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Adityawarman bukan raja di Minangkabau, melainkan adalah raja di kerajaan Pagaruyung yang merupakan salah satu periode dari sejarah Minangkabau yang sangat panjang. Agar tidak mendatangkan keraguan kepada kita, maka kerajaan yang diperintahkan oleh Adityawarman kita namai kerajaan Pagaruyung saja. Untuk mengetahui siapa sebenarnya Adityawarman, perlu kita tinjau kembali hasil dari ekspedisi Pamalayu oleh Kartanegara pada tahun 1275, bukan hasil secara keseluruhan melainkan hasil yang berhubungan dengan asal-usul Adityawarman saja. Setelah ekspedisi itu berhasil, maka sewaktu rombongan ekspedisi kembali ke Jawa, mereka membawa Dara Jingga dan Dara Petak. Sesampai di Jawa kerajaan Singasari telah diganti oleh kerajaan Majapahit. Maka Dara Petak diambil sebagai selir oleh Raden Wijaya yang menjadi raja pertama kerajaan Majapahit. Dari perkawinan ini nanti akan melahirkan seorang putra yang pada waktunya akan menjadi raja di Majapahit. Puteranya tersebut bernama Jayanegara. Dara Jingga kawin dengan salah seorang pembesar kerajaan Majapahit dan melahirkan seorang putera yang nama kecilnya. Aji Mantrolot. Aji Mantrolot ini yang kemudian dikenal sebagai Adityawarman. Dengan demikian Adityawarman merupakan keturunan dari dua darah kaum bangsawan, satu darah bangsawan Sumatera dan satu darah bangsawan Majapahit. Raja Majapahit yang kedua yaitu Jayanegara adalah saudara sepupu dari Adityawarman. Mengenai asal-usul Adityawarman ini, Muhammad Yamin mengatakan bahwa Adityawarman berasal dari tanah Minangkabau di Pulau Sumatera. Tempat lahirnya terletak di Siguntur dekat nagari Sijunjung. Diwaktu muda dia berangkat ke Majapahit, tempat dia dididik disekeliling pusat pemerintahan dalam suasan keraton Majapahit. Kesempatan yang diperdapatnya itu berasal dari turunannya. Ayah bundanya mempunyai hubungan darah dengan permaisuri raja Majapahit yang pertama. Pendapat Muhammad Yamin mengenai tempat kelahiran Adityawarman dan hubungan kekeluargaannya dengan Kerajaan Majapahit diperkuat oleh Pinoto yang mengatakan, bahwa Adityawarman adalah seorang putera Sumatera yang lahir di daerah aliran Sungai Kampar dan besar kemungkinan dalam tubuhnya mengalir darah Majapahit. Hubungan dengan kerajaan Majapahit bersifat geneologis dan politis. Dengan demikian dapat disimpulkan bahwa Adityawarman dilahirkan di Kerajaan Melayu atau Minangkabau dan dibesarkan di Kerajaan Majapahit. Di keraton Majapahit Adityawarman di didik bersama saudara sepupunya Jayanegara yang kemudian menjadi raja Majapahit yang kedua. Di keraton Majapahit kedudukan Adityawarman sangat tinggi, yaitu berkedudukan sebagai salah seorang menteri atau perdana menteri yang diperolehnya bukan saja karena hubungan darahnya dengan raja Majapahit tetapi juga berkat kecakapannya sendiri. Tahun 1325 raja Jayanegara mengirim Adityawarman segbagai utusan ke negeri Cina yang berkedudukan sebagai duta. Bersama dengan Patih Gajah Mada, Adityawarman ikut memperluas wilayah kekuasaan Majapahit di Nusantara. Tahun 1331 Adityawarman memadamkan pemberontakan Sadeng dengan suatu perhitungan yang jitu. Tahun 1332 dia dikirim kembali menjadi utusan ke negeri Cina dengan kedudukan sebagai duta. Pada tahun 1334 Adityawarman pulang kembali ke negeri asalnya. Karena dengan lahir dan menjadi besarnya Hayam Wuruk tidak ada lagi kesempatan bagi Adityawarman utnuk menjujung mahkota kerajaan Majapahit sebagai ahli waris yang terdekat. Adityawarman adalah cucu dari raja Melayu karena ibunya Dara Jingga adalah anak Tribuana raja Mauliwarmadewa, raja kerajaan Melayu. Oleh karena itu, Adityawarman berhak atas takhta kerajaan Melayu tersebut. Timbulnya keinginan Adityawarman untuk mendirikan kerajaan Melayu yang mandiri, disebabkan karena kegagalan usaha patih Gajah Mada menguasai selat malaka. Pada tahun 1347 Adityawarman menjadi raja kerajaan Melayu yang dipusatkan di Darmasraya. Hal ini dapat dibuktikan dengan prasasti yang dipahatkan pada bagian belakan arca Amogapasa dari Padang Candi. Dalam Prasasti itu Adityawarman memakai nama : âUdayadityawarman Pratakramarajendra Mauliwarmadewaâ dan bergelar âMaharaja Dirajaâ dengan memakai gelar tersebut rupanya Adityawarman hendak menyatakan bahwa dia merupakan raja yang berdiri sendiri dan tidak ada lagi raja yang berada di atasnya. Dengan demikian dia sudah bebas dari Majapahit. Sebagai realisasi dari pernyataan tersebut, maka Adityawarman pada tahun 1349 memindahkan pusat kerajaan dari Darmasraya ke Pagaruyung di Batusangkar. Selama pemerintahannya Adityawarman berusaha membawa kerajaan Pagaruyung ke puncak kejayaannya. Dalam usaha memajukan kerajaan itu Adityawarman mengadakan hubungan dengan luar negeri, yaitu dengan Cina. Tahun 1357, 1375, 1376 Adityawarman mengirim utusan ke negeri Cina. Selama masa pemerintahannya di Pagaruyung yang berlangsung dari tahun 1349 sampai 1376, kerajaan Pagaruyung berada di puncak kejayaannya. Bahkan dapat dikatakan pada waktu itu Indonesia bagian barat dikuasai kerajaan Pagaruyung dan Indonesia bagian Timur berada di bawah pengaruh kekuasaan Majapahit. Adityawarman sebagai orang yang dididik dan dibesarkan di Majapahit serta telah pula pernah menjabat beberapa jabatan penting di kerajaan Majapahit, tentulah paham betul dengan seluk beluk pemerintahan di Majapahit. Dengan demikian corak pemerintahan kerajaan Majapahit sedikit banyaknya berpengaruh pada corak pemerintahan Adityawarman di Pagaruyung. Hal ini ternyata pada prasasti yang ditinggalkan Adityawarman terdapat nama Dewa Tuhan Perpatih dan Tumanggung yang oleh Pinoto dibaca Datuk Perpatih Nan Sabatang dan Datuk Ketumanggungan. Menurut Tambo kekuasaan Adityawarman hanya terbatas di daerah Pagaruyung, sedangkan daerah lain di Minangkabau masih tetap berada dibawah pengawasan Datuk Perpatih Nan Sabatang dan Datuk ketumanggungan dengan pemerintahan adatnya. Dengan demikian di Pagaruyung Adityawarman dapat dianggap sebagai lambang kekuasaan saja, sedangkan kekuasaan sebenarnya tetap berada di tangan kedua tokoh pemimpin adat tersebut, sehingga hal ini menyebabkan kemudian pengaruh budha yang dibawa ke Pagaruyung tidak dapat tempat di hati rakyat Minangkabau, karena prinsipnya rakyat Minangkabau sendiri secara langsung tidak berkenalan dengan pengaruh-pengaruh tersebut. Disamping itu, selama menjadi raja Pagaruyung yang mengatur kehidupan masyarakat Minangkabau tetap hukum Adat Koto Piliang dan Bodi Caniago. Dalam hal ini Tambo mengatakan bahwa Adityawarman walaupun sudah menjadi raja yang besar, tetap saja merupakan seorang sumando di Minangkabau, artinya kekuasaannya sangat terbatas. Barangkali hal ini memang disengaja oleh Datuk yang berdua itu, mengingat pada mulanya kekuasaan Adityawarman yang sangat besar sekali. Agar kehidupan masyarakat Minangkabau jangan terpengaruh oleh kebiasaan yang dibawa oleh Adityawarman maka kedua Datuk itu memagarinya dengan pengaturan kekuasaan, Adityawarman boleh menjadi raja yang sangat besar, tetapi kekuasaannya hanya terbatas di sekitar istana saja, sedangkan kekuasaan langsung terhadap masyarakat tetap dipegang oleh mereka. Sesudah meninggalnya Adityawarman yang memang merupakan seorang raja yang besar dan kuat, kekuasaan kerajaan Pagaruyung mulai luntur. Kelihatannya dengan pengaturan yang dilakukan oleh Datuk Perpatih Nan Sabatang berdua dengan Datuk Ketumanggungan tidak memberi kesempatan kepada pengganti Adityawarman yang menganut agama budha untuk berkuasa seterusnya. Adityawarman sebagai raja Pagaruyung merupakan seorang raja yang paling banyak meninggalkan prasasti. Hampir dua puluh buah prasasti yang ditinggalkannya. Diantaranya yang telah dibaca seperti Prasasti Arca Amogapasa, Kuburajo, Saruaso I dan II, Pagaruyung, Kapalo Bukit Gambak I dan II, Banda Bapahek, dan masih banyak lagi yang belum dapat dibaca. Diantara yang telah dapat dibaca itu menyatakan kebesaran dan kemegahan kerajaan Pagaruyung, barangkali diantara raja-raja yang pernah ada di Indonesia tidak ada seorang pun yang pernah meninggalkan prasasti sebanyak yang telah ditinggalkan oleh Adityawarman. Sayangnya di Minangkabau kebiasaan seperti itu hanya dilakukan oleh Adityawarman seorang raja. Sebelum dan sesudahnya Adityawarman tidak ada yang membiasakan sehingga sampai sekarang kebanyakan data sejarah Minangkabau agak gelap. Sesudah Adityawarman meninggal kerajaan Pagaruyung yang tidak lagi mempunyai raja yang merupakan keturunan darah langsung dari Adityawarman. Sedangkan Ananggawarman yang dikatakan dalam salah satu prasasti Adityawarman sebagai anaknya tidak pernah memerintah, karena kekuasaan Adityawarman langsung digantikan oleh Yang Dipertuan Sultan Bakilap Alam. Dari sebutan raja itu saja, kelihatannya sesudah Adityawarman raja yang menggantikannya sudah menganut agama Islam. Adanya Sultan Bakilap Alam sebagai raja Minangkabau Pagaruyung dijelaskan oleh Tambo Minangkabau. Dengan sudah dianutnya agama Islam oleh pengganti Adityawarman, maka hilang pulalah pengaruh agama Budha yang dianut Adityawarman di Minangkabau. Sampai dengan pertengahan abad ke-16 sesudah Adityawarman kita tidak memperoleh keterangan yang lengkap mengenai kerajaan Pagaruyung. Rupanya sesudah Adityawarman meninggal, kerajaan Majapahit kembali berusaha untuk menguasai Pagaruyung serata Selat Malaka. Tetapi usaha tersebut gagal kaena angkatan perang kerajaan Majapahit yang datang dari arah pantai timur dikalahkan oleh tentara Pagaruyung dalam pertempuran di Padang Sibusuk tahun 1409. Akibat pertempuran Padang Sibusuk itu membawa akibat yang sangat besar dalam struktur pemerintahan kerajaan Pagaruyung selanjutnya. Semasa Adityawarman menjadi raja, pemerintahan bersifat sentralisasi menurut sistem di Majapahit. Tetapi sesudah pertempuran Padang Sibusuk itu, nagari-nagai di Minangkabau membebaskan diri dari kekuasaan yang berpusat di Pagaruyung.> MASA PEMERINTAHAN ADITYAWARMAN
Memulai bisnis sangat diperlukan kegigihan, konsistensi dan kerja keras yang sangat luar biasa. Terlebih lagi jika memulai sebuah usaha yang jarang dilakukan oleh orang lain seperti jasa pengecatan. Mempersiapkan segala keperluan untuk bisa memulai usaha sedikit lebih mudah dibandingkan dengan memikirkan cara promosi yang tepat sasaran. Bagaimana cara promosi jasa pengecatan agar bisa dikenal oleh masyarakat dan mendapat banyak pelanggan?
Di kota besar yang semua warganya sangat sibuk dengan berbagai urusan, sebenarnya jasa pengecatan termasuk banyak diperlukan. Selain para pemilik rumah pribadi masih banyak yang memerlukan jasa ini seperti agen real estate, investor perumahan, manajemen apartemen dan pemilik kantor. Mereka semua sangat memerlukan jasa pengecatan yang berpengalaman dan professional untuk bisa membuat kondisi tempat kerja menjadi nyaman.
Kunci sukses untuk bisa mempromosikan usaha pengecatan ini seperti diuraikan berikut :
Ajukan proposal kerjasama dengan kontraktor bangunan, investor perumahan dan agen real estate. Katakan pada mereka jika mereka memerlukan jasa pengecatan dan ada klien yang membutuhkan tukang cat profesional maka mereka sudah tahu siapa yang harus dihubungi. Ketika perusahaan bermaksud untuk merenovasi kantor tentu mereka membutuhkan jasa pengecatan.
Cara promosi jasa pengecatan yang lain adalah dengan membuat iklan usaha di surat kabar lokal. Masukkan nama dan nomor telepon usaha ke dalam daftar telepon yang ada di buku kuning sehingga akan mudah ditemukan pelanggan.
Sebarkan flyer dan kartu nama usaha ke berbagai perusahaan bangunan untuk mempromosikan usaha jasa pengecatan ini.
Tanyakan pada klien yang sudah menjadi pelanggan apakah boleh memberi tanda bahwa rumahnya telah dicat ulang oleh perusahaan. Mintalah pada klien apakah kita boleh meninggalkan tanda itu untuk beberapa lama misalnya satu sampai dua minggu setelah pekerjaan selesai. Tawarkan diskon promo bagi mereka yang memperbolehkan.
Kumpulkan testimoni dan referensi dari klien untuk keperluan promosi dan pendekatan pada klien lain di masa mendatang.
Cara promosi jasa pengecatan lainnya adalah mengambil gambar hasil kerja yang terakhir dilakukan lalu buatlah portfolio secara fisik maupun online sehingga hasil kerja perusahaan dapat dilihat dengan jelas oleh calon klien prospektif.
> CARA PROMOSI JASA PENGECATAN
Penanaman Grounding Road
Lakukan penggalian tanah ukuran 30x30 kedalaman 50cm
Pertama coba tancapkan grounding road tersebut apakah mudah atau susah ditancapkan.
Jika agak susah,buatkan bentuk lubang dimana grounding rod tersebut akan ditanamkan.
Tuangkan air kedalam lubang tersebut hingga penuh
Tancapkan grounding rod tersebut kedalam lubang dan tekan secara pelan pelan hingga beberapa centimeter
Angkat sedikit grounding rod tersebut ,dan biarkan air turun kebawah
Tekan kembali grounding rod tersebut hingga beberapa centimeter dari kedalaman awal
Tuangkan kembali air kedalam lubang,lalu ulangi dengan menekan grounding rod.
Sepanjang anda tidak menemukan tanah yang keras atau tanah berbatu,
air juga akan membantu anda untuk dapat menggeser lumpur atau pasir di dalam tancapan hingga grounding roda tertancap sampai habis.
Lakukan hal tersebut secara berulang hingga grounding rod tersebut tertanam sampai habis
Jika anda telah mengalami kesulitan saat penancapan grounding road,
anda juga bisa menggunakan alat bantu berupa palu untuk dapat memukul ujung atas grounding road hingga tertancap semuanya,
atau bisa juga dengan menggunakan alat bantu stang pipa,
lakukan penjepitan stang pipa ke grounding road tersebut kemudian anda berdiri di stang pipa sambil menekan grounding road kebawah.
Untuk hal tertentu anda kemungkinan anda membutuhkan penanaman grounding road yang lebih dalam dari ukuran panjang grounding road misalnya sampai kedalamna 20m,
sehingga penancapan tidak bisa dilakukan lagi.
Anda juga dapat menggunakan cara dengan mengebor tanahnya lebih dahulu.
Anda juga bisa meminta tuakng bor untuk dapat melakukan pengeboran lobang dengan diameter +/-10 cm.
Setelah kedalaman yang telah dibutuhkan dapat tercapai,anda kemudian dapat menanamkan stick road ke dalamnya.
Sebelumnya lakukan pengikatan (soldering) antara grounding rod dengan kabel road.
Dengan menggunakan pipa besi (yang bisa disambung),lakukan pendorongan grounding road ke dalam lubang.
Anda juga bisa menandai jarak dari ujung grounding road dan kabel grounding untuk dapat memastikan penanaman kabel sudah sesuai dengan kedalaman yang diinginkan.
Cara Penyambungan Grounding Road dengan Kabel Grounding
Cara menghubungkan yang paling bagus antara grounding rod dengan kabel grounding adalah dengan sistim pengelasan dengan menggunakan alat Cadweld.
Setipa penyambungan harus dengan menggunakan bubuk mesiu standar,karena pemakaian bubuk mesiu akan dapat memepengaruhi kekuatan sambungannya.
Hal ini juga dilakuan untuk proses penyambungan antara kabel grounding dengan kabel grounding dan juga untuk penyambungan antara kabel grounding ke plate terminal grounding.
Sebelum welding dilakukan,seluruh permukaan yang akan diwelding harus dibersihkan dari kotoran.
Dicuci dengan bersih,kemudian digosok dengan sikat besi.
Permukaan tidak boleh dalam keadaan basah.
Proses welding juga harus dilakukan dengan benar,alat harus ditutup dengan rapat baru dilakukan pemantikan.
Ketika proses cadweld sudah selesai dilaksanakan,hasil welding juga harus diperiksa apakah sambungan sudah kuat atau belum.
Harus dipastikan hasil penyambungan tidak ada yang terlepas.
Bila ada ditemukan sambungan yang lepas harus dilakukan welding kembali.
Cara lain yang bisa digunakan untuk proses penyambungan grounding rod dan kabel grounding dengan cara sederhana adalah dengan menggunakan clamp.
Dan ada juga yang menggunakan solder listrrik tapi,cara ini tidak terlalu menjamin pengikatan yang sempurna.
Editor : Dian Sukmawati> PENANAMAN GROUNDING ROAD
Perusahaan kami, berlokasi di Bandung, Jawa Barat, bergerak dalam bidang Industri Pakaian Konveksi semi Garment dan Bordir Komputer (computerized embroidery).
Kami menerima pesanan dan memproduksi sendiri pakaian untuk keperluan Seragam, Olahraga, Promosi, Kampanye, Souvenir, dll dari bahan baku sesuai dengan order / pesanan konsumen, ditambah dengan atribut sablon atau bordir komputer.
Berkat visi,kerja keras, dan perbaikan pada berbagai bidang, perusahaan konveksi kami sudah jauh berkembang pada saat ini. Klien / Customer yang sudah pernah kami tangani berasal dari berbagai provinsi di Indonesia sampai luar negeri.
Kritik, saran, dan berbagai komentar (kekecewaan, kepuasan, dll) telah membuat perusahaan konveksi kami membuat banyak perubahan yang membawa pada kemajuan demi kemajuan seiring dengan bertambahnya usia perusahaan kami.
Meskipun berada di Lokasi Jalur Jl. Suci (Surapati-Cicaheum), perusahaan kami memiliki standard kualitas yang berbeda karena kami lebih berorientasi membidik segmen Corporate dan Export dan juga kami memproduksi sendiri order/ pesanan konsumen sehingga kualitasnya lebih terkontrol. Hal ini kami paparkan karena beberapa kalangan memiliki image negatif terhadap Jl. Suci karena kecewa terhadap beberapa showroom di Jl. Suci lewat pengalaman memesan di tempat tersebut.
Divisi-divisi yang kami miliki:
- Pola dan Potong (Pattern Maker & Cutting)
- Produksi Upper the Line Products (Aneka Uniform, Jaket Formal, Polo Shirt Eksklusif, Seragam perusahaan, dll)
- Finishing dan Quality Control
- Produksi Bordir Komputer (embroidery)
- Produksi Below the Line Products (Kaos Promosi, Seragam Sekolah, Kaos Pilkada, dsb)
Perusahaan kami melayani standard kualitas dari yang kualitas Exclusive (seperti untuk kebutuhan Export, Polo Shirt Golf, Jaket Formal/ Jaket semi Jas (Jasket), Seragam Staff Perusahaan, dll), dsb, sampai ekonomis seperti kaos kampanye / pilkada, seragam olahraga sekolah, baju promosi, dsb, untuk setiap kategori produk yang ditawarkan.
Untuk masalah ukuran, kami mengerjakan berbagai macam alternatif sistem ukuran:
1. S, M, L, XL, XXL, dst (Lokal, America, Eropa)
2. Penomoran 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 15 1/2, 16, 16 1/2, dst. (kemeja)
3. Penomoran 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, dst. (Celana)
4. Taylor Size (ukur satu per satu).
BAHAN KAIN/ Fabric yang kami gunakan antara lain:
- Kaos & Polo Shirt : PE (Polyester), Hyget, Cotton Carded, Cotton Combed, TC (tetoron cotton - 35 % cotton 65 % polyester, CVC (80% cotton, 20 % polyester), Polyester, Lacoste, Lacoste Cotton pique, Wafel, Double Knit, Spandex Balon, Spandex Rayon, Spandex Sutera, Jersey, Dryfit, dll.
- Jaket: Drill, Parasut/ Parasit, Taslan (nylon taslon), Baby canvas, Canvas sueding, Canvas ring, Canvas Marsoto, Ribstock/ Ribstop, Jeans/Denim, Micro fibre, Micro Satin, High Twist, Semi Wol, Diadora, Adidas, Lotto, Elvana, dll.
- Pakaian Olahraga: Parasut/parasit, Taslan (nilon Taslon), Micro fibre, Micro saten, Mikro Taroko, Adidas, Lotto, Elvana, Puma, Paragon, Diadora, Trilobal, Eye let, Serena, dll.
- Kemeja: American drill, Castilo, Verlando American Drill, Ventura Drill, Japan Drill, Taipan Drill, Oxford, Canada, Golden Mela, Tetoron, Ripstop/ Ribstok, High twist (Sebastian, Caravelle, Intercooler, Maxi Style ( Staff, Serasi, Diploma, Chinos, Pro, dll), Bellini ( Topman, United, Fortis, dll), Textile One, Estilo, Bertoluci, Pedroza, Exprezzo, Tifosi, Amarilo, Britain, Mantovani, Caterina, dll), BSY (tisu), Sutra, dll.
- Celana: American drill, Castilo, Verlando, Ventura, Japan, Taipan, Canvas, Jeans (denim), Corduroy, High twist ( Sebastian, Caravelle, Intercooler, Maxi Style( Staff, Serasi, Diploma, Chinos, Pro, dll), Bellini ( Topman, United, Fortis, dll), Textile One, Estilo, Bertoluci, Pedroza, Exprezzo, Tifosi, Amarilo, Britain, Mantovani, Caterina, dll) Wol, Ripstop (ribstock/ribstok), dsb.
- Topi: Canvas, Drill, Jala/jaring, Raphel/ Rafel, Twill, Matador, dll.
- Sweater: fleece katun, fleece PE, polar fleece, baby tery, dll.
Berikut daftar beberapa client kami (baik langsung/lewat perantara):
Perusahan Tambang (Mining, Oil& Gas Company)
01. PT. STAR ENERGY- Kakap Field,Natuna - (www.starenergy.co.id)
02. PT. PETROSEA SANGA COAL - Balikpapan,Kalimantan Timur (www.petrosea.com)
03. Pertamina Dumai - HCC Division
04. PT. SAIPEM INDONESIA - Jakarta
05. PT. Bumi Reksa Halmahera -Ternate
06. PT. ANEKA TAMBANG- Pomalaa, Sulawesi Tenggara
1. BCA Pangkal Pinang - Bangka Belitung
2. BANK INDONESIA - Jayapura
3. Bank Riau, Divisi Consumer Banking -Pekanbaru
4. Bank Indonesia - Tasikmalaya
Perusahaan Transportasi dan Pelayaran
1. PT. TANTO INTIM LINE Cab. Gorontalo
2. PT. Pelindo - Medan
3. CKB Logistics (PT. Cipta Krida Bahari) - Jakarta (http://www.ckb.co.id)
1. Kejaksaan Agung RI - Bag. Protokoler, Jakarta
2. SEKRETARIAT DAERAH KALTENG - Palangkaraya
3. PEMDA Kab. Boven Digoel - PAPUA
Perusahaan Telekomunikasi & Information Technology, TV, Radio
1. PT.Telkom - Jakarta Selatan
2. TVRI KALSEL - Banjarmasin, Kalimantan Selatan
1. KODAM XVI- Patimura, Ambon
2. PRIMKOPAL - Sabang, Banda Aceh
3. Batalyon Infanteri- 8 Marinir - Pangkalan Brandan
Perusahaan Otomotif, Dealer Motor-Mobil
1. PT. Bajaj Auto Indonesia - Jakarta (www.bajajautoindonesia.com)
2. FORD KELAPA GADING - Jakarta
1. Driving Range Siliwangi - Bandung.
2. Soewarna Business Park - Cengkareng, Banten (www.soewarna-businesspark.com)
3. PT. Gapura Angkasa - Cengkareng, Banten
Perusahaan BUMN dan Swasta
1. PT. PUPUK KALTIM Dep SMSDM-Bontang, Kalimantan Timur
2. PLN Kaltim- Balikpapan,Kalimantan Timur
3. PT. PLN (Persero) Pembangkitan Jawa Bali - Muara Karang
Kami menghargai hak cipta. Sebagian produk yang kami tampilkan dalam website ini, merupakan hasil produksi perusahaan kami. Ada juga ada gambar produk yang merupakan hasil download dari website internasional untuk melengkapi koleksi desain kami dan membantu memberikan inspirasi desain kepada konsumen.
Semua isi kalimat dalam website ini merupakan ekspresi original perusahaan kami, bukan meng-copy-paste isi dari website lain.
Tips dan Cara Memilih Lampu HID Motor Yang Baik . Memiliki lampu yang berfungsi dengan baik pasti merupakan hal yang wajib dalam sebuah kendaraan terutama jika kamu juga sering melakukan perjalanan di malam hari. Pada saat ini, Lampu motor yang berjenis HID adalah lampu yang juga sangat populer digunakan, karena selain telah memiliki cahaya yang lebih terang, lampu jenis HID juga telah memiliki tampilan yang lebih menariik.
Tips dan Cara Memilih Lampu HID Yang Baik
Dalam kesempatan kali ini Inspirasi Dunia Otomotif juga akan ingin mencoba berbagi sedikit informasi kepada teman-teman OTOINS mengenai Tips dan Cara Memilih Lampu HID Yang Baik, berikut informasi lengkapnya.
Meski terkesan remeh, namun masih banyak pengguna motor yang salah kaprah saat mengaplikasi lampu HID. Salah satu kesalahan yang jamak ditemukan adalah konsumen yang telah menentukan terangnya lampu dalam satuan Kelvin.
Kebanyakan konsumen tahunya Kelvin makin besar, maka lampu lebih terang. Padahal hanya berbeda soal warna saja. Misalnya, lampu 4300 Kelvin berwarna kekuningan, sedangkan 6000 Kelvin bercahaya putih dan 8000 Kelvin biru kristal, Itu salah kaprah! Satuan Kelvin hanya untuk menentukan temperatur warna. Sedangkan satuan terang itu adalah Lumen.
satuan Kelvin itu juga tak berpengaruh dengan Lumen (Lm). Sehingga anggapan angka Kelvin tinggi yang sebanding dengan terangnya salah. Sebagai contoh, rata-rata Lm HID diatas 2200Lm. Sementara lampu halogen hanya menghasilkan 1500Lm. bahaya aplikasi HID dengan angka Kelvin besar justru tak tembus saat hujan, Lebih aman pakai 4300 Kelvin.
Sinar dengan satuan diatas 4500 Kelvin tak mampu menembus hujan. Namun semakin rendah Kelvinnya, pancaran akan mirip dengan sinar matahari.
Demikianlah informasi mengenai Tips dan Cara Memilih Lampu HID Yang Baik yang dapat Inspirasi Dunia Otomotif sampaikan dalam kesempatan kali ini, semoga informasi ini bisa bermanfaat dan menjadi inspirasi bagi kamu.
> TIPS MEMILIH LAMPU HID YANG BAIK
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
Mr. Goldberg was a serial Silicon Valley entrepreneur and venture capitalist who was married to Sheryl Sandberg, the chief operating officer of Facebook.PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016
As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.
A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.
“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”
Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.
In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.
“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”
Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.
Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.
The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.
“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”
The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.
But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.
After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”
That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.
That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.
“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”
On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.
The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.
In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.
“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”
Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”
His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.
“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”Advertisement Politics Obama Finds a Bolder Voice on Race Issues | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016
Ms. Plisetskaya, renowned for her fluidity of movement, expressive acting and willful personality, danced on the Bolshoi stage well into her 60s, but her life was shadowed by Stalinism.Maya Plisetskaya, Ballerina Who Embodied Bolshoi, Dies at 89 | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016
Late in April, after Native American actors walked off in disgust from the set of Adam Sandler’s latest film, a western sendup that its distributor, Netflix, has defended as being equally offensive to all, a glow of pride spread through several Native American communities.
Tantoo Cardinal, a Canadian indigenous actress who played Black Shawl in “Dances With Wolves,” recalled thinking to herself, “It’s come.” Larry Sellers, who starred as Cloud Dancing in the 1990s television show “Dr. Quinn, Medicine Woman,” thought, “It’s about time.” Jesse Wente, who is Ojibwe and directs film programming at the TIFF Bell Lightbox in Toronto, found himself encouraged and surprised. There are so few film roles for indigenous actors, he said, that walking off the set of a major production showed real mettle.
But what didn’t surprise Mr. Wente was the content of the script. According to the actors who walked off the set, the film, titled “The Ridiculous Six,” included a Native American woman who passes out and is revived after white men douse her with alcohol, and another woman squatting to urinate while lighting a peace pipe. “There’s enough history at this point to have set some expectations around these sort of Hollywood depictions,” Mr. Wente said.
The walkout prompted a rhetorical “What do you expect from an Adam Sandler film?,” and a Netflix spokesman said that in the movie, blacks, Mexicans and whites were lampooned as well. But Native American actors and critics said a broader issue was at stake. While mainstream portrayals of native peoples have, Mr. Wente said, become “incrementally better” over the decades, he and others say, they remain far from accurate and reflect a lack of opportunities for Native American performers. What’s more, as Native Americans hunger for representation on screen, critics say the absence of three-dimensional portrayals has very real off-screen consequences.
“Our people are still healing from historical trauma,” said Loren Anthony, one of the actors who walked out. “Our youth are still trying to figure out who they are, where they fit in this society. Kids are killing themselves. They’re not proud of who they are.” They also don’t, he added, see themselves on prime time television or the big screen. Netflix noted while about five people walked off the “The Ridiculous Six” set, 100 or so Native American actors and extras stayed.
But in interviews, nearly a dozen Native American actors and film industry experts said that Mr. Sandler’s humor perpetuated decades-old negative stereotypes. Mr. Anthony said such depictions helped feed the despondency many Native Americans feel, with deadly results: Native Americans have the highest suicide rate out of all the country’s ethnicities.
The on-screen problem is twofold, Mr. Anthony and others said: There’s a paucity of roles for Native Americans — according to the Screen Actors Guild in 2008 they accounted for 0.3 percent of all on-screen parts (those figures have yet to be updated), compared to about 2 percent of the general population — and Native American actors are often perceived in a narrow way.
In his Peabody Award-winning documentary “Reel Injun,” the Cree filmmaker Neil Diamond explored Hollywood depictions of Native Americans over the years, and found they fell into a few stereotypical categories: the Noble Savage, the Drunk Indian, the Mystic, the Indian Princess, the backward tribal people futilely fighting John Wayne and manifest destiny. While the 1990 film “Dances With Wolves” won praise for depicting Native Americans as fully fleshed out human beings, not all indigenous people embraced it. It was still told, critics said, from the colonialists’ point of view. In an interview, John Trudell, a Santee Sioux writer, actor (“Thunderheart”) and the former chairman of the American Indian Movement, described the film as “a story of two white people.”
“God bless ‘Dances with Wolves,’ ” Michael Horse, who played Deputy Hawk in “Twin Peaks,” said sarcastically. “Even ‘Avatar.’ Someone’s got to come save the tribal people.”
Dan Spilo, a partner at Industry Entertainment who represents Adam Beach, one of today’s most prominent Native American actors, said while typecasting dogs many minorities, it is especially intractable when it comes to Native Americans. Casting directors, he said, rarely cast them as police officers, doctors or lawyers. “There’s the belief that the Native American character should be on reservations or riding a horse,” he said.
“We don’t see ourselves,” Mr. Horse said. “We’re still an antiquated culture to them, and to the rest of the world.”
Ms. Cardinal said she was once turned down for the role of the wife of a child-abusing cop because the filmmakers felt that casting her would somehow be “too political.”
Another sore point is the long run of white actors playing American Indians, among them Burt Lancaster, Rock Hudson, Audrey Hepburn and, more recently, Johnny Depp, whose depiction of Tonto in the 2013 film “Lone Ranger,” was viewed as racist by detractors. There are, of course, exceptions. The former A&E series “Longmire,” which, as it happens, will now be on Netflix, was roundly praised for its depiction of life on a Northern Cheyenne reservation, with Lou Diamond Phillips, who is of Cherokee descent, playing a Northern Cheyenne man.
Others also point to the success of Mr. Beach, who played a Mohawk detective in “Law & Order: Special Victims Unit” and landed a starring role in the forthcoming D C Comics picture “Suicide Squad.” Mr. Beach said he had come across insulting scripts backed by people who don’t see anything wrong with them.
“I’d rather starve than do something that is offensive to my ancestral roots,” Mr. Beach said. “But I think there will always be attempts to drawn on the weakness of native people’s struggles. The savage Indian will always be the savage Indian. The white man will always be smarter and more cunning. The cavalry will always win.”
The solution, Mr. Wente, Mr. Trudell and others said, lies in getting more stories written by and starring Native Americans. But Mr. Wente noted that while independent indigenous film has blossomed in the last two decades, mainstream depictions have yet to catch up. “You have to stop expecting for Hollywood to correct it, because there seems to be no ability or desire to correct it,” Mr. Wente said.
There have been calls to boycott Netflix but, writing for Indian Country Today Media Network, which first broke news of the walk off, the filmmaker Brian Young noted that the distributor also offered a number of films by or about Native Americans.
The furor around “The Ridiculous Six” may drive more people to see it. Then one of the questions that Mr. Trudell, echoing others, had about the film will be answered: “Who the hell laughs at this stuff?”Native American Actors Work to Overcome a Long-Documented Bias | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016
WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).
The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.
Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”
Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.
Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.
“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”
We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.
Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”
Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.
Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.
And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.
That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.
With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.
On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”
Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.
This is intentional, Republican operatives said.
In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.
“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.
But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”
Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.
“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.
Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.
Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.
But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.
Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.
Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”
Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.
Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.
But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.
The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.
“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.
There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.
“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”G.O.P. Hopefuls Now Aiming to Woo the Middle Class | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016
Fullmer, who reigned when fight clubs abounded and Friday night fights were a television staple, was known for his title bouts with Sugar Ray Robinson and Carmen Basilio.Gene Fullmer, a Brawling Middleweight Champion, Dies at 83 | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016
UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?
What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.
Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.
Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.
In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.
“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”
He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.
Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”
It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.
Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.
He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.
They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.
Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.
As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.
He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.
Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.
“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”
The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”
Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.
Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.
R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.
“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”With Iran Talks, a Tangled Path to Ending Syriaâs War | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016
A 214-pound Queens housewife struggled with a lifelong addiction to food until she shed 72 pounds and became the public face of the worldwide weight-control empire Weight Watchers.Jean Nidetch, 91, Dies; Pounds Came Off, and Weight Watchers Was Born | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016
BALTIMORE — In the afternoons, the streets of Locust Point are clean and nearly silent. In front of the rowhouses, potted plants rest next to steps of brick or concrete. There is a shopping center nearby with restaurants, and a grocery store filled with fresh foods.
And the National Guard and the police are largely absent. So, too, residents say, are worries about what happened a few miles away on April 27 when, in a space of hours, parts of this city became riot zones.
“They’re not our reality,” Ashley Fowler, 30, said on Monday at the restaurant where she works. “They’re not what we’re living right now. We live in, not to be racist, white America.”
As Baltimore considers its way forward after the violent unrest brought by the death of Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old black man who died of injuries he suffered while in police custody, residents in its predominantly white neighborhoods acknowledge that they are sometimes struggling to understand what beyond Mr. Gray’s death spurred the turmoil here. For many, the poverty and troubled schools of gritty West Baltimore are distant troubles, glimpsed only when they pass through the area on their way somewhere else.
And so neighborhoods of Baltimore are facing altogether different reckonings after Mr. Gray’s death. In mostly black communities like Sandtown-Winchester, where some of the most destructive rioting played out last week, residents are hoping businesses will reopen and that the police will change their strategies. But in mostly white areas like Canton and Locust Point, some residents wonder what role, if any, they should play in reimagining stretches of Baltimore where they do not live.
“Most of the people are kind of at a loss as to what they’re supposed to do,” said Dr. Richard Lamb, a dentist who has practiced in the same Locust Point office for nearly 39 years. “I listen to the news reports. I listen to the clergymen. I listen to the facts of the rampant unemployment and the lack of opportunities in the area. Listen, I pay my taxes. Exactly what can I do?”
And in Canton, where the restaurants have clever names like Nacho Mama’s and Holy Crepe Bakery and Café, Sara Bahr said solutions seemed out of reach for a proudly liberal city.
“I can only imagine how frustrated they must be,” said Ms. Bahr, 36, a nurse who was out with her 3-year-old daughter, Sally. “I just wish I knew how to solve poverty. I don’t know what to do to make it better.”
The day of unrest and the overwhelmingly peaceful demonstrations that followed led to hundreds of arrests, often for violations of the curfew imposed on the city for five consecutive nights while National Guard soldiers patrolled the streets. Although there were isolated instances of trouble in Canton, the neighborhood association said on its website, many parts of southeast Baltimore were physically untouched by the tumult.
Tensions in the city bubbled anew on Monday after reports that the police had wounded a black man in Northwest Baltimore. The authorities denied those reports and sent officers to talk with the crowds that gathered while other officers clutching shields blocked traffic at Pennsylvania and West North Avenues.
Lt. Col. Melvin Russell, a community police officer, said officers had stopped a man suspected of carrying a handgun and that “one of those rounds was spent.”
Colonel Russell said officers had not opened fire, “so we couldn’t have shot him.”
The colonel said the man had not been injured but was taken to a hospital as a precaution. Nearby, many people stood in disbelief, despite the efforts by the authorities to quash reports they described as “unfounded.”
Monday’s episode was a brief moment in a larger drama that has yielded anger and confusion. Although many people said they were familiar with accounts of the police harassing or intimidating residents, many in Canton and Locust Point said they had never experienced it themselves. When they watched the unrest, which many protesters said was fueled by feelings that they lived only on Baltimore’s margins, even those like Ms. Bahr who were pained by what they saw said they could scarcely comprehend the emotions associated with it.
But others, like Lambi Vasilakopoulos, who runs a casual restaurant in Canton, said they were incensed by what unfolded last week.
“What happened wasn’t called for. Protests are one thing; looting is another thing,” he said, adding, “We’re very frustrated because we’re the ones who are going to pay for this.”
There were pockets of optimism, though, that Baltimore would enter a period of reconciliation.
“I’m just hoping for peace,” Natalie Boies, 53, said in front of the Locust Point home where she has lived for 50 years. “Learn to love each other; be patient with each other; find justice; and care.”
A skeptical Mr. Vasilakopoulos predicted tensions would worsen.
“It cannot be fixed,” he said. “It’s going to get worse. Why? Because people don’t obey the laws. They don’t want to obey them.”
But there were few fears that the violence that plagued West Baltimore last week would play out on these relaxed streets. The authorities, Ms. Fowler said, would make sure of that.
“They kept us safe here,” she said. “I didn’t feel uncomfortable when I was in my house three blocks away from here. I knew I was going to be O.K. because I knew they weren’t going to let anyone come and loot our properties or our businesses or burn our cars.”Baltimore Residents Away From Turmoil Consider Their Role | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016
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The 2015 Met Gala has only officially begun, but there's a clear leader in the race for best couple, no small feat at an event that threatens to sap Hollywood of every celebrity it has for the duration of an East Coast evening.
That would be Marc Jacobs and his surprise guest (who, by some miracle, remained under wraps until their red carpet debut), Cher.
“This has been a dream of mine for a very, very long time,” Mr. Jacobs said.
It is Cher's first appearance at the Met Gala since 1997, when she arrived on the arm of Donatella Versace.
– MATTHEW SCHNEIER
GREENWICH, Conn. — Mago is in the bedroom. You can go in.
The big man lies on a hospital bed with his bare feet scraping its bottom rail. His head is propped on a scarlet pillow, the left temple dented, the right side paralyzed. His dark hair is kept just long enough to conceal the scars.
The occasional sounds he makes are understood only by his wife, but he still has that punctuating left hand. In slow motion, the fingers curl and close. A thumbs-up greeting.
This is Magomed Abdusalamov, 34, also known as the Russian Tyson, also known as Mago. He is a former heavyweight boxer who scored four knockouts and 14 technical knockouts in his first 18 professional fights. He preferred to stand between rounds. Sitting conveyed weakness.
But Mago lost his 19th fight, his big chance, at the packed Theater at Madison Square Garden in November 2013. His 19th decision, and his last.
Now here he is, in a small bedroom in a working-class neighborhood in Greenwich, in a modest house his family rents cheap from a devoted friend. The air-pressure machine for his mattress hums like an expectant crowd.
Today is like any other day, except for those days when he is hurried in crisis to the hospital. Every three hours during the night, his slight wife, Bakanay, 28, has risen to turn his 6-foot-3 body — 210 pounds of dead weight. It has to be done. Infections of the gaping bedsore above his tailbone have nearly killed him.
Then, with the help of a young caretaker, Baka has gotten two of their daughters off to elementary school and settled down the toddler. Yes, Mago and Baka are blessed with all girls, but they had also hoped for a son someday.
They feed Mago as they clean him; it’s easier that way. For breakfast, which comes with a side of crushed antiseizure pills, he likes oatmeal with a squirt of Hershey’s chocolate syrup. But even oatmeal must be puréed and fed to him by spoon.
He opens his mouth to indicate more, the way a baby does. But his paralysis has made everything a choking hazard. His water needs a stirring of powdered food thickener, and still he chokes — eh-eh-eh — as he tries to cough up what will not go down.
Mago used to drink only water. No alcohol. Not even soda. A sip of juice would be as far as he dared. Now even water betrays him.
With the caretaker’s help, Baka uses a washcloth and soap to clean his body and shampoo his hair. How handsome still, she has thought. Sometimes, in the night, she leaves the bedroom to watch old videos, just to hear again his voice in the fullness of life. She cries, wipes her eyes and returns, feigning happiness. Mago must never see her sad.
When Baka finishes, Mago is cleanshaven and fresh down to his trimmed and filed toenails. “I want him to look good,” she says.
Theirs was an arranged Muslim marriage in Makhachkala, in the Russian republic of Dagestan. He was 23, she was 18 and their future hinged on boxing. Sometimes they would shadowbox in love, her David to his Goliath. You are so strong, he would tell her.
His father once told him he could either be a bandit or an athlete, but if he chose banditry, “I will kill you.” This paternal advice, Mago later told The Ventura County Reporter, “made it a very easy decision for me.”
Mago won against mediocre competition, in Moscow and Hollywood, Fla., in Las Vegas and Johnstown, Pa. He was knocked down only once, and even then, it surprised more than hurt. He scored a technical knockout in the next round.
It all led up to this: the undercard at the Garden, Mike Perez vs. Magomed Abdusalamov, 10 rounds, on HBO. A win, he believed, would improve his chances of taking on the heavyweight champion Wladimir Klitschko, who sat in the crowd of 4,600 with his fiancée, the actress Hayden Panettiere, watching.
Wearing black-and-red trunks and a green mouth guard, Mago went to work. But in the first round, a hard forearm to his left cheek rocked him. At the bell, he returned to his corner, and this time, he sat down. “I think it’s broken,” he repeatedly said in Russian.
Maybe at that point, somebody — the referee, the ringside doctors, his handlers — should have stopped the fight, under a guiding principle: better one punch too early than one punch too late. But the bloody trade of blows continued into the seventh, eighth, ninth, a hand and orbital bone broken, his face transforming.
Meanwhile, in the family’s apartment in Miami, Baka forced herself to watch the broadcast. She could see it in his swollen eyes. Something was off.
After the final round, Perez raised his tattooed arms in victory, and Mago wandered off in a fog. He had taken 312 punches in about 40 minutes, for a purse of $40,000.
In the locker room, doctors sutured a cut above Mago’s left eye and tested his cognitive abilities. He did not do well. The ambulance that waits in expectation at every fight was not summoned by boxing officials.
Blood was pooling in Mago’s cranial cavity as he left the Garden. He vomited on the pavement while his handlers flagged a taxi to St. Luke’s-Roosevelt Hospital. There, doctors induced a coma and removed part of his skull to drain fluids and ease the swelling.
Then came the stroke.
It is lunchtime now, and the aroma of puréed beef and potatoes lingers. So do the questions.
How will Mago and Baka pay the $2 million in medical bills they owe? What if their friend can no longer offer them this home? Will they win their lawsuits against the five ringside doctors, the referee, and a New York State boxing inspector? What about Mago’s future care?
Most of all: Is this it?
A napkin rests on Mago’s chest. As another spoonful of mush approaches, he opens his mouth, half-swallows, chokes, and coughs until it clears. Eh-eh-eh. Sometimes he turns bluish, but Baka never shows fear. Always happy for Mago.
Some days he is wheeled out for physical therapy or speech therapy. Today, two massage therapists come to knead his half-limp body like a pair of skilled corner men.
Soon, Mago will doze. Then his three daughters, ages 2, 6 and 9, will descend upon him to talk of their day. Not long ago, the oldest lugged his championship belt to school for a proud show-and-tell moment. Her classmates were amazed at the weight of it.
Then, tonight, there will be more puréed food and pulverized medication, more coughing, and more tender care from his wife, before sleep comes.
He half-smiles, raises his one good hand, and forms a fist.Meet Mago, Former Heavyweight | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016