PAKET UMROH BULAN FEBRUARI MARET APRIL MEI 2017

TELKOM JADI PENGUASA FREKUENSI DI INDONESIA

saco-indonesia.com, Grup Telkom telah tercatat sebagai penguasa frekuensi di Indonesia karena saat ini telah memiliki lebar spektrum hingga 325MHz. Hal tersebut dari riset yang telah dipublikasikan Indonesia ICT Institute, pekan lalu.

Frekuensi milik Grup Telkom tersebar pada layanan Flexi, satelit, BWA, dan anak usahanya, Telkomsel. Untuk Flexi, Telkom telah memiliki 5MHz di pita 850MHz, satelit selebar 200MHz di pita 3,5MHz dan BWA di pita 2,3GHz selebar 75MHz.

Meskipun Telkom telah menyatakan sudah mengembalikan frekuensi di pita 2,3GHz, namun tak jelas berapa sebenarnya lebar spektrum yang telah dikembalikan BUMN telekomunikasi itu.

Sementara Telkomsel saat ini telah menguasai total frekuensi selebar 5MHz, sama dengan yang telah dimiliki XL. Sehingga dua operator seluler itu saat ini telah menjadi pemilik terbesar frekuensi seluler.

Komisi I DPR berteriak soal frekuensi yang dikatakan juga merupakan sumber daya yang pengalokasianya perlu dilakukan secara berhati-hati. Apa yang disampaikan DPR ini memang telah menjadikan frekuensi sebagai isu yang menjadi buah bibir beberapa waktu terakhir ini, terutama pasca konsolidasi sejumlah operator seperti XL dengan Axis.

Dirjen Sumber Daya dan Perangkat Pos dan Informatika (SDPPI) Kementeri Kominfo M. Budi Setiawan, beberapa operator sudah memasuki zona merah alias kekurangan frekuensi sehingga penataan frekuensi telah menjadi cukup mendesak.

Saat ini operator dengan menggunakan frekuensi dalam rentang 450MHz hingga 3,5GHz, frekuensi-frekuensi yang dapat dipakai untuk broadband nirkabel, meski 2,6 serta 3,5GHz dipakai TV berlangganan berbasis satelit.

Selain alokasi tiap entitas operator, Indonesia ICT Institute juga telah mengumpulkan alokasi frekuensi berdasar grup atau konsolidasi yang sudah terjadi, seperti Bakrie Telecom yang telah membeli Sampoerna Telecom Indonesia dan Reka Jasa Akses (REJA) dicoba dikelompokan sebagai Bakrie Telecom, kemudian PT Telkom dan PT Telkomsel, ada juga Indosat dan IM2, serta Sinar Mas yang telah memiliki SmartFren dan SmartTelecom.

Editor : Dian Sukmawati

JASA PENERJEMAH YANG BAGUS

 Dalam menentukan menggunakan jasa penerjemah yang bagus dan kompeten memanglah bukanlah hal yang mudah. Dikarenakan saat ini banyak sekali biro-biro penerjemah yang menawarkan diri untuk memberikan layanan seputar penerjemahan, Dan Anda mungkin akan semakin merasa kesulitan untuk menentukan pilihan. Berikut ada beberapa tips yang akan saya berikan kepada Anda yang sedang mencari jasa penerjemah, agar hasil yang Anda peroleh bisa memuaskan.

    Lakukan pengecekan terhadap latar belakang pendidikan dan pengalaman yang dimiliki oleh penerjemah. Hal ini merupakan hal penting yang biasanya disepelekan oleh kebanyakan orang. Anda pasti ingin dokumen yang Anda miliki dikerjakan oleh penerjemah yang memiliki banyak pengalaman dan latar belakang pendidikan yang sesuai agar hasilnya juga memuaskan. Pihak penerjemah yang mengutamakan kepuasan pelanggan dan service excellent tentunya tidak akan keberatan jika Anda menanyakan hal tersebut.
    Jika memang diperlukan, mintalah sample atau portfolio atas pekerjaan yang pernah mereka lakukan. Hal ini dapat digunakan sebagai pertimbangan mengenai kualitas penerjemah yang akan Anda ajak untuk bekerja sama. Anda dapat melihat selain dari kualitas terjemahan, juga pihak-pihak yang telah menggunakan jasa mereka dan mempercayakan dokumen mereka untuk ditejemahkan oleh penerjemah tersebut.
    Buatlah persetujuan dengan penerjemah untuk tidak membocorkan kerahasiaan dokumen yang mereka terjemahkan. Hal ini dapat Anda lakukan jika sekiranya dokumen yang akan Anda terjemahkan adalah dokumen confidential atau bersifat rahasia.
    Berilah waktu pengerjaan yang rasional. Meskipun Anda sedang dikejar oleh deadline yang singkat, namun Anda tentunya harus tetap memprioritaskan kualitas dari hasil terjemahan. Untuk mendapatkan hasil yang baik, tentunya penerjemah membutuhkan waktu pengerjaan yang rasional. Mengerjakan pekerjaan dengan terburu-buru merupakan langkah awal dalam membuat kesalahan pada dokumen Anda.
    Pertimbangkan harga dan jaminan yang mereka berikan. Seringkali harga menjadi alasan bagi orang yang ingin menggunakan jasa penerjemah untuk mengesampingkan kualitas. Apakah Anda lebih memilih resiko bahwa dokomen Anda kurang berkualitas daripada mengeluarkan biaya yang sesuai dengan apa yang Anda peroleh?

Demikian artikel mengenai memilih jasa penerjemah yang kompeten.

Semoga bermanfaat.

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JASA SEWA MOBIL

Sewa Mobil Tangerang adalah tempat sewa mobil yang telah memberikan pelayanan terbaik dalam usaha sewa mobil Jakarta Selatan. Sebagai pelaku bisnis sewa mobil, SEWA Mobil Tangerang yakin kepuasan pelanggan adalah kata kunci usaha penyewaan mobil.

Pelanggan jasa penyewaan mobil telah mengaharapkan pelayanan terbaik dari penyedia jasa sewa mobil. Jenis mobil disewakan  beragam dari  mobil Innova, Avanza, Xenia, Apv. Xenia, dan lainnya. Kendaraan disewakan harus rapih ,bersih,  dan terawat . Pelayanan sewa mobil telah meliputi sewa mobil harian atau rental mobil bulanan.

Sewa mobil harian disertai dengan supir berpengalaman, untuk sewa mobil bulanan dapat disertai tidak dengan supir. Untuk harga sewa mobil , sewa Mobil Tangerang menerapkan harga sewa mobil yang terjangkau oleh konsumen. Harga rental mobil di Jakarta sangat  bervariasi, untuk itu harga sewa mobil murah dicari oleh konsumen rental mobil di Jakarta.

Pelayanan jasa sewa mobil yang diberikan oleh Rental Mobil Lestari ;

-  Jenis mobil  disewakan beragan dari Toyota Innova, New Avanza, Daihatsu Xenia, Suzuki APV Arena,

-  Mobil disewakan rapi, bersih, dan terawat.

-  Pelayanan jasa sewa mobil  24 jam

-  Rental mobil bulanan atau sewa mobil harian

-  Sewa mobil untuk dalam kota maupun luar kota

-  Jasa penyewaan mobil antar jemput bandara Soekarno Hatta

-  Harga sewa mobil yang terjangkau

-  Supir yang terdidik dan berpengalaman baik dalam maupun luar kota

-  Discount harga sewa mobil bagi para pelanggan Rental Mobil Lestari

-  Memberikan solusi bagi calaon konsumen untuk transportasi / rental mobil

-  Dan lainnya

Pelayanan dan Reservasi dapat menghubungi kontak kami yang sudah tersedia

ARTIKEL MESIN CNC

Pengertian mesin CNC
CNC singkatan dari Computer Numerically Controlled, merupakan mesin perkakas yang dilengkapi dengan sistem mekanik dan kontrol berbasis komputer yang mampu membaca instruksi kode N, G, F, T, dan lain-lain, dimana kode-kode tersebut akan menginstruksikan ke mesin CNC agar bekerja sesuai dengan program benda kerja yang akan dibuat. Secara umum cara kerja mesin perkakas CNC tidak berbeda dengan mesin perkakas konvensional. Fungsi CNC dalam hal ini lebih banyak menggantikan pekerjaan operator dalam mesin perkakas konvensional. Misalnya pekerjaan setting tool atau mengatur gerakan pahat sampai pada posisi siap memotong, gerakan pemotongan dan gerakan kembali keposisi awal, dan lain-lain. Demikian pula dengan pengaturan kondisi pemotongan (kecepatan potong, kecepatan makan dan kedalaman pemotongan) serta fungsi pengaturan yang lain seperti penggantian pahat, pengubahan transmisi daya (jumlah putaran poros utama), dan arah putaran poros utama, pengekleman, pengaturan cairan pendingin dan sebagainya. Mesin perkakas CNC dilengkapi dengan berbagai alat potong yang dapat membuat benda kerja secara presisi dan dapat melakukan interpolasi yang diarahkan secara numerik (berdasarkan angka). Parameter sistem operasi CNC dapat diubah melalui program perangkat lunak (software load program) yang sesuai. Tingkat ketelitian mesin CNC lebih akurat hingga ketelitian seperseribu millimeter, karena penggunaan ballscrew pada setiap poros transportiernya. Ballscrew bekerja seperti lager yang tidak memiliki kelonggaran/spelling namun dapat bergerak dengan lancar. Pada awalnya mesin CNC masih menggunakan memori berupa kertas berlubang sebagai media untuk mentransfer kode G dan M ke sistem kontrol. Setelah tahun 1950, ditemukan metode baru mentransfer data dengan menggunakan kabel RS232, floppy disks, dan terakhir oleh Komputer Jaringan Kabel

(Computer Network Cables) bahkan bisa dikendalikan melalui internet. Akhir-akhir ini mesin-mesin CNC telah berkembang secara menakjubkan sehingga telah mengubah industri pabrik yang selama ini menggunakan tenaga manusia menjadi mesin-mesom otomatik. Dengan telah berkembangnya Mesin CNC, maka benda kerja yang rumit sekalipun dapat dibuat secara mudah dalam jumlah yang banyak. Selama ini pembuatan komponen/suku cadang suatu mesin yang presisi dengan mesin perkakas manual tidaklah mudah, meskipun dilakukan oleh seorang operator mesin perkakas yang mahir sekalipun. Penyelesaiannya memerlukan waktu lama. Bila ada permintaan konsumen untuk membuat komponen dalam jumlah banyak dengan waktu singkat, dengan kualitas sama baiknya, tentu akan sulit dipenuhi bila menggunakan perkakas manual. Apalagi bila bentuk benda kerja yang dipesan lebih rumit, tidak dapat diselesaikan dalam waktu singkat. Secara ekonomis biaya produknya akan menjadi mahal, hingga sulit bersaing dengan harga di pasaran. Tuntutan konsumen yang menghendaki kualitas benda kerja yang presisi, berkualitas sama baiknya, dalam waktu singkat dan dalam jumlah yang banyak, akan lebih mudah dikerjakan dengan mesin perkakas CNC (Computer Numerlcally Controlled), yaitu mesin yang dapat bekerja melalui pemogramman yang dilakukan dan dikendalikan melalui komputer. Mesin CNC dapat bekerja secara otomatis atau semiotomatis setelah diprogram terlebih dahulu melalui komputer yang ada. Program yang dimaksud merupakan program membuat benda kerja yang telah direncanakan atau dirancang sebelumnya. Sebelum benda kerja tersebut dieksikusi atau dikerjakan oleh mesin CNC, sebaikanya program tersebut di cek berulang-ualang agar program benarbenar telah sesuai dengan bentuk benda kerja yang diinginkan, serta benar-benar dapat dikerjakan oleh mesin CNC. Pengecekan tersebut dapat melalui layar monitor yang terdapat pada mesin atau bila tidak ada fasilitas cheking melalui monitor (seperti pada CNC TU EMCO 2A/3A) dapat pula melalui plotter yang dipasang pada tempat dudukan pahat/palsu frais. Setelah program benar-benar telah berjalan seperti rencana, baru kemudian dilaksanakan/dieksekusi oleh mesin CNC. Dari segi pemanfaatannya, mesin perkakas CNC dapat dibagi menjadi dua, antara lain: (a) mesin CNC Training unit (TU), yaitu mesin yang digunakan sarana pendidikan, dosen dan training. (b) mesin CNC produktion unit (PU), yaitu mesin CNC yang digunakan untuk membuat benda kerja/komponen yang dapat digunakan sebagai mana mestinya. Dari segi jenisnya, mesin perkakas CNC dapat dibagi menjadi tiga jenis, antara lain: (a) mesin CNC 2A yaitu mesin CNC 2 aksis, karena gerak pahatnya hanya pada arah dua sumbu koordinat (aksis) yaitu koordinat X, dan koordinat Z, atau dikenal dengan mesin bubut CNC, (b) mesin CNC 3A, yaitu mesin CNC 3 aksis atau mesin yang memiliki gerakan sumbu utama kearah sumbu koordinat X, Y, dan Z, atau dikenal dengan mesin frsais CNC. (c) mesin CNC kombinasi, yaitu mesin CNC yang mampu mengerjakan pekerjaan bubut dan freis sekaligus, dapat pula dilengkapi dengan peralatan pengukuran sehingga dapat melakukan pengontrolan kualitas pembubutan/pengefraisan pada benda kerja yang dihasilkan. Pada umumnya mesin CNC yang sering dijumpai adalah mesin CNC 2A (bubut) dan mesin CNC 3A (frais).

KASUS TEWASNYA GURU AGAMA MASIH MISTERI

saco-indonesia.com, Polisi akan terus menyelidiki kasus terbunuhnya guru agama, Drs.Muslim Azhuri yang berusia 65 tahun , yang ditemukan meregang nyawa di rumahnya, Jalan Muslihun, Bintaro, Pesanggrahan, Jakarta Selatan.

“Kami masih akan mendalami dan mudah-mudahan bisa mengungkap kasus tewasnya Muslim Azhuri. Sembilan saksi sudah kita minta keterangan,” kata Kasat Reskrim Polres Jakarta Selatan, AKBP Novi Nurohmat .

Sebelumnya Muslim yang biasa menjadi pendakwah di musholah maupun mesjid di kawasan Pesanggrahan setelah pensiun jadi PNS guru agama telah ditemukan tewas di lantai dua rumahnya dengan kondisi mengenaskan, usus terburai dan ada luka bacok di tangan dan leher.

Dalam kasus ini, harta benda korban tidak ada yang hilang. Selain itu, pintu rumah atau jendela tidak ada yang rusak sehingga membuat petugas agak kesulitan mengungkap misteri kasus tersebut, apakah dibunuh atau bunuh diri.

Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Rolf Smedvig, Trumpeter in the Empire Brass, Dies at 62

A former member of the Boston Symphony Orchestra, Mr. Smedvig helped found the wide-ranging Empire Brass quintet.

Jozef Paczynski, Inmate Barber to Auschwitz Commandant, Dies at 95

Mr. Paczynski was one of the concentration camp’s longest surviving inmates and served as the personal barber to its Nazi commandant Rudolf Höss.

Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

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“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Obama Finds a Bolder Voice on Race Issues

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

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Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

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That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

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In Baltimore, National Guard Pullout Begins as Citywide Curfew Is Lifted

David Goldman/Associated Press

National Guard soldiers boarding a truck in Baltimore on Sunday.

Baltimore residents prepared to resume the more familiar rhythms of their lives as days passed without new bouts of widespread rioting and as the National Guard began to pull its troops from the city.

In Baltimore, National Guard Pullout Begins as Citywide Curfew Is Lifted | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

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Advertisement Politics Obama Finds a Bolder Voice on Race Issues

As he reflected on the festering wounds deepened by race and grievance that have been on painful display in America’s cities lately, President Obama on Monday found himself thinking about a young man he had just met named Malachi.

A few minutes before, in a closed-door round-table discussion at Lehman College in the Bronx, Mr. Obama had asked a group of black and Hispanic students from disadvantaged backgrounds what could be done to help them reach their goals. Several talked about counseling and guidance programs.

“Malachi, he just talked about — we should talk about love,” Mr. Obama told a crowd afterward, drifting away from his prepared remarks. “Because Malachi and I shared the fact that our dad wasn’t around and that sometimes we wondered why he wasn’t around and what had happened. But really, that’s what this comes down to is: Do we love these kids?”

Many presidents have governed during times of racial tension, but Mr. Obama is the first to see in the mirror a face that looks like those on the other side of history’s ledger. While his first term was consumed with the economy, war and health care, his second keeps coming back to the societal divide that was not bridged by his election. A president who eschewed focusing on race now seems to have found his voice again as he thinks about how to use his remaining time in office and beyond.

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Obama Speaks of a ‘Sense of Unfairness’

In the aftermath of racially charged unrest in places like Baltimore, Ferguson, Mo., and New York, Mr. Obama came to the Bronx on Monday for the announcement of a new nonprofit organization that is being spun off from his White House initiative called My Brother’s Keeper. Staked by more than $80 million in commitments from corporations and other donors, the new group, My Brother’s Keeper Alliance, will in effect provide the nucleus for Mr. Obama’s post-presidency, which will begin in January 2017.

“This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life,” Mr. Obama said. “And the reason is simple,” he added. Referring to some of the youths he had just met, he said: “We see ourselves in these young men. I grew up without a dad. I grew up lost sometimes and adrift, not having a sense of a clear path. The only difference between me and a lot of other young men in this neighborhood and all across the country is that I grew up in an environment that was a little more forgiving.”

Organizers said the new alliance already had financial pledges from companies like American Express, Deloitte, Discovery Communications and News Corporation. The money will be used to help companies address obstacles facing young black and Hispanic men, provide grants to programs for disadvantaged youths, and help communities aid their populations.

Joe Echevarria, a former chief executive of Deloitte, the accounting and consulting firm, will lead the alliance, and among those on its leadership team or advisory group are executives at PepsiCo, News Corporation, Sprint, BET and Prudential Group Insurance; former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell; Senator Cory Booker, Democrat of New Jersey; former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr.; the music star John Legend; the retired athletes Alonzo Mourning, Jerome Bettis and Shaquille O’Neal; and the mayors of Indianapolis, Sacramento and Philadelphia.

The alliance, while nominally independent of the White House, may face some of the same questions confronting former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton as she begins another presidential campaign. Some of those donating to the alliance may have interests in government action, and skeptics may wonder whether they are trying to curry favor with the president by contributing.

“The Obama administration will have no role in deciding how donations are screened and what criteria they’ll set at the alliance for donor policies, because it’s an entirely separate entity,” Josh Earnest, the White House press secretary, told reporters on Air Force One en route to New York. But he added, “I’m confident that the members of the board are well aware of the president’s commitment to transparency.”

The alliance was in the works before the disturbances last week after the death of Freddie Gray, the black man who suffered fatal injuries while in police custody in Baltimore, but it reflected the evolution of Mr. Obama’s presidency. For him, in a way, it is coming back to issues that animated him as a young community organizer and politician. It was his own struggle with race and identity, captured in his youthful memoir, “Dreams From My Father,” that stood him apart from other presidential aspirants.

But that was a side of him that he kept largely to himself through the first years of his presidency while he focused on other priorities like turning the economy around, expanding government-subsidized health care and avoiding electoral land mines en route to re-election.

After securing a second term, Mr. Obama appeared more emboldened. Just a month after his 2013 inauguration, he talked passionately about opportunity and race with a group of teenage boys in Chicago, a moment aides point to as perhaps the first time he had spoken about these issues in such a personal, powerful way as president. A few months later, he publicly lamented the death of Trayvon Martin, a black Florida teenager, saying that “could have been me 35 years ago.”

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That case, along with public ruptures of anger over police shootings in Ferguson and elsewhere, have pushed the issue of race and law enforcement onto the public agenda. Aides said they imagined that with his presidency in its final stages, Mr. Obama might be thinking more about what comes next and causes he can advance as a private citizen.

That is not to say that his public discussion of these issues has been universally welcomed. Some conservatives said he had made matters worse by seeming in their view to blame police officers in some of the disputed cases.

“President Obama, when he was elected, could have been a unifying leader,” Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, a Republican candidate for president, said at a forum last week. “He has made decisions that I think have inflamed racial tensions.”

On the other side of the ideological spectrum, some liberal African-American activists have complained that Mr. Obama has not done enough to help downtrodden communities. While he is speaking out more, these critics argue, he has hardly used the power of the presidency to make the sort of radical change they say is necessary.

The line Mr. Obama has tried to straddle has been a serrated one. He condemns police brutality as he defends most officers as honorable. He condemns “criminals and thugs” who looted in Baltimore while expressing empathy with those trapped in a cycle of poverty and hopelessness.

In the Bronx on Monday, Mr. Obama bemoaned the death of Brian Moore, a plainclothes New York police officer who had died earlier in the day after being shot in the head Saturday on a Queens street. Most police officers are “good and honest and fair and care deeply about their communities,” even as they put their lives on the line, Mr. Obama said.

“Which is why in addressing the issues in Baltimore or Ferguson or New York, the point I made was that if we’re just looking at policing, we’re looking at it too narrowly,” he added. “If we ask the police to simply contain and control problems that we ourselves have been unwilling to invest and solve, that’s not fair to the communities, it’s not fair to the police.”

Moreover, if society writes off some people, he said, “that’s not the kind of country I want to live in; that’s not what America is about.”

His message to young men like Malachi Hernandez, who attends Boston Latin Academy in Massachusetts, is not to give up.

“I want you to know you matter,” he said. “You matter to us.”

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Baltimore Residents Away From Turmoil Consider Their Role

BALTIMORE — In the afternoons, the streets of Locust Point are clean and nearly silent. In front of the rowhouses, potted plants rest next to steps of brick or concrete. There is a shopping center nearby with restaurants, and a grocery store filled with fresh foods.

And the National Guard and the police are largely absent. So, too, residents say, are worries about what happened a few miles away on April 27 when, in a space of hours, parts of this city became riot zones.

“They’re not our reality,” Ashley Fowler, 30, said on Monday at the restaurant where she works. “They’re not what we’re living right now. We live in, not to be racist, white America.”

As Baltimore considers its way forward after the violent unrest brought by the death of Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old black man who died of injuries he suffered while in police custody, residents in its predominantly white neighborhoods acknowledge that they are sometimes struggling to understand what beyond Mr. Gray’s death spurred the turmoil here. For many, the poverty and troubled schools of gritty West Baltimore are distant troubles, glimpsed only when they pass through the area on their way somewhere else.

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And so neighborhoods of Baltimore are facing altogether different reckonings after Mr. Gray’s death. In mostly black communities like Sandtown-Winchester, where some of the most destructive rioting played out last week, residents are hoping businesses will reopen and that the police will change their strategies. But in mostly white areas like Canton and Locust Point, some residents wonder what role, if any, they should play in reimagining stretches of Baltimore where they do not live.

“Most of the people are kind of at a loss as to what they’re supposed to do,” said Dr. Richard Lamb, a dentist who has practiced in the same Locust Point office for nearly 39 years. “I listen to the news reports. I listen to the clergymen. I listen to the facts of the rampant unemployment and the lack of opportunities in the area. Listen, I pay my taxes. Exactly what can I do?”

And in Canton, where the restaurants have clever names like Nacho Mama’s and Holy Crepe Bakery and Café, Sara Bahr said solutions seemed out of reach for a proudly liberal city.

“I can only imagine how frustrated they must be,” said Ms. Bahr, 36, a nurse who was out with her 3-year-old daughter, Sally. “I just wish I knew how to solve poverty. I don’t know what to do to make it better.”

The day of unrest and the overwhelmingly peaceful demonstrations that followed led to hundreds of arrests, often for violations of the curfew imposed on the city for five consecutive nights while National Guard soldiers patrolled the streets. Although there were isolated instances of trouble in Canton, the neighborhood association said on its website, many parts of southeast Baltimore were physically untouched by the tumult.

Tensions in the city bubbled anew on Monday after reports that the police had wounded a black man in Northwest Baltimore. The authorities denied those reports and sent officers to talk with the crowds that gathered while other officers clutching shields blocked traffic at Pennsylvania and West North Avenues.

Lt. Col. Melvin Russell, a community police officer, said officers had stopped a man suspected of carrying a handgun and that “one of those rounds was spent.”

Colonel Russell said officers had not opened fire, “so we couldn’t have shot him.”

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The colonel said the man had not been injured but was taken to a hospital as a precaution. Nearby, many people stood in disbelief, despite the efforts by the authorities to quash reports they described as “unfounded.”

Monday’s episode was a brief moment in a larger drama that has yielded anger and confusion. Although many people said they were familiar with accounts of the police harassing or intimidating residents, many in Canton and Locust Point said they had never experienced it themselves. When they watched the unrest, which many protesters said was fueled by feelings that they lived only on Baltimore’s margins, even those like Ms. Bahr who were pained by what they saw said they could scarcely comprehend the emotions associated with it.

But others, like Lambi Vasilakopoulos, who runs a casual restaurant in Canton, said they were incensed by what unfolded last week.

“What happened wasn’t called for. Protests are one thing; looting is another thing,” he said, adding, “We’re very frustrated because we’re the ones who are going to pay for this.”

There were pockets of optimism, though, that Baltimore would enter a period of reconciliation.

“I’m just hoping for peace,” Natalie Boies, 53, said in front of the Locust Point home where she has lived for 50 years. “Learn to love each other; be patient with each other; find justice; and care.”

A skeptical Mr. Vasilakopoulos predicted tensions would worsen.

“It cannot be fixed,” he said. “It’s going to get worse. Why? Because people don’t obey the laws. They don’t want to obey them.”

But there were few fears that the violence that plagued West Baltimore last week would play out on these relaxed streets. The authorities, Ms. Fowler said, would make sure of that.

“They kept us safe here,” she said. “I didn’t feel uncomfortable when I was in my house three blocks away from here. I knew I was going to be O.K. because I knew they weren’t going to let anyone come and loot our properties or our businesses or burn our cars.”