will Mago and Baka pay the $2 million in medical bills they owe? What if their friend can no longer offer them this home? Will they win their lawsuits against the five ringside doctors, the referee, and a New York State boxing inspector? What about Mago’s future care?

Most of all: Is this it?

A napkin rests on Mago’s chest. As another spoonful of mush approaches, he opens his mouth, half-swallows, chokes, and coughs until it clears. Eh-eh-eh. Sometimes he turns bluish, but Baka never shows fear. Always happy for Mago.

Some days he is wheeled out for physical therapy or speech therapy. Today, two massage therapists come to knead his half-limp body like a pair of skilled corner men.

Soon, Mago will doze. Then his three daughters, ages 2, 6 and 9, will descend upon him to talk of their day. Not long ago, the oldest lugged his championship belt to school for a proud show-and-tell moment. Her classmates were amazed at the weight of it.

Then, tonight, there will be more puréed food and pulverized medication, more coughing, and more tender care from his wife, before sleep comes.

Goodbye, Mago.

He half-smiles, raises his one good hand, and forms a fist.

Meet Mago, Former Heavyweight

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

Continue reading the main story Video
Play Video|1:17

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

Advertisement

Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

Photo
 
President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

Advertisement Politics Obama Finds a Bolder Voice on Race Issues

Mr. Bartoszewski was given honorary Israeli citizenship for his work to save Jews during World War II and later surprised even himself by being instrumental in reconciling Poland and Germany.

Wladyslaw Bartoszewski, 93, Dies; Polish Auschwitz Survivor Aided Jews

Since a white police officer, Darren Wilson fatally shot unarmed black teenager, Michael Brown, in a confrontation last August in Ferguson, Mo., there have been many other cases in which the police have shot and killed suspects, some of them unarmed. Mr. Brown's death set off protests throughout the country, pushing law enforcement into the spotlight and sparking a public debate on police tactics. Here is a selection of police shootings that have been reported by news organizations since Mr. Brown's death. In some cases, investigations are continuing.

Photo
 
 
The apartment complex northeast of Atlanta where Anthony Hill, 27, was fatally shot by a DeKalb County police officer. Credit Ben Gray/Atlanta Journal Constitution

Chamblee, Ga.
Fatal Police Shootings: Accounts Since Ferguson

Public perceptions of race relations in America have grown substantially more negative in the aftermath of the death of a young black man who was injured while in police custody in Baltimore and the subsequent unrest, far eclipsing the sentiment recorded in the wake of turmoil in Ferguson, Mo., last summer.

Americans are also increasingly likely to say that the police are more apt to use deadly force against a black person, the latest New York Times/CBS News poll finds.

The poll findings highlight the challenges for local leaders and police officials in trying to maintain order while sustaining faith in the criminal justice system in a racially polarized nation.

Sixty-one percent of Americans now say race relations in this country are generally bad. That figure is up sharply from 44 percent after the fatal police shooting of Michael Brown and the unrest that followed in Ferguson in August, and 43 percent in December. In a CBS News poll just two months ago, 38 percent said race relations were generally bad. Current views are by far the worst of Barack Obama’s presidency.

The negative sentiment is echoed by broad majorities of blacks and whites alike, a stark change from earlier this year, when 58 percent of blacks thought race relations were bad, but just 35 percent of whites agreed. In August, 48 percent of blacks and 41 percent of whites said they felt that way.

Looking ahead, 44 percent of Americans think race relations are worsening, up from 36 percent in December. Forty-one percent of blacks and 46 percent of whites think so. Pessimism among whites has increased 10 points since December.

Continue reading the main story
Do you think race relations in the United States are generally good or generally bad?
60
40
20
0
White
Black
May '14
May '15
Generally bad
Continue reading the main story
Do you think race relations in the United States are getting better, getting worse or staying about the same?
Getting worse
Staying the same
Getting better
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
44%
37
17
46
36
16
41
42
15

The poll finds that profound racial divisions in views of how the police use deadly force remain. Blacks are more than twice as likely to say police in most communities are more apt to use deadly force against a black person — 79 percent of blacks say so compared with 37 percent of whites. A slim majority of whites say race is not a factor in a police officer’s decision to use deadly force.

Overall, 44 percent of Americans say deadly force is more likely to be used against a black person, up from 37 percent in August and 40 percent in December.

Blacks also remain far more likely than whites to say they feel mostly anxious about the police in their community. Forty-two percent say so, while 51 percent feel mostly safe. Among whites, 8 in 10 feel mostly safe.

One proposal to address the matter — having on-duty police officers wear body cameras — receives overwhelming support. More than 9 in 10 whites and blacks alike favor it.

Continue reading the main story
How would you describe your feelings about the police in your community? Would you say they make you feel mostly safe or mostly anxious?
Mostly safe
Mostly anxious
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
75%
21
3
81
16
3
51
42
7
Continue reading the main story
In general, do you think the police in most communities are more likely to use deadly force against a black person, or more likely to use it against a white person, or don’t you think race affects police use of deadly force?
Police more likely to use deadly force against a black person
Police more likely to use deadly force against a white person
Race DOES NOT affect police use of deadly force
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
44%
37%
79%
2%
2%
1%
46%
53%
16%
9%
8%
4%
Continue reading the main story
Do you favor or oppose on-duty police officers wearing video cameras that would record events and actions as they occur?
Favor
Oppose
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
92%
93%
93%
6%
5%
5%
2%
2%
2%

Asked specifically about the situation in Baltimore, most Americans expressed at least some confidence that the investigation by local authorities would be conducted fairly. But while nearly two-thirds of whites think so, fewer than half of blacks agree. Still, more blacks are confident now than were in August regarding the investigation in Ferguson. On Friday, six members of the police force involved in the arrest of Mr. Gray were charged with serious offenses, including manslaughter. The poll was conducted Thursday through Sunday; results from before charges were announced are similar to those from after.

Reaction to the recent turmoil in Baltimore, however, is similar among blacks and whites. Most Americans, 61 percent, say the unrest after Mr. Gray’s death was not justified. That includes 64 percent of whites and 57 percent of blacks.

Continue reading the main story
As you may know, a Baltimore man, Freddie Gray, recently died after being in the custody of the Baltimore police. How much confidence do you have that the investigation by local authorities into this matter will be conducted fairly?
A lot
Some
Not much
None at all
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
29%
31
22
14
5
31
33
20
11
5
20
26
30
22
In general, do you think the unrest in Baltimore after the death of Freddie Gray was justified, or do you think the unrest was not justified?
Justified
Not justified
Don't know/No answer
All adults
Whites
Blacks
28%
61
11
26
64
11
37
57
6

Negative View of U.S. Race Relations Grows, Poll Finds

Ms. Plisetskaya, renowned for her fluidity of movement, expressive acting and willful personality, danced on the Bolshoi stage well into her 60s, but her life was shadowed by Stalinism.

Maya Plisetskaya, Ballerina Who Embodied Bolshoi, Dies at 89

THE WRITERS ASHLEY AND JAQUAVIS COLEMAN know the value of a good curtain-raiser. The couple have co-authored dozens of novels, and they like to start them with a bang: a headlong action sequence, a blast of violence or sex that rocks readers back on their heels. But the Colemans concede they would be hard-pressed to dream up anything more gripping than their own real-life opening scene.

In the summer of 2001, JaQuavis Coleman was a 16-year-old foster child in Flint, Mich., the former auto-manufacturing mecca that had devolved, in the wake of General Motors’ plant closures, into one of the country’s most dangerous cities, with a decimated economy and a violent crime rate more than three times the national average. When JaQuavis was 8, social services had removed him from his mother’s home. He spent years bouncing between foster families. At 16, JaQuavis was also a businessman: a crack dealer with a network of street-corner peddlers in his employ.

One day that summer, JaQuavis met a fellow dealer in a parking lot on Flint’s west side. He was there to make a bulk sale of a quarter-brick, or “nine-piece” — a nine-ounce parcel of cocaine, with a street value of about $11,000. In the middle of the transaction, JaQuavis heard the telltale chirp of a walkie-talkie. His customer, he now realized, was an undercover policeman. JaQuavis jumped into his car and spun out onto the road, with two unmarked police cars in pursuit. He didn’t want to get into a high-speed chase, so he whipped his car into a church parking lot and made a run for it, darting into an alleyway behind a row of small houses, where he tossed the quarter-brick into some bushes. When JaQuavis reached the small residential street on the other side of the houses, he was greeted by the police, who handcuffed him and went to search behind the houses where, they told him, they were certain he had ditched the drugs. JaQuavis had been dealing since he was 12, had amassed more than $100,000 and had never been arrested. Now, he thought: It’s over.

But when the police looked in the bushes, they couldn’t find any cocaine. They interrogated JaQuavis, who denied having ever possessed or sold drugs. They combed the backyard alley some more. After an hour of fruitless efforts, the police were forced to unlock the handcuffs and release their suspect.

JaQuavis was baffled by the turn of events until the next day, when he received a phone call. The previous afternoon, a 15-year-old girl had been sitting in her home on the west side of Flint when she heard sirens. She looked out of the window of her bedroom, and watched a young man throw a package in the bushes behind her house. She recognized him. He was a high school classmate — a handsome, charismatic boy whom she had admired from afar. The girl crept outside and grabbed the bundle, which she hid in her basement. “I have something that belongs to you,” Ashley Snell told JaQuavis Coleman when she reached him by phone. “You wanna come over here and pick it up?”

Photo
Three of the nearly 50 works of urban fiction published by the Colemans over the last decade, often featuring drug deals, violence, sex and a brash kind of feminism.Credit Marko Metzinger

In the Colemans’ first novel, “Dirty Money” (2005), they told a version of this story. The outline was the same: the drug deal gone bad, the dope chucked in the bushes, the fateful phone call. To the extent that the authors took poetic license, it was to tone down the meet-cute improbability of the true-life events. In “Dirty Money,” the girl, Anari, and the crack dealer, Maurice, circle each other warily for a year or so before coupling up. But the facts of Ashley and JaQuavis’s romance outstripped pulp fiction. They fell in love more or less at first sight, moved into their own apartment while still in high school and were married in 2008. “We were together from the day we met,” Ashley says. “I don’t think we’ve spent more than a week apart in total over the past 14 years.”

That partnership turned out to be creative and entrepreneurial as well as romantic. Over the past decade, the Colemans have published nearly 50 books, sometimes as solo writers, sometimes under pseudonyms, but usually as collaborators with a byline that has become a trusted brand: “Ashley & JaQuavis.” They are marquee stars of urban fiction, or street lit, a genre whose inner-city settings and lurid mix of crime, sex and sensationalism have earned it comparisons to gangsta rap. The emergence of street lit is one of the big stories in recent American publishing, a juggernaut that has generated huge sales by catering to a readership — young, black and, for the most part, female — that historically has been ill-served by the book business. But the genre is also widely maligned. Street lit is subject to a kind of triple snobbery: scorned by literati who look down on genre fiction generally, ignored by a white publishing establishment that remains largely indifferent to black books and disparaged by African-American intellectuals for poor writing, coarse values and trafficking in racial stereotypes.

But if a certain kind of cultural prestige is shut off to the Colemans, they have reaped other rewards. They’ve built a large and loyal fan base, which gobbles up the new Ashley & JaQuavis titles that arrive every few months. Many of those books are sold at street-corner stands and other off-the-grid venues in African-American neighborhoods, a literary gray market that doesn’t register a blip on best-seller tallies. Yet the Colemans’ most popular series now regularly crack the trade fiction best-seller lists of The New York Times and Publishers Weekly. For years, the pair had no literary agent; they sold hundreds of thousands of books without banking a penny in royalties. Still, they have earned millions of dollars, almost exclusively from cash-for-manuscript deals negotiated directly with independent publishing houses. In short, though little known outside of the world of urban fiction, the Colemans are one of America’s most successful literary couples, a distinction they’ve achieved, they insist, because of their work’s gritty authenticity and their devotion to a primal literary virtue: the power of the ripping yarn.

“When you read our books, you’re gonna realize: ‘Ashley & JaQuavis are storytellers,’ ” says Ashley. “Our tales will get your heart pounding.”

THE COLEMANS’ HOME BASE — the cottage from which they operate their cottage industry — is a spacious four-bedroom house in a genteel suburb about 35 miles north of downtown Detroit. The house is plush, but when I visited this past winter, it was sparsely appointed. The couple had just recently moved in, and had only had time to fully furnish the bedroom of their 4-year-old son, Quaye.

In conversation, Ashley and JaQuavis exude both modesty and bravado: gratitude for their good fortune and bootstrappers’ pride in having made their own luck. They talk a lot about their time in the trenches, the years they spent as a drug dealer and “ride-or-die girl” tandem. In Flint they learned to “grind hard.” Writing, they say, is merely a more elevated kind of grind.

“Instead of hitting the block like we used to, we hit the laptops,” says Ashley. “I know what every word is worth. So while I’m writing, I’m like: ‘Okay, there’s a hundred dollars. There’s a thousand dollars. There’s five thousand dollars.’ ”

They maintain a rigorous regimen. They each try to write 5,000 words per day, five days a week. The writers stagger their shifts: JaQuavis goes to bed at 7 p.m. and wakes up early, around 3 or 4 in the morning, to work while his wife and child sleep. Ashley writes during the day, often in libraries or at Starbucks.

They divide the labor in other ways. Chapters are divvied up more or less equally, with tasks assigned according to individual strengths. (JaQuavis typically handles character development. Ashley loves writing murder scenes.) The results are stitched together, with no editorial interference from one author in the other’s text. The real work, they contend, is the brainstorming. The Colemans spend weeks mapping out their plot-driven books — long conversations that turn into elaborate diagrams on dry-erase boards. “JaQuavis and I are so close, it makes the process real easy,” says Ashley. “Sometimes when I’m thinking of something, a plot point, he’ll say it out loud, and I’m like: ‘Wait — did I say that?’ ”

Their collaboration developed by accident, and on the fly. Both were bookish teenagers. Ashley read lots of Judy Blume and John Grisham; JaQuavis liked Shakespeare, Richard Wright and “Atlas Shrugged.” (Their first official date was at a Borders bookstore, where Ashley bought “The Coldest Winter Ever,” the Sister Souljah novel often credited with kick-starting the contemporary street-lit movement.) In 2003, Ashley, then 17, was forced to terminate an ectopic pregnancy. She was bedridden for three weeks, and to provide distraction and boost her spirits, JaQuavis challenged his girlfriend to a writing contest. “She just wasn’t talking. She was laying in bed. I said, ‘You know what? I bet you I could write a better book than you.’ My wife is real competitive. So I said, ‘Yo, all right, $500 bet.’ And I saw her eyes spark, like, ‘What?! You can’t write no better book than me!’ So I wrote about three chapters. She wrote about three chapters. Two days later, we switched.”

The result, hammered out in a few days, would become “Dirty Money.” Two years later, when Ashley and JaQuavis were students at Ferris State University in Western Michigan, they sold the manuscript to Urban Books, a street-lit imprint founded by the best-selling author Carl Weber. At the time, JaQuavis was still making his living selling drugs. When Ashley got the phone call informing her that their book had been bought, she assumed they’d hit it big, and flushed more than $10,000 worth of cocaine down the toilet. Their advance was a mere $4,000.

Photo
The roots of street lit, found in the midcentury detective novels of Chester Himes and the ‘60s and ‘70s “ghetto fiction” of Iceberg Slim and Donald Goines.Credit Marko Metzinger

Those advances would soon increase, eventually reaching five and six figures. The Colemans built their career, JaQuavis says, in a manner that made sense to him as a veteran dope peddler: by flooding the street with product. From the start, they were prolific, churning out books at a rate of four or five a year. Their novels made their way into stores; the now-defunct chain Waldenbooks, which had stores in urban areas typically bypassed by booksellers, was a major engine of the street-lit market. But Ashley and JaQuavis took advantage of distribution channels established by pioneering urban fiction authors such as Teri Woods and Vickie Stringer, and a network of street-corner tables, magazine stands, corner shops and bodegas. Like rappers who establish their bona fides with gray-market mixtapes, street-lit authors use this system to circumnavigate industry gatekeepers, bringing their work straight to the genre’s core readership. But urban fiction has other aficionados, in less likely places. “Our books are so popular in the prison system,” JaQuavis says. “We’re banned in certain penitentiaries. Inmates fight over the books — there are incidents, you know? I have loved ones in jail, and they’re like: ‘Yo, your books can’t come in here. It’s against the rules.’ ”

The appeal of the Colemans’ work is not hard to fathom. The books are formulaic and taut; they deliver the expected goods efficiently and exuberantly. The titles telegraph the contents: “Diary of a Street Diva,” “Kiss Kiss, Bang Bang,” “Murderville.” The novels serve up a stream of explicit sex and violence in a slangy, tangy, profane voice. In Ashley & JaQuavis’s books people don’t get killed: they get “popped,” “laid out,” get their “cap twisted back.” The smut is constant, with emphasis on the earthy, sticky, olfactory particulars. Romance novel clichés — shuddering orgasms, heroic carnal feats, superlative sexual skill sets — are rendered in the Colemans’ punchy patois.

Subtlety, in other words, isn’t Ashley & JaQuavis’s forte. But their books do have a grainy specificity. In “The Cartel” (2008), the first novel in the Colemans’ best-selling saga of a Miami drug syndicate, they catch the sights and smells of a crack workshop in a housing project: the nostril-stinging scent of cocaine and baking soda bubbling on stovetops; the teams of women, stripped naked except for hospital masks so they can’t pilfer the merchandise, “cutting up the cooked coke on the round wood table.” The subject matter is dark, but the Colemans’ tone is not quite noir. Even in the grimmest scenes, the mood is high-spirited, with the writers palpably relishing the lewd and gory details: the bodies writhing in boudoirs and crumpling under volleys of bullets, the geysers of blood and other bodily fluids.

The luridness of street lit has made it a flashpoint, inciting controversy reminiscent of the hip-hop culture wars of the 1980s and ’90s. But the street-lit debate touches deeper historical roots, reviving decades-old arguments in black literary circles about the mandate to uplift the race and present wholesome images of African-Americans. In 1928, W. E. B. Du Bois slammed the “licentiousness” of “Home to Harlem,” Claude McKay’s rollicking novel of Harlem nightlife. McKay’s book, Du Bois wrote, “for the most part nauseates me, and after the dirtier parts of its filth I feel distinctly like taking a bath.” Similar sentiments have greeted 21st-century street lit. In a 2006 New York Times Op-Ed essay, the journalist and author Nick Chiles decried “the sexualization and degradation of black fiction.” African-American bookstores, Chiles complained, are “overrun with novels that . . . appeal exclusively to our most prurient natures — as if these nasty books were pairing off back in the stockrooms like little paperback rabbits and churning out even more graphic offspring that make Ralph Ellison books cringe into a dusty corner.”

Copulating paperbacks aside, it’s clear that the street-lit debate is about more than literature, touching on questions of paternalism versus populism, and on middle-class anxieties about the black underclass. “It’s part and parcel of black elites’ efforts to define not only a literary tradition, but a racial politics,” said Kinohi Nishikawa, an assistant professor of English and African-American Studies at Princeton University. “There has always been a sense that because African-Americans’ opportunities to represent themselves are so limited in the first place, any hint of criminality or salaciousness would necessarily be a knock on the entire racial politics. One of the pressing debates about African-American literature today is: If we can’t include writers like Ashley & JaQuavis, to what extent is the foundation of our thinking about black literature faulty? Is it just a literature for elites? Or can it be inclusive, bringing urban fiction under the purview of our umbrella term ‘African-American literature’?”

Defenders of street lit note that the genre has a pedigree: a tradition of black pulp fiction that stretches from Chester Himes, the midcentury author of hardboiled Harlem detective stories, to the 1960s and ’70s “ghetto fiction” of Iceberg Slim and Donald Goines, to the current wave of urban fiction authors. Others argue for street lit as a social good, noting that it attracts a large audience that might otherwise never read at all. Scholars like Nishikawa link street lit to recent studies showing increased reading among African-Americans. A 2014 Pew Research Center report found that a greater percentage of black Americans are book readers than whites or Latinos.

For their part, the Colemans place their work in the broader black literary tradition. “You have Maya Angelou, Alice Walker, James Baldwin — all of these traditional black writers, who wrote about the struggles of racism, injustice, inequality,” says Ashley. “We’re writing about the struggle as it happens now. It’s just a different struggle. I’m telling my story. I’m telling the struggle of a black girl from Flint, Michigan, who grew up on welfare.”

Photo
The Colemans in their new four-bedroom house in the northern suburbs of Detroit.Credit Courtesy of Ashley and JaQuavis Coleman

Perhaps there is a high-minded case to be made for street lit. But the virtues of Ashley & JaQuavis’s work are more basic. Their novels do lack literary polish. The writing is not graceful; there are passages of clunky exposition and sex scenes that induce guffaws and eye rolls. But the pleasure quotient is high. The books flaunt a garish brand of feminism, with women characters cast not just as vixens, but also as gangsters — cold-blooded killers, “murder mamas.” The stories are exceptionally well-plotted. “The Cartel” opens by introducing its hero, the crime boss Carter Diamond; on page 9, a gunshot spatters Diamond’s brain across the interior of a police cruiser. The book then flashes back seven years and begins to hurtle forward again — a bullet train, whizzing readers through shifting alliances, romantic entanglements and betrayals, kidnappings, shootouts with Haitian and Dominican gangsters, and a cliffhanger closing scene that leaves the novel’s heroine tied to a chair in a basement, gruesomely tortured to the edge of death. Ashley & JaQuavis’s books are not Ralph Ellison, certainly, but they build up quite a head of steam. They move.

The Colemans are moving themselves these days. They recently signed a deal with St. Martin’s Press, which will bring out the next installment in the “Cartel” series as well as new solo series by both writers. The St. Martin’s deal is both lucrative and legitimizing — a validation of Ashley and JaQuavis’s work by one of publishing’s most venerable houses. The Colemans’ ambitions have grown, as well. A recent trilogy, “Murderville,” tackles human trafficking and the blood-diamond industry in West Africa, with storylines that sweep from Sierra Leone to Mexico to Los Angeles. Increasingly, Ashley & JaQuavis are leaning on research — traveling to far-flung settings and hitting the books in the libraries — and spending less time mining their own rough-and-tumble past.

But Flint remains a source of inspiration. One evening not long ago, JaQuavis led me on a tour of his hometown: a popular roadside bar; the parking lot where he met the undercover cop for the ill-fated drug deal; Ashley’s old house, the site of his almost-arrest. He took me to a ramshackle vehicle repair shop on Flint’s west side, where he worked as a kid, washing cars. He showed me a bathroom at the rear of the garage, where, at age 12, he sneaked away to inspect the first “boulder” of crack that he ever sold. A spray-painted sign on the garage wall, which JaQuavis remembered from his time at the car wash, offered words of warning:

WHAT EVERY YOUNG MAN SHOULD KNOW
ABOUT USING A GUN:
MURDER . . . 30 Years
ARMED ROBBERY . . . 15 Years
ASSAULT . . . 15 Years
RAPE . . . 20 Years
POSSESSION . . . 5 Years
JACKING . . . 20 YEARS

“We still love Flint, Michigan,” JaQuavis says. “It’s so seedy, so treacherous. But there’s some heart in this city. This is where it all started, selling books out the box. In the days when we would get those little $40,000 advances, they’d send us a couple boxes of books for free. We would hit the streets to sell our books, right out of the car trunk. It was a hustle. It still is.”

One old neighborhood asset that the Colemans have not shaken off is swagger. “My wife is the best female writer in the game,” JaQuavis told me. “I believe I’m the best male writer in the game. I’m sleeping next to the best writer in the world. And she’s doing the same.”

 
From T Magazine: Street Lit’s Power Couple

Fullmer, who reigned when fight clubs abounded and Friday night fights were a television staple, was known for his title bouts with Sugar Ray Robinson and Carmen Basilio.

Gene Fullmer, a Brawling Middleweight Champion, Dies at 83

With 12 tournament victories in his career, Mr. Peete was the most successful black professional golfer before Tiger Woods.

Calvin Peete, 71, a Racial Pioneer on the PGA Tour, Is Dead

Hockey is not exactly known as a city game, but played on roller skates, it once held sway as the sport of choice in many New York neighborhoods.

“City kids had no rinks, no ice, but they would do anything to play hockey,” said Edward Moffett, former director of the Long Island City Y.M.C.A. Roller Hockey League, in Queens, whose games were played in city playgrounds going back to the 1940s.

From the 1960s through the 1980s, the league had more than 60 teams, he said. Players included the Mullen brothers of Hell’s Kitchen and Dan Dorion of Astoria, Queens, who would later play on ice for the National Hockey League.

One street legend from the heyday of New York roller hockey was Craig Allen, who lived in the Woodside Houses projects and became one of the city’s hardest hitters and top scorers.

“Craig was a warrior, one of the best roller hockey players in the city in the ’70s,” said Dave Garmendia, 60, a retired New York police officer who grew up playing with Mr. Allen. “His teammates loved him and his opponents feared him.”

Young Craig took up hockey on the streets of Queens in the 1960s, playing pickup games between sewer covers, wearing steel-wheeled skates clamped onto school shoes and using a roll of electrical tape as the puck.

His skill and ferocity drew attention, Mr. Garmendia said, but so did his skin color. He was black, in a sport made up almost entirely by white players.

“Roller hockey was a white kid’s game, plain and simple, but Craig broke the color barrier,” Mr. Garmendia said. “We used to say Craig did more for race relations than the N.A.A.C.P.”

Mr. Allen went on to coach and referee roller hockey in New York before moving several years ago to South Carolina. But he continued to organize an annual alumni game at Dutch Kills Playground in Long Island City, the same site that held the local championship games.

The reunion this year was on Saturday, but Mr. Allen never made it. On April 26, just before boarding the bus to New York, he died of an asthma attack at age 61.

Word of his death spread rapidly among hundreds of his old hockey colleagues who resolved to continue with the event, now renamed the Craig Allen Memorial Roller Hockey Reunion.

The turnout on Saturday was the largest ever, with players pulling on their old equipment, choosing sides and taking once again to the rink of cracked blacktop with faded lines and circles. They wore no helmets, although one player wore a fedora.

Another, Vinnie Juliano, 77, of Long Island City, wore his hearing aids, along with his 50-year-old taped-up quads, or four-wheeled skates with a leather boot. Many players here never converted to in-line skates, and neither did Mr. Allen, whose photograph appeared on a poster hanging behind the players’ bench.

“I’m seeing people walking by wondering why all these rusty, grizzly old guys are here playing hockey,” one player, Tommy Dominguez, said. “We’re here for Craig, and let me tell you, these old guys still play hard.”

Everyone seemed to have a Craig Allen story, from his earliest teams at Public School 151 to the Bryant Rangers, the Woodside Wings, the Woodside Blues and more.

Mr. Allen, who became a yellow-cab driver, was always recruiting new talent. He gained the nickname Cabby for his habit of stopping at playgrounds all over the city to scout players.

Teams were organized around neighborhoods and churches, and often sponsored by local bars. Mr. Allen, for one, played for bars, including Garry Owen’s and on the Fiddler’s Green Jokers team in Inwood, Manhattan.

Play was tough and fights were frequent.

“We were basically street gangs on skates,” said Steve Rogg, 56, a mail clerk who grew up in Jackson Heights, Queens, and who on Saturday wore his Riedell Classic quads from 1972. “If another team caught up with you the night before a game, they tossed you a beating so you couldn’t play the next day.”

Mr. Garmendia said Mr. Allen’s skin color provoked many fights.

“When we’d go to some ignorant neighborhoods, a lot of players would use slurs,” Mr. Garmendia said, recalling a game in Ozone Park, Queens, where local fans parked motorcycles in a lineup next to the blacktop and taunted Mr. Allen. Mr. Garmendia said he checked a player into the motorcycles, “and the bikes went down like dominoes, which started a serious brawl.”

A group of fans at a game in Brooklyn once stuck a pole through the rink fence as Mr. Allen skated by and broke his jaw, Mr. Garmendia said, adding that carloads of reinforcements soon arrived to defend Mr. Allen.

And at another racially incited brawl, the police responded with six patrol cars and a helicopter.

Before play began on Saturday, the players gathered at center rink to honor Mr. Allen. Billy Barnwell, 59, of Woodside, recalled once how an all-white, all-star squad snubbed Mr. Allen by playing him third string. He scored seven goals in the first game and made first string immediately.

“He’d always hear racial stuff before the game, and I’d ask him, ‘How do you put up with that?’” Mr. Barnwell recalled. “Craig would say, ‘We’ll take care of it,’ and by the end of the game, he’d win guys over. They’d say, ‘This guy’s good.’”

Tribute for a Roller Hockey Warrior

Ms. Pryor, who served more than two decades in the State Department, was the author of well-regarded biographies of the founder of the American Red Cross and the Confederate commander.

Elizabeth Brown Pryor, Biographer of Clara Barton and Robert E. Lee, Dies at 64

BALTIMORE — In the afternoons, the streets of Locust Point are clean and nearly silent. In front of the rowhouses, potted plants rest next to steps of brick or concrete. There is a shopping center nearby with restaurants, and a grocery store filled with fresh foods.

And the National Guard and the police are largely absent. So, too, residents say, are worries about what happened a few miles away on April 27 when, in a space of hours, parts of this city became riot zones.

“They’re not our reality,” Ashley Fowler, 30, said on Monday at the restaurant where she works. “They’re not what we’re living right now. We live in, not to be racist, white America.”

As Baltimore considers its way forward after the violent unrest brought by the death of Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old black man who died of injuries he suffered while in police custody, residents in its predominantly white neighborhoods acknowledge that they are sometimes struggling to understand what beyond Mr. Gray’s death spurred the turmoil here. For many, the poverty and troubled schools of gritty West Baltimore are distant troubles, glimpsed only when they pass through the area on their way somewhere else.

Photo
 
Officers blocked traffic at Pennsylvania and West North Avenues after reports that a gun was discharged in the area. Credit Drew Angerer for The New York Times

And so neighborhoods of Baltimore are facing altogether different reckonings after Mr. Gray’s death. In mostly black communities like Sandtown-Winchester, where some of the most destructive rioting played out last week, residents are hoping businesses will reopen and that the police will change their strategies. But in mostly white areas like Canton and Locust Point, some residents wonder what role, if any, they should play in reimagining stretches of Baltimore where they do not live.

“Most of the people are kind of at a loss as to what they’re supposed to do,” said Dr. Richard Lamb, a dentist who has practiced in the same Locust Point office for nearly 39 years. “I listen to the news reports. I listen to the clergymen. I listen to the facts of the rampant unemployment and the lack of opportunities in the area. Listen, I pay my taxes. Exactly what can I do?”

And in Canton, where the restaurants have clever names like Nacho Mama’s and Holy Crepe Bakery and Café, Sara Bahr said solutions seemed out of reach for a proudly liberal city.

“I can only imagine how frustrated they must be,” said Ms. Bahr, 36, a nurse who was out with her 3-year-old daughter, Sally. “I just wish I knew how to solve poverty. I don’t know what to do to make it better.”

The day of unrest and the overwhelmingly peaceful demonstrations that followed led to hundreds of arrests, often for violations of the curfew imposed on the city for five consecutive nights while National Guard soldiers patrolled the streets. Although there were isolated instances of trouble in Canton, the neighborhood association said on its website, many parts of southeast Baltimore were physically untouched by the tumult.

Tensions in the city bubbled anew on Monday after reports that the police had wounded a black man in Northwest Baltimore. The authorities denied those reports and sent officers to talk with the crowds that gathered while other officers clutching shields blocked traffic at Pennsylvania and West North Avenues.

Lt. Col. Melvin Russell, a community police officer, said officers had stopped a man suspected of carrying a handgun and that “one of those rounds was spent.”

Colonel Russell said officers had not opened fire, “so we couldn’t have shot him.”

Photo
 
Lambi Vasilakopoulos, right, who runs a casual restaurant in Canton, said he was incensed by last week's looting and predicted tensions would worsen. Credit Drew Angerer for The New York Times

The colonel said the man had not been injured but was taken to a hospital as a precaution. Nearby, many people stood in disbelief, despite the efforts by the authorities to quash reports they described as “unfounded.”

Monday’s episode was a brief moment in a larger drama that has yielded anger and confusion. Although many people said they were familiar with accounts of the police harassing or intimidating residents, many in Canton and Locust Point said they had never experienced it themselves. When they watched the unrest, which many protesters said was fueled by feelings that they lived only on Baltimore’s margins, even those like Ms. Bahr who were pained by what they saw said they could scarcely comprehend the emotions associated with it.

But others, like Lambi Vasilakopoulos, who runs a casual restaurant in Canton, said they were incensed by what unfolded last week.

“What happened wasn’t called for. Protests are one thing; looting is another thing,” he said, adding, “We’re very frustrated because we’re the ones who are going to pay for this.”

There were pockets of optimism, though, that Baltimore would enter a period of reconciliation.

“I’m just hoping for peace,” Natalie Boies, 53, said in front of the Locust Point home where she has lived for 50 years. “Learn to love each other; be patient with each other; find justice; and care.”

A skeptical Mr. Vasilakopoulos predicted tensions would worsen.

“It cannot be fixed,” he said. “It’s going to get worse. Why? Because people don’t obey the laws. They don’t want to obey them.”

But there were few fears that the violence that plagued West Baltimore last week would play out on these relaxed streets. The authorities, Ms. Fowler said, would make sure of that.

“They kept us safe here,” she said. “I didn’t feel uncomfortable when I was in my house three blocks away from here. I knew I was going to be O.K. because I knew they weren’t going to let anyone come and loot our properties or our businesses or burn our cars.”

Baltimore Residents Away From Turmoil Consider Their Role

Mr. Fox, known for his well-honed countrified voice, wrote about things dear to South Carolina and won over Yankee critics.

William Price Fox, Admired Southern Novelist and Humorist, Dies at 89

Pronovost, who played for the Red Wings, was not a prolific scorer, but he was a consummate team player with bruising checks and fearless bursts up the ice that could puncture a defense.

Marcel Pronovost, 84, Dies; Hall of Famer Shared in Five N.H.L. Titles
biaya paket umrah desember di Pasar Rebo jakarta
harga berangkat umrah mei di Rawamangun jakarta
paket umroh februari di Ciracas jakarta
biaya berangkat umroh awal tahun di Rambutan jakarta
promo berangkat umrah januari di Ciracas jakarta
harga umroh ramadhan bekasi barat
harga paket berangkat umroh desember di Bali Mester jakarta
paket promo umrah april bekasi utara
paket umrah desember di Utan Kayu Utara jakarta
paket promo umrah desember di Duren Sawit jakarta
promo berangkat umroh awal tahun di Cililitan jakarta
promo umrah mei di Jatinegara Kaum jakarta
biaya umrah mei di Pondok Kelapa jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh mei di Pisangan Baru jakarta
paket berangkat umroh akhir tahun di Malaka Jaya jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah mei di Pekayon jakarta
paket berangkat umroh januari di Cililitan jakarta
paket berangkat umroh ramadhan di Batuampar jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh juni di Malaka Sari jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah maret di Cipinang Cempedak jakarta
paket promo umroh ramadhan di Malaka Jaya jakarta
promo berangkat umroh april di Pasar Rebo jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah akhir tahun di Kelapa Dua Wetan jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah maret di Jati jakarta
harga umroh april bekasi timur
paket promo berangkat umrah januari di Pisangan Baru jakarta
promo berangkat umroh februari di Bambu Apus jakarta
harga umroh mei di Jati jakarta
biaya umrah akhir tahun di Bali Mester jakarta
harga paket berangkat umroh juni di Cipayung jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah maret di Susukan jakarta
promo umroh awal tahun di Cawang jakarta
harga paket berangkat umrah ramadhan di Balekambang jakarta
harga paket berangkat umrah april di Cipinang Melayu jakarta
biaya umroh akhir tahun di Duren Sawit jakarta
paket promo umroh april di Cipinang Melayu jakarta
paket umroh akhir tahun di Utan Kayu Utara jakarta
biaya berangkat umroh mei di Cakung Timur jakarta
promo berangkat umrah februari di Kelapa Dua Wetan jakarta
promo berangkat umroh maret di Kayu Putih jakarta
promo berangkat umrah akhir tahun di Rambutan jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah februari bekasi utara
paket umrah desember di Ceger jakarta
paket promo umroh desember di Kebon Manggis jakarta
harga berangkat umrah januari di Pondok Kelapa jakarta
harga berangkat umroh februari tangerang
promo umrah desember di Kampung Gedong,Cijantung jakarta
harga paket umrah ramadhan di Kalisari jakarta
harga berangkat umrah ramadhan di Rawa Terate jakarta
biaya umrah awal tahun di Cililitan jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah januari di Pondok Ranggon jakarta
biaya umroh mei di Kampung Melayu jakarta
harga paket umroh januari di Bambu Apus jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh maret di Klender jakarta
biaya berangkat umrah juni di Pondok Ranggon jakarta
biaya berangkat umroh ramadhan di Pulo Gadung jakarta
paket umroh desember di Cipinang Muara jakarta
paket berangkat umrah maret di Halim Perdanakusuma jakarta
harga umrah awal tahun di Pinang Ranti jakarta
paket berangkat umroh maret di Rawamangun jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh februari di Kayu Putih jakarta
promo umrah awal tahun di Pulogebang jakarta
harga paket umrah januari di Pondok Ranggon jakarta
paket promo umroh akhir tahun di Kayu Manis jakarta
harga paket umrah juni di Kelapa Dua Wetan jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah januari di Balekambang jakarta
paket promo umrah maret di Pekayon jakarta
paket umroh ramadhan di Jatinegara Kaum jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh februari di Pisangan Timur jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah akhir tahun di Cipayung jakarta
paket umrah akhir tahun di Rambutan jakarta
promo umrah mei di Cipinang Melayu jakarta
harga paket umroh april di Utan Kayu Selatan jakarta
harga umroh juni di Cawang jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh desember di Susukan jakarta
biaya berangkat umroh juni di Kebon Manggis jakarta
harga paket berangkat umrah februari di Kampung Melayu jakarta
paket promo berangkat umrah awal tahun di Kramat Jati jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umrah mei di Batuampar jakarta
paket berangkat umrah awal tahun di Pondok Ranggon jakarta
promo berangkat umrah akhir tahun di Cipinang Melayu jakarta
promo berangkat umroh januari di Cakung jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh desember di Duren Sawit jakarta
promo berangkat umrah februari di Ceger jakarta
harga paket berangkat umrah januari di Kramat Jati jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh maret di Ciracas jakarta
promo umrah awal tahun di Kayu Putih jakarta
biaya paket berangkat umroh awal tahun di Duren Sawit jakarta
promo umrah desember di Cipinang Besar Utara jakarta
promo berangkat umroh awal tahun di Utan Kayu Utara jakarta
harga umroh awal tahun bekasi utara
biaya paket umrah ramadhan di Kampung Baru jakarta
paket umrah februari bekasi barat
paket promo berangkat umrah ramadhan di Cililitan jakarta
paket umroh maret bekasi barat
biaya paket umroh ramadhan di Ujung Menteng jakarta
harga berangkat umrah februari bekasi selatan
biaya paket umrah akhir tahun di Lubang Buaya jakarta
paket promo berangkat umroh akhir tahun di Utan Kayu Utara jakarta
biaya umrah mei di Pondok Bambu jakarta