PAKET UMROH BULAN FEBRUARI MARET APRIL MEI 2018




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Tour & Travel

Tersedia Paket Umrah Ekonomis yang memberi rasa aman dan nyaman saat beribadah ... Kami Tour & Travel memiliki Izin dan Legalitas Resmi dari ... Tour & Travel

HARGA BAHAN BANGUNAN MURAH

KARTOGRAFI merupakan bagian dari ilmu geografi yang berhubungan dengan pemetaan. Hal ini berkaitan erat dengan sistem komunikasi antara si pembuat peta dan si pengguna peta. Untuk menyampaikan berbagai informasi, baik berupa informasi grafis maupun informasi atribut, diperlukan media yang tepat untuk menyampaikannya, yaitu dengan menggunakan peta sebagai media komunikasi dalam bentuk hardcopy maupun dalam bentuk softcopy.
 
 
 
Peta-peta ini nantinya dapat digunakan sebagai data dan dokumen baik secara aktual maupun secara periodik untuk memberikan informasi geografis suatu wilayah. Dalam kartografi, baik sebgai salah satu bagian dari ilmu geografi dan dokumen ilmiah, kartografi juga merupakan teknik dan pengetahuan untuk menunjukkan suatu fenomena geografis pada suatu daerah yang dipilih dan digeneralisasi. Baca Artikel Lengkapnya
 
A. PENDAHULUAN
Kartografi adalah ilmu dan teknik pembuatan peta (Prihandito, 1989). Dalam kaitannya dengan survei arkeologi, pembahasan mengenai kartografi pada bab ini tidak langsung dikaitkan dengan ilmu dan teknik pembuatan peta, tetapi lebih berkaitan dengan pemanfaatan peta yang sudah dipublikasikan untuk kepentingan survei. Ulasan tentang teknik pemetaan secara garis besar sudah dibahas dalam Bab
 
Mengingat peta termasuk sebagai perlengkapan utama dalam kegiatan survei arkeologis, maka bab ini selain membahas pemanfaatan peta untuk survei arkeologis, juga akan membahas tentang jenis-jenis peta dan teknik pembacaan peta. Pemanfaatan peta yang dikemukakan dalam bab ini dapat melengkapi ?Pengumpulan Informasi untuk Interpretasi? yang dijelaskan di Bab IV dan survei situs arkeologis yang dijelaskan di Bab VII, VIII, dan IX.
 
Kesimpulan : Kartografi merupakan suatu seni, ilmu pengetahuan, dan teknologi pembuatan peta.
 
B. PENYAJIAN
1. Peta dan Pengenalan Jenis-jenis Peta
MenurutICA(International Cartographic Association), yang dimaksud peta adalah gambaran unsure-unsur permukaan bumi (yang berkaitan dengan permukaan bumi) dan benda-benda diangkasa.
 
Menurut Erwin Raiz, peta merupakan gambaran konvesional permukaan bumi yang terpencil Dan kenampakannya terlihat dari atas dan ditambah tulisan-tulisan sebagai penjelasnya. Gambaran konvesional adalah gambaran yang sudah umum dan sudah diatur dengan aturan tertentu yang diakui umum.
 
Menurut Soetarjo Soerjosumarmo, peta adalah lukisan dengan tinta dari seluruh atau sebagian permukaan bumi yang diperkecil denagn perbandingan ukuran yang disebut skala atau kadar.
 
Peta adalah gambaran permukaan bumi dua dimensi dalam bidang datar yang mempunyai koordinat dan diskalakan.
 
Peta Rupabumi: Peta yang didalamnya menggambarkan tentang informasi kebumian, seperti jenis penggunaan lahan yang digambarkan dalam simbol piktorial, abstrak dan asosiasi.
 
Peta dapat diklasifikasikan menurut jenis, skala, fungsi, dan macam persoalan (maksud dan tujuan). Ditinjau dari jenisnya peta dapat dibedakan menjadi dua, yaitu peta foto dan peta garis. Peta foto adalah ?peta yang dihasilkan dari mosaik foto udara / ortofoto yang dilengkapi garis kontur, nama, dan legenda? (Prihandito 1989: 3).
Peta ini meliputi peta foto yang sudah direktifikasi dan peta ortofoto. Adapun peta garis adalah ?peta yang menyajikan detil alam dan buatan manusia dalam bentuk titik, garis, dan luasan? (Prihandito 1989: 3). Peta ini terdiri atas peta topografi dan peta tematik.
Ditinjau dari skalanya, peta dapat dibedakan menjadi peta skala besar (1:50.000 atau lebih kecil, misalnya 1:25.000) dan peta skala kecil (1:500.000 atau lebih besar).
 
Adapun menurut klasifikasi berdasarkan fungsi, terdapat tiga macam peta, yaitu:
Peta umum, yang antara lain memuat jalan, bangunan, batas wilayah, garis pantai, dan elevasi. Peta umum skala besar dikenal sebagai peta topografi, sedangkan yang berskala kecil berupa atlas;
Peta tematik, yang menunjukkan hubungan ruang dalam bentuk atribut tunggal atau hubungan atribut; dan
Kart, yang didesain untuk keperluan navigasi, nautical dan aeronautical (Prihandito 1989: 3-4).
 
Adapun peta yang dapat diklasifikasikan menurut macam persoalan (maksud dan tujuan), anta
ra lain meliputi: peta kadaster, peta geologi, peta tanah, peta ekonomi, peta kependudukan, peta iklim, dan peta tata guna tanah (Prihandito 1989: 4).
Di antara macam-macam peta peta tersebut, yang sering digunakan dalam survei arkeologi adalah peta topografi. Peta topografi adalah peta yang menampilkan, semua unsur yang berada di atas permukaan bumi, baik unsur alam maupun buatan manusia, sehingga disebut juga peta umum. Unsur alam antara lain meliputi: relief muka bumi, unsur hidrografi (sungai, danau, bentuk garis pantai), tanaman, permukaan es, salju, dan pasir (Prihandito 1989: 23; Hascaryo dan Sonjaya 2000: 10).
 
Adapun unsur buatan manusia di antaranya adalah: sarana perhubungan (jalan, rel kereta api, jembatan, terowongan, kanal), konstruksi (gedung, bendungan, jalur pipa, jaringan listrik), daerah khusus (daerah yang ditanami tumbuhan, taman, makam, permukiman, lapangan olah raga), dan batas administratif (Prihandito 1989: 22; Hascaryo dan Sonjaya 2000: 10).
 
Tinggalan-tinggalan arkeologis atau bersejarah seperti bangunan megalitik, candi, gereja, dan reruntuhan bangunan kuna, seringkali juga ditampilkan dalam peta topografi (lihat McIntosh, 1986: 44). Selain menyajikan data keruangan, peta topografi juga memuat data non-keruangan, antara lain grid, graticul (garis lintang dan bujur), arah utara, skala, dan legenda (keterangan mengenai simbol-simbol yang digunakan pada peta)
 
2. Pemanfaatan Peta
Peta topografi dapat digunakan untuk berbagai macam tujuan, serta dapat digunakan sebagai peta dasar (base map) dalam pembuatan peta tematik, seperti peta arkeologi dan peta turis (lihat Prihandito 1989: 17). Dalam survei arkeologi, peta topografi berguna untuk memperoleh gambaran umum tentang wilayah yang diteliti.
 
Dalam kondisi tertentu, misalnya medan survei yang terlalu berat, peta yang sudah ada dapat dipakai untuk memplotkan temuan arkeologis. Pemetaan tersebut, meskipun hanya bersifat sementara, sangat efektif untuk menyimpan dan menyelamatkan data arkeologis (Hascaryo dan Sonjaya 2000: 1).
 
Data dari peta topografi yang diambil untuk membuat peta arkeologi hanya satu atau dua unsur saja, tergantung dari skala dan tujuan pembuatan peta arkeologi itu. Data tersebut digunakan sebagai latar belakang penempatan dan orientasi secara geografis. Selain peta topografi, yang dapat digunakan sebagai peta dasar antara lain adalah foto udara, peta geologi, dan peta administratif (Hascaryo dan Sonjaya 2000: 10).
 
Besar skala peta dasar yang dibutuhkan untuk membuat peta arkeologi tergantung pada luas wilayah yang akan dipetakan, yaitu:
wilayah seluas provinsi memerlukan peta dasar berskala 1:100.000 sampai dengan 1:250.000;
wilayah seluas kabupaten memerlukan peta dasar berskala 1:50.000 sampai dengan 1:100.000;
wilayah setingkat kecamatan, desa, atau situs memerlukan peta dasar berskala 1:10.000 sampai dengan 1:25.000 (Wasisto 1998, dikutip dalam Hascaryo
dan Sonjaya 2000: 10).
 
Jenis Jenis Peta
Peta daat digolongkan menjadi beberapa dasar yaitu :
Penggolongan berdasarkan skalanya :
 
Peta skala besar dengan skala 1: 25.000. Peta ini isinya lebih detail contoh peta tofografi.
Peta skala sedang dengan skala 1: 25,000 – 1: 2.000.000 peta ini hanya memuat yang penting penting saja.
Peta skala kecil dengan skala lebih dari 1:200.000.
Penggolongan berdasarkan isi dan fungsinya:
 
Peta umum (General Map) yaitumpeta yang memuat kenampakan kenampkan umum (lebih dari satu jenis ) memuat kenampakan fisis lamiah da kenampakan budaya. Peta ini lebih berfungsi sebagai orintasi.
Peta tematik yaitu peta yang memuat satu jenis kenampakan saja peta tertentu baik kenampakan fisis maupun kenampakan budaya.
Peta kart yaitu peta yang di desain untuk keperluan navigasi, nautical, aeronautical.
Penggolongan berdasarkan tujuannya:
 
Peta geologi bertujuan untuk menunjukan formasi batuan atau aspek geologi lainnya di suatu daerah.
Peta iklim bertujuan untuk menunjukkan berbagai macam sifat iklim di suatu daerah.
Jenis jenis lainnya : misalnya peta tanah, peta kependudukan peta tata guna lahan dan sebaginya
Penggambaran keadaan muka bumi ke dalam bidang datar yang kemudian disebut peta, merupakan salah satu kebutuhan awal bagi para pengelola dan perencana sumber daya.
peta merupakan gambaran permukaan bumi yang berisi fenomena alam dan fenomena buatan memuat informasi yang diperlukan dalam pengelolaan sumberdaya di berbagai bidang pembangunan termasuk bidang perencanaan tata ruang, kehutanan, perkebunan, pertanian, kelautan, pertambangan dan lain sebagainya.
Secara umum peta diartikan sebagai gambaran konvensional dari pola bumi yang digambarkan seolah olah dilihat dari atas ada bidang datar melalui satu bidang proyeksi degan dilengkapi tulisan tulisan untuk identifiksinya
Peta mengandung arti komunikasi. Artinya merupakan suatu signal atau Channel antara sipengirim pesan ( pembuat peta) dengan si penerima pesan (pemakai peta). Dengan demikian peta digunakan untuk mengirim pesan berupa informasi tetang realita dari fenomena geografi.
Peta pada dasarnya adalah sebuah data yang didesain untuk mampu menghasilkan sebuah informasi geografis melalui proses pengorganisasian dari kolaborasi data lainnya yang berkaitan dengan bumi untuk menganalisis, memperkirakan dan menghasilkan gambaran kartografi.
 
 
Informasi ruang mengenai bumi sangat kompleks, tetapi pada umunmya data geografi mengandung 4 aspek penting, yaitu (Zhou, 1998):
 
Lokasi-lokasi yang berkenaan dengan ruang, merupakan objek-objek ruang yang khas pada sistem koordinat (projeksi sebuah peta)
Atribut (ciri bahan), informasi yang menerangkan mengenai objek-objek ruang yang diperlukan
Hubungan ruang, hubungan lojik atau kuantitatif diantara objek-objek ruang
Waktu, merupakan waktu untuk perolehan data, data atribut dan ruang.
Fungsi Peta
Peta mempunyai beberapa fungsi, yaitu :
 
Memperlihatkan posisi atau lokasi relatif dari suatu tempat.
Memperlihatkan ukuran dalam pengertian jarak dan arah.
Memperlihatkan bentuk atau unsur yang terdapat di permukaan bumi.
Menghimpun serta menselektif data permukaan bumi.
Jenis Peta
Berdasarkan jenisnya, peta dapat dikelompokkan sebagai berikut :
 
1. Peta Topografi
Peta Topografi merupakan peta yang memperlihatkan posisi horisontal serta vertikal dari unsur alam dan unsur buatan manusia dalam suatu bentuk tertentu, dengan memperhatikan sistem proyeksi peta yang digunakan serta skala peta. Umumnya peta topografi dibuat untuk keperluan perencanaan pembangunan, karena pada peta topografi disajikan unsur-unsur permukaan bumi yang sesuai dengan kondisi pada saat pembuatan petanya.
 
Peta Topografi disebut juga sebagai peta dasar, karena peta topografi digunakan sebagai dasar untuk pembuatan peta-peta lainnya, baik untuk pembuatan peta topografi dengan skala peta yang lebih kecil dari peta aslinya (original map), atau juga untuk pembuatan peta-peta tematik.
 
Berikut adalah contoh peta topografi : Bahan Bangunan
 
Peta Planimetrik
Peta yang menyjikan informasi tentang beberapa tipe unsur permukaan bumi, pada peta ini informasi ketinggian tidak disajikan.
> HARGA BAHAN BANGUNAN MURAH

OBJEK WISATA MUSEUM GEOLOGI

Museum Geologi Jl. Diponegoro adalah salah satu tempat wisata pendidikan yang bisa anda kunjungi dengan baik di bandung. Bandung memang telah menyimpan beragam banyak tempat yang sangat menarik yang bisa menjadi salah satu alternative bagi siapapun yang datang ke tempat ini. museum geilohi bandung ini juga banyak hal yang menarik yang wajib anda ketahui agar semua hal dapat berjalan dengan baik. bagi masayarakat bandung, museum ini adalah salah satu tempat yang paling banyak di kunjungi karena disini telah menyimpan begitu banyak hal yang menarik yang bisa anda ketahui. Apa itu??

Museum Geologi Bandung

Museum geologi Jl. Diponegoro no.57 kelurahan cihaurgeulis kecamatan coblong adalah satu media yang di gunakan untuk siapapun yang datang ke tempat ini. dengan akses yang sangat mudah karena berada di pusat perkotaan bandung, telah membuat museum geologi ini banyak di kunjugni oleh para wisatawan yang menginginkan liburan yang lebih baik. namun, sebelum membahas tentang koleksi yang ada di museum ini sebaiknya anda mengetahui akan sejarah yang tersembunyi di dalmnya. Pada zaman colonial hindia belanda 1928 seorang arsitek asal belanda Walda Van Scholtwenburg membangun satu gedung yang berfungsi sebagai museum dan laboratorium geologi. Untuk dapat memberikan kesan yang lebih baik pada bangunan ini kemudai di renovasi kembali 1993 agar museum ini bisa semakin meningkatkan jumlah pengunjung.

Selain itu, ada beragam koleksi dari museum geologi ini yang bisa anda ketahui dengan baik untuk mendapatkan nilai dan pendidikan yang lebih baik. koleksi museum geologi Jl. Diponegoro ini seperti batuan dan mineral sekitar 250.000 koleksi. Di tambah juga jika museum ini adalah museum terbesar dengan koleksi yang beragam di asia tenggara. Dengan keunggulan ini tentunya kota harus bangga dengan bangunan museum geologi ini yang merupakan salah satu sejarah yang telah menyimpan beragam keindahan dan nilai- nilai yang baik di dalmnya. Dengan beragam koleksi ini, telah memnbuat banyak pengunjung dari pelajar yang datang untuk mendapatkan beragam informasi dan pengetahuan seputar geologi. Jadi, jika anda memiliki waktu, anda dapat mengunungi Museum Geologi Jl. Diponegoro untuk dapat menambah pengetahuan anda.

> OBJEK WISATA MUSEUM GEOLOGI

TIPS MEMILIH LAMPU

Tips Memilih Lampu

Tipe lampu rumah Saat ini, hampir di setiap rumah pasti telah memiliki lampu. Lampu listrik yang umum digunakan sebagai penerang untuk rumah tinggal, dapat dibedakan menjadi 3 golongan besar, yaitu lampu pijar, lampu halogen dan lampu berpendar (fluorescent). Saat ini juga telah hadir lampu LED yang lebih hemat dan efisien.

Banyaknya jenis lampu yang beredar saat ini telah membuat Anda harus perlu memperhatikan faktor apa saja yang perlu Anda pertimbangkan saat memilih lampu. Berikut ini ada beberapa faktor yang dapat Anda pertimbangkan saat memilih lampu untuk rumah anda:

Kondisi Lingkungan

Penempatan lampu juga perlu disesuaikan dengan kondisi lingkungan. Misalnya, untuk lampu yang diletakkan di luar sebaiknya dengan menggunakan bahan stainless steel, alumunium atau besi yang sudah dicat antikarat karena mungkin kelembaban di luar ruangan lebih tinggi.

Penempatan Lampu

Menentukan titik-titik penempatan lampu biasanya adalah hal utama yang biasanya telah dilakukan. Anda mungkin akan mempertimbangkan juga lampu mana yang akan ditanam di dinding atau plafon. Hal ini telah dilakukan sebelum Anda membangun atau merenovasi rumah.

Model Lampu

Sesuaikan model lampu dengan karakter rumah. Lampu dengan desain tradisional klasik tentu akan terlihat aneh bila ditempatkan pada rumah yang telah memiliki konsep modern minimalis atau sebaliknya.

Warna Cahaya Lampu

Menentukan warna cahaya lampu yang ingin digunakan. Lampu dengan karakter cahaya kuning disinyalir mampu untuk membangkitkan suasana yang hangat dan romantis, sehingga sangat cocok ditempatkan di ruang tidur atau ruang lain yang digunakan untuk bersantai. Sementara cahaya putih lebih cocok digunakan di tempat kerja. Penentuan warna cahaya ini dengan sendirinya akan dapat membimbing Anda menentukan pilihan antara lampu neon dan lampu pijar.

Karakteristik Lampu

Sifat lampu yang memancarkan panas juga dapat dijadikan faktor penimbang saat Anda memilih rumah lampu (fitting). Sebagai satu kesatuan, rumah lampu yang Anda pilih sebaiknya tahan terhadap panas, tidak mudah leleh dan tidak mudah terbakar. Selain itu, anda juga dapat menggunakan sifat panas yang dipancarkan lampu di ruangan yang terkesan lembab untuk dapat mengeringkan dan mengurangi kelembaban ruangan.

Efisiensi

Jika anda menginginkan tagihan listrik bulanan yang lebih murah, anda pastinya perlu memilih lampu LED sebagai sarana penerangan utama anda. Dengan lampu LED, anda akan mendapatkan cahaya yang terang dengan daya listrik yang relatif kecil. Selain itu juga, cahaya yang dihasilkan oleh lampu LED tidak panas.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

> TIPS MEMILIH LAMPU

MENGAKTIFKAN OTAK TENGAH

“Aktivasi Otak Tengah” sebenarnya adalah aktivasi bagian otak yang bertanggungjawab terhadap kontrol INTUISI, DAYA PREDIKSI & KEMAMPUAN PERSPEKTIF (disebut “Kompetensi Bawah Sadar”/ Subconscious Mind Competence) dan kontrol memori jangka pendek dan jangka panjang, penyimpanan ingatan dari pengalaman hidup, pemertahanan homeostatis, emosi pertahanan dan perlindungan diri (Buzan, 2005:43).

Mengaktifkan bagian otak ini berarti menumbuhkembangkan kemampuan anak dalam mengingat (menggali memori jangka pendek dan jangka panjang), pengelolaan ingatan/ memori pengalaman hidup sekaligus kemampuan anak dalam menggunakan intuisi, daya prediksi dan kemampuan perspektif. Sangat POWERFUL bila digunakan dalam BELAJAR !

Secara kasat mata, seorang anak yang telah aktif “otak tengah”-nya, ia mampu mendeteksi, mengetahui objek-objek (bahkan membaca) dengan mata tertutup !

Maaf, jika Anda berpikiran berhenti sampai pada kemampuan ini telah dianggap selesai, Anda akan bingung tentang MANFAAT SESUNGGUHNYA dari aktivasi bagian otak ini. Mungkin Anda akan berkata “aahh.. apa gunanya, lha wong punya mata kok susah-susah banget membaca sambil merem (tutup mata)…”. Bukan “kehebatan” anak bisa “melihat” dengan mata tertutup atau mampu membaca dengan mata tertutup itu sebagai tujuan akhir. Ini justru baru PERMULAAN (prasyarat) bagi TEKNIK MIRACLE LEARNING !

Aktivasi bagian otak ini BERHUBUNGAN ERAT dengan TEKNIK LANJUTAN untuk mendayagunakannya dalam BELAJAR yang luar biasa ! Yakni MIRACLE LEARNING !

MIRACLE LEARNING adalah program bimbingan belajar berbasis terapi dan pendayagunaan subconscious mind competence (kecerdasan bawah sadar). Dalam program ini anak dibimbing dengan menggunakan kurikulum Miracle Learning yang di-setting secara khusus. Dalam program ini, anak terlebih dahulu diaktifkan “kompetensi bawah sadar”-nya. Dalam aktivasi ini dipastikan terlebih dahulu bahwa emosi anak benar-benar stabil. Jika pada tahap ini emosi anak tidak stabil (mungkin ada kecenderungan ketidakstabilan emosi, dsb) maka gangguan ini diterapi terlebih dahulu. Jika telah beres maka dilanjutkan aktivasi. Setelah “kompetensi bawah sadar” anak telah aktif, maka dilanjutkan dengan penerapan materi-materi lain (dijelaskan dalam sesi training).

> MENGAKTIFKAN OTAK TENGAH

Suzanne Crough, Actress in ‘The Partridge Family,’ Dies at 52

Ms. Crough played the youngest daughter on the hit ’70s sitcom starring David Cassidy and Shirley Jones.

Suzanne Crough, Actress in ‘The Partridge Family,’ Dies at 52 | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

Marcel Pronovost, 84, Dies; Hall of Famer Shared in Five N.H.L. Titles

Pronovost, who played for the Red Wings, was not a prolific scorer, but he was a consummate team player with bruising checks and fearless bursts up the ice that could puncture a defense.

Marcel Pronovost, 84, Dies; Hall of Famer Shared in Five N.H.L. Titles | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

Elizabeth Brown Pryor, Biographer of Clara Barton and Robert E. Lee, Dies at 64

Ms. Pryor, who served more than two decades in the State Department, was the author of well-regarded biographies of the founder of the American Red Cross and the Confederate commander.

Elizabeth Brown Pryor, Biographer of Clara Barton and Robert E. Lee, Dies at 64 | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

William Price Fox, Admired Southern Novelist and Humorist, Dies at 89

Mr. Fox, known for his well-honed countrified voice, wrote about things dear to South Carolina and won over Yankee critics.

William Price Fox, Admired Southern Novelist and Humorist, Dies at 89 | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

Review: ‘Frontline’ Looks at Missteps During the Ebola Outbreak

Frontline  An installment of this PBS program looks at the effects of Ebola on Liberia and other countries, as well as the origins of the outbreak.
Frontline

Frontline An installment of this PBS program looks at the effects of Ebola on Liberia and other countries, as well as the origins of the outbreak.

The program traces the outbreak to its origin, thought to be a tree full of bats in Guinea.

Review: ‘9-Man’ Is More Than a Game for Chinese-Americans

A variation of volleyball with nine men on each side is profiled Tuesday night on the World Channel in an absorbing documentary called “9-Man.”

Television

‘Hard Earned’ Documents the Plight of the Working Poor

“Hard Earned,” an Al Jazeera America series, follows five working-class families scrambling to stay ahead on limited incomes.

Review: ‘Frontline’ Looks at Missteps During the Ebola Outbreak | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

Taiwan party leader affirms eventual reunion with China

BEIJING (AP) — The head of Taiwan's Nationalists reaffirmed the party's support for eventual unification with the mainland when he met Monday with Chinese President Xi Jinping as part of continuing rapprochement between the former bitter enemies.

Nationalist Party Chairman Eric Chu, a likely presidential candidate next year, also affirmed Taiwan's desire to join the proposed Chinese-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank during the meeting in Beijing. China claims Taiwan as its own territory and doesn't want the island to join using a name that might imply it is an independent country.

Chu's comments during his meeting with Xi were carried live on Hong Kong-based broadcaster Phoenix Television.

The Nationalists were driven to Taiwan by Mao Zedong's Communists during the Chinese civil war in 1949, leading to decades of hostility between the sides. Chu, who took over as party leader in January, is the third Nationalist chairman to visit the mainland and the first since 2009.

Relations between the communist-ruled mainland and the self-governing democratic island of Taiwan began to warm in the 1990s, partly out of their common opposition to Taiwan's formal independence from China, a position advocated by the island's Democratic Progressive Party.

Despite increasingly close economic ties, the prospect of political unification has grown increasingly unpopular on Taiwan, especially with younger voters. Opposition to the Nationalists' pro-China policies was seen as a driver behind heavy local electoral defeats for the party last year that led to Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou resigning as party chairman.

Taiwan party leader affirms eventual reunion with China | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

Mike Phillips, Half of Kentucky’s ‘Twin Towers’ of Basketball, Dies at 59

The 6-foot-10 Phillips played alongside the 6-11 Rick Robey on the Wildcats team that won the 1978 N.C.A.A. men’s basketball title.

Mike Phillips, Half of Kentucky’s ‘Twin Towers’ of Basketball, Dies at 59 | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

G.O.P. Hopefuls Now Aiming to Woo the Middle Class

WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).

The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.

Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”

Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.

Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.

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Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk. Credit Joe Raedle/Getty Images

“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”

We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.

Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”

Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.

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Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.

And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.

That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.

With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.

On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”

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Who Is Running for President (and Who’s Not)?

Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.

This is intentional, Republican operatives said.

In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.

“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.

But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”

Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.

“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.

Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.

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But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.

Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.

Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”

Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.

Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.

But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.

The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.

“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.

There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.

“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”

G.O.P. Hopefuls Now Aiming to Woo the Middle Class | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

Police Rethink Long Tradition on Using Force

WASHINGTON — During a training course on defending against knife attacks, a young Salt Lake City police officer asked a question: “How close can somebody get to me before I’m justified in using deadly force?”

Dennis Tueller, the instructor in that class more than three decades ago, decided to find out. In the fall of 1982, he performed a rudimentary series of tests and concluded that an armed attacker who bolted toward an officer could clear 21 feet in the time it took most officers to draw, aim and fire their weapon.

The next spring, Mr. Tueller published his findings in SWAT magazine and transformed police training in the United States. The “21-foot rule” became dogma. It has been taught in police academies around the country, accepted by courts and cited by officers to justify countless shootings, including recent episodes involving a homeless woodcarver in Seattle and a schizophrenic woman in San Francisco.

Now, amid the largest national debate over policing since the 1991 beating of Rodney King in Los Angeles, a small but vocal set of law enforcement officials are calling for a rethinking of the 21-foot rule and other axioms that have emphasized how to use force, not how to avoid it. Several big-city police departments are already re-examining when officers should chase people or draw their guns and when they should back away, wait or try to defuse the situation

Police Rethink Long Tradition on Using Force | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

Nepal’s Young Men, Lost to Migration, Then a Quake

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Many bodies prepared for cremation last week in Kathmandu were of young men from Gongabu, a common stopover for Nepali migrant workers headed overseas. Credit Daniel Berehulak for The New York Times

KATHMANDU, Nepal — When the dense pillar of smoke from cremations by the Bagmati River was thinning late last week, the bodies were all coming from Gongabu, a common stopover for Nepali migrant workers headed overseas, and they were all of young men.

Hindu custom dictates that funeral pyres should be lighted by the oldest son of the deceased, but these men were too young to have sons, so they were burned by their brothers or fathers. Sukla Lal, a maize farmer, made a 14-hour journey by bus to retrieve the body of his 19-year-old son, who had been on his way to the Persian Gulf to work as a laborer.

“He wanted to live in the countryside, but he was compelled to leave by poverty,” Mr. Lal said, gazing ahead steadily as his son’s remains smoldered. “He told me, ‘You can live on your land, and I will come up with money, and we will have a happy family.’ ”

Weeks will pass before the authorities can give a complete accounting of who died in the April 25 earthquake, but it is already clear that Nepal cannot afford the losses. The countryside was largely stripped of its healthy young men even before the quake, as they migrated in great waves — 1,500 a day by some estimates — to work as laborers in India, Malaysia or one of the gulf nations, leaving many small communities populated only by elderly parents, women and children. Economists say that at some times of the year, one-quarter of Nepal’s population is working outside the country.

Nepal’s Young Men, Lost to Migration, Then a Quake | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

Rhapsody, a Lofty Literary Journal, Perused at 39,000 Feet

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United’s first-class and business fliers get Rhapsody, its high-minded in-flight magazine, seen here at its office in Brooklyn. Credit Sam Hodgson for The New York Times

Last summer at a writers’ workshop in Oregon, the novelists Anthony Doerr, Karen Russell and Elissa Schappell were chatting over cocktails when they realized they had all published work in the same magazine. It wasn’t one of the usual literary outlets, like Tin House, The Paris Review or The New Yorker. It was Rhapsody, an in-flight magazine for United Airlines.

It seemed like a weird coincidence. Then again, considering Rhapsody’s growing roster of A-list fiction writers, maybe not. Since its first issue hit plane cabins a year and a half ago, Rhapsody has published original works by literary stars like Joyce Carol Oates, Rick Moody, Amy Bloom, Emma Straub and Mr. Doerr, who won the Pulitzer Prize for fiction two weeks ago.

As airlines try to distinguish their high-end service with luxuries like private sleeping chambers, showers, butler service and meals from five-star chefs, United Airlines is offering a loftier, more cerebral amenity to its first-class and business-class passengers: elegant prose by prominent novelists. There are no airport maps or disheartening lists of in-flight meal and entertainment options in Rhapsody. Instead, the magazine has published ruminative first-person travel accounts, cultural dispatches and probing essays about flight by more than 30 literary fiction writers.

 

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Sean Manning, executive editor of Rhapsody, which publishes works by the likes of Joyce Carol Oates, Amy Bloom and Anthony Doerr, who won a Pulitzer Prize. Credit Sam Hodgson for The New York Times

 

An airline might seem like an odd literary patron. But as publishers and writers look for new ways to reach readers in a shaky retail climate, many have formed corporate alliances with transit companies, including American Airlines, JetBlue and Amtrak, that provide a captive audience.

Mark Krolick, United Airlines’ managing director of marketing and product development, said the quality of the writing in Rhapsody brings a patina of sophistication to its first-class service, along with other opulent touches like mood lighting, soft music and a branded scent.

“The high-end leisure or business-class traveler has higher expectations, even in the entertainment we provide,” he said.

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Some of Rhapsody’s contributing writers say they were lured by the promise of free airfare and luxury accommodations provided by United, as well as exposure to an elite audience of some two million first-class and business-class travelers.

“It’s not your normal Park Slope Community Bookstore types who read Rhapsody,” Mr. Moody, author of the 1994 novel “The Ice Storm,” who wrote an introspective, philosophical piece about traveling to the Aran Islands of Ireland for Rhapsody, said in an email. “I’m not sure I myself am in that Rhapsody demographic, but I would like them to buy my books one day.”

In addition to offering travel perks, the magazine pays well and gives writers freedom, within reason, to choose their subject matter and write with style. Certain genres of flight stories are off limits, naturally: no plane crashes or woeful tales of lost luggage or rude flight attendants, and nothing too risqué.

“We’re not going to have someone write about joining the mile-high club,” said Jordan Heller, the editor in chief of Rhapsody. “Despite those restrictions, we’ve managed to come up with a lot of high-minded literary content.”

Guiding writers toward the right idea occasionally requires some gentle prodding. When Rhapsody’s executive editor asked Ms. Russell to contribute an essay about a memorable flight experience, she first pitched a story about the time she was chaperoning a group of teenagers on a trip to Europe, and their delayed plane sat at the airport in New York for several hours while other passengers got progressively drunker.

“He pointed out that disaster flights are not what people want to read about when they’re in transit, and very diplomatically suggested that maybe people want to read something that casts air travel in a more positive light,” said Ms. Russell, whose novel “Swamplandia!” was a finalist for the 2012 Pulitzer Prize.

She turned in a nostalgia-tinged essay about her first flight on a trip to Disney World when she was 6. “The Magic Kingdom was an anticlimax,” she wrote. “What ride could compare to that first flight?”

Ms. Oates also wrote about her first flight, in a tiny yellow propeller plane piloted by her father. The novelist Joyce Maynard told of the constant disappointment of never seeing her books in airport bookstores and the thrill of finally spotting a fellow plane passenger reading her novel “Labor Day.” Emily St. John Mandel, who was a finalist for the National Book Award in fiction last year, wrote about agonizing over which books to bring on a long flight.

“There’s nobody that’s looked down their noses at us as an in-flight magazine,” said Sean Manning, the magazine’s executive editor. “As big as these people are in the literary world, there’s still this untapped audience for them of luxury travelers.”

United is one of a handful of companies showcasing work by literary writers as a way to elevate their brands and engage customers. Chipotle has printed original work from writers like Toni Morrison, Jeffrey Eugenides and Barbara Kingsolver on its disposable cups and paper bags. The eyeglass company Warby Parker hosts parties for authors and sells books from 14 independent publishers in its stores.

JetBlue offers around 40 e-books from HarperCollins and Penguin Random House on its free wireless network, allowing passengers to read free samples and buy and download books. JetBlue will start offering 11 digital titles from Simon & Schuster soon. Amtrak recently forged an alliance with Penguin Random House to provide free digital samples from 28 popular titles, which passengers can buy and download over Amtrak’s admittedly spotty wireless service.

Amtrak is becoming an incubator for literary talent in its own right. Last year, it started a residency program, offering writers a free long-distance train trip and complimentary food. More than 16,000 writers applied and 24 made the cut.

Like Amtrak, Rhapsody has found that writers are eager to get onboard. On a rainy spring afternoon, Rhapsody’s editorial staff sat around a conference table discussing the June issue, which will feature an essay by the novelist Hannah Pittard and an unpublished short story by the late Elmore Leonard.

“Do you have that photo of Elmore Leonard? Can I see it?” Mr. Heller, the editor in chief, asked Rhapsody’s design director, Christos Hannides. Mr. Hannides slid it across the table and noted that they also had a photograph of cowboy spurs. “It’s very simple; it won’t take away from the literature,” he said.

Rhapsody’s office, an open space with exposed pipes and a vaulted brick ceiling, sits in Dumbo at the epicenter of literary Brooklyn, in the same converted tea warehouse as the literary journal N+1 and the digital publisher Atavist. Two of the magazine’s seven staff members hold graduate degrees in creative writing. Mr. Manning, the executive editor, has published a memoir and edited five literary anthologies.

Mr. Manning said Rhapsody was conceived from the start as a place for literary novelists to write with voice and style, and nobody had been put off that their work would live in plane cabins and airport lounges.

Still, some contributors say they wish the magazine were more widely circulated.

“I would love it if I could read it,” said Ms. Schappell, a Brooklyn-based novelist who wrote a feature story for Rhapsody’s inaugural issue. “But I never fly first class.”

Rhapsody, a Lofty Literary Journal, Perused at 39,000 Feet | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

Advertisement Politics Obama Finds a Bolder Voice on Race Issues

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

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Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

At an event announcing the creation of a nonprofit focusing on young minority men, President Obama talked about the underlying reasons for recent protests in Baltimore and other cities.

By Associated Press on Publish Date May 4, 2015. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times.

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

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Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

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President Obama on Monday with Darinel Montero, a student at Bronx International High School who introduced him before remarks at Lehman College in the Bronx. Credit Stephen Crowley/The New York Times

That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

Advertisement Politics Obama Finds a Bolder Voice on Race Issues | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

Gilbert Haroche, Builder of an Economy Travel Empire, Dies at 87

Mr. Haroche was a founder of Liberty Travel, which grew from a two-man operation to the largest leisure travel operation in the United States.

Gilbert Haroche, Builder of an Economy Travel Empire, Dies at 87 | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’

Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”
Todd Heisler/The New York Times

Children playing last week in Sandtown-Winchester, the Baltimore neighborhood where Freddie Gray was raised. One young resident called it “a tough community.”

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’

Hard but Hopeful Home to ‘Lot of Freddies’ | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

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