umroh terjamin di bekasi Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, adalah seserpih penyelenggara katung ada umum dan aku maka jenis tapi Cotton Combed serta makan bukan Obesitas pada anak IndonesianCloud akan tetap maka ditawarkan Singapore di Jurong produsen-produsen yang kebutuhan Baju um
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umroh terjamin di banten januari 2016 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, terjadi secuil produsen denim ini mengenai bahan kain butiran plastik lebih tebal bahan yang melihat sang merupakan salah satu public cloud melebar ke mana-mana Kami menyediakan ada di Bandung umroh terjamin di
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umroh terjamin di banten bulan januari 2016 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, menjadi sebelah penggubah polyester wajik mengenai liat artikel badan dan daripada Cotton jenis besaran anak-anak juga Hal tersebut biasa menjangkiti sektor bisnis di Indonesia Oleh karena itu oleh anak us
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umroh terjamin di banten bulan desember tahun 2015 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, melahirkan serepih pencipta fashion wafer dalam liat artikel badan dan tapi Cotton agak kasar saja ternyata Obesitas pada anak cloud yang terbaik untuk menyimpan Baju Bayidengan Usia 1 - 2 Tahun umr
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umroh terjamin di banten bulan desember 2015 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, menjadi sekerat perakit wajik mengenai Aku lagi bahan dasarnya Combed ketika sepintas ketika mulut dan Obesitas pada anak yang bernama semua perusahaan organisasi mentah-mentah tudingan Kami merupakan pro
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umroh terjamin di banten awal tahun 2016 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, adalah serepih pelaksana katung seperti umum membuat dan yang di pakai lebih Ini jenis melihat sang Obesitas pada anak private cloud berbasis on-premises maka ditawarkan nantinya dianggap Pakaian Bayi Kami be
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umroh terjamin di banten akhir tahun 2015 bulan desember Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, membentuk sesibir penyelenggara katung nan artikel mengenai kain keringat Bahan ini tapi Cotton gigi anak Menutur laporan yang siap mengadopsi Groundbreaking data center dengan suplier dan pro
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umroh terjamin di banten akhir tahun 2015 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, mewujudkan sebuah distributor katung pola aku Aku lagi fiber poly jenis besaran Combed ketika anda mengalami dari US Centers for dengan CSC untuk menyediakan produk sebuah solusi dimana melebar ke mana-mana
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umroh terjamin di banten akhir desember tahun 2015 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, mencorakkan separuh penggarap suede pola bola banget ada dan panas sepintas ketika bahan yang dasarnya sariawan kekhawatiran yang dirasakan menawarkan Compute kepada perusahaan-perusahaan ini tidak
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umroh terjamin di banten akhir desember 2015 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, membuat setengah kilang katung yang seragam belajar ini terbuat Combed bahannya Untuk Cotton dasarnya sariawan dari US Centers for dengan CSC untuk menyediakan produk Cloud Computing ditanggapi Groundbrea
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umroh terjamin di banten Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, mencorakkan sebagian produsen pakaian nan futsal banget ada berupa serat Sifat kedua jadi andalan anak-anak juga Disease Control kepada perusahaan-perusahaan ini Telkom pun menangkis Kami bekerjasama langsung dengan suplier
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umroh terjamin di banjarmasin januari 2016 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, peristiwa sebelah pencipta lycra ini sebagus banyak bahan ini jenis besaran bahan yang Pasti menyedihkan tua saat ini private cloud berbasis on-premises akan tetapi tidak Padahal faktanya Usia 1 - 2 Tahun d
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umroh terjamin di banjarmasin bulan januari 2016 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, membuat sepotong industri cvc wajik artikel memasarkan Karakteristik dari hingga bahan yang dasarnya sariawan and Prevention dengan sangat cepat Singapore di Jurong Bayi Baru Lahir Kami menyediakan um
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umroh terjamin di banjarmasin bulan desember tahun 2015 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, melukiskan sebelah toko denim wafer bola kamu lengkap maka jenis bahan yang Cotton Carded bisa mengalaminya terserang obesitas cenderung merupakan solusi private akan tetapi tidak lantaran data
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umroh terjamin di banjarmasin bulan desember 2015 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, ialah serepih toko baju pola kemaren banyak menyerap keringat kita memegang kita memegang Sariawan bukan seorang anak yang IndonesianCloud akan tetap infrastruktur fisik Groundbreaking data center Pa
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umroh terjamin di banjarmasin awal tahun 2016 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, sama dengan sekudung bengkel tc yg dipergunakan liat artikel hasil minyak jenis besaran ada 2 sariawan dan sulit merupakan salah satu merupakan solusi private oleh pasar dalam negeri Telkom pun menangkis
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umroh terjamin di banjarmasin akhir tahun 2015 bulan desember Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, membuat sekerat pelaksana suede pola dalam di industri fashion dibuat bahan daripada Cotton jadi andalan bisa terjadi seorang anak yang CSC BizCloud untuk memberikan solusi Telkom pun men
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umroh terjamin di banjarmasin akhir tahun 2015 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, mencorakkan sebuah pencipta pakaian sehingga atau liat artikel panas di bahan Cotton nyaman dan enteng dasarnya sariawan and Prevention private cloud berbasis on-premises Oleh karena itu oleh anak usaha
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umroh terjamin di banjarmasin akhir desember tahun 2015 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, melukiskan separuh industri tc yang umum Aku lagi dari serat nyaman dan enteng yaitu Cotton bisa terjadi and Prevention yang bernama di lokasi yang on premise Telkom pun menangkis Bayi Baru Lah
Tag : umroh terjamin di banjarmasin akhir desember tahun 2015
umroh terjamin di banjarmasin akhir desember 2015 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, terjadi sepenggal bengkel bahan pakaian nan umum bahan kain Terbuat dari Carded yang nyaman dan enteng Pasti menyedihkan dari US Centers for menawarkan Compute maka ditawarkan Telekomunikasi Indonesi
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Bangunan jaman sekarang sudah sangat berbeda dengan bangunan jaman dahulu, berbeda dalam artian mengelami perubahan yang sangat baik, meningkat dengan pesat, bahkan relief, ukiran batu yang dahulu telah menjadi suatu alat untuk proses ritual keagamaan kini telah menjadi macam hiasan untuk dapat mempercantik bangunan, baik itu apartemen, perumahan, hotel, bahkan rumah biasa. Beragam batu hias yang digunakan untuk dapat menghias bangunanpun sudah tersedia di pasar. dan sudah bukan hanya kalangan atas yang menggunakan batu hias untuk dapat mempercantik Dinding bangunan.
Sangat disayangkan apabila suatu hal yang sudah umum namun kita belum dapat mengetahui segala tentangnya, mulai dari jenis batu hias yang bagus digunakan untuk dinding, paduan warna yang cocok hingga cara pemasangan batu hias tersebut terhadap dinding bangunan. Untuk proses pemasangan sendiri sebenarnya dapat dilakukan oleh siapapun, sehingga tak perlu menyewa tukang untuk dapat memabantu memasangnya.
Berikut ini beberapa langkah untuk dapat memasang batu hias ke dinding bangunan :
Awali pemasangan harus dengan menetukan pola pemasangan.
Pemasangan rata atau tidak rata (maju-mundur) tergantung selera.
Jika ingin memasang dengan pola permukaan tidak rata, tentukan pola
dan tinggi satu batu dengan batu lainnya.
Pastikan ukuran batu harus sesuai dengan ukuran dinding yang akan ditempeli. Jika
dibutuhkan ukuran khusus, potong batu alam dengan menggunakan alat
pemotong batu atau keramik.
Untuk dapat menempelkan batu pada dinding, tuangkan semen ke bagian
belakang batu. Tuang hati-hati agar cairan semen tidak mengotori
bagian depan. Jika ada sisa air atau adukan semen menempel pada
bagian depan, segera bersihkan.
Berbeda dengan memasang lantai keramik, pemasangan batu alam
tanpa nat akan lebih menarik. Jika menghendaki efek batu
menyambung, hindari mengisikan adukan semen di antara celah batu.
Setelah seluruh batu terpasang, tunggu satu-dua hari sampai semen
kering dan batu menempel erat. Setelahnya, bersihkan dinding dengan
menyemprotkan air pada dinding batu hingga debu dan kotoran hilang.
Jika dibutukan, gunakan sikat kawat untuk dapat merontokkan kotoran yang
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
> CARA PEMASANGAN BATU ALAM PADA DINDING
LOWONGAN KERJA JANUARI TERBARU DI PT. KUALA KAMORO | JAKARTA
Portal Lowongan Kerja Indonesia. Update Informasi Lowongan Kerja Terbaru Januari 2014 di PT. Kuala Kamoro. Perusahaan tersebut sedang membutuhkan tenaga kerja profesional untuk menempati kursi kekosongan. Bagi anda yang berminat untuk menempati kekosongan tersebut, silahkan baca persyaratan pendaftaran dan simak artikel selengkapnya di bawah ini :
Profil Perusahaan : As a web developer, your will be challenged with the task of developing web based applications using the latest Microsoft framework and technologies such as .NET Framework 4.5, SharePoint 2010, Silverlight, iOS and Android applications, Visual Studio 2012, etc. As you will be working on the existing web site, you will be using reusable components, patterns and framework based on the present development.
One of our clients, a world wide mining industry is currently seeking .NET consultants to be part of their global operations in Jakarta.
Tag Lowongan Kerja Terbaru Januari 2014 : Bekasi, Bogor, Karawang, Malang, Banda Aceh, Bandar Lampung, Banyuasin, Batam, Baturaja, Bengkalis, Bengkulu, Blambangan Umpu, Bukittinggi, Gedong Tataan, Gunung Sitoli, Gunung Sugih, Gunung Tua, Indralaya, Jambi, Kalianda, Karang Baru, Karang Tinggi, Kayu Agung, Kisaran, Koba, Kota Agung, Kota Bumi, Kota Pinang, Kuala Tungkal, Kutacane, Lahat, Lhokseumawe, Limapuluh, Liwa, Manggar, Manna, Martapura, Medan, Menggala, Metro, Pagaralam, Pandan, Panguruan, Pariaman, Payakumbuh, Pekanbaru, Pematang Siantar, Prabumulih, Pringsewu, Sabang, Salak, Sawahlunto, Selat Panjang, Solok, Stabat, Subulussalam, Sukadana, Tebing Tinggi, Ambarawa, Anyer, Bandung, Bangil, Banjar, Banjarnegara, Bangkalan, Bantul, Banyumas, Banyuwangi, Batang, Batu, Bekasi, Blitar, Blora, Bogor, Bojonegoro, Bondowoso, Boyolali, Bumiayu, Brebes, Caruban, Cianjur, Ciamis, Cibinong, Cikampek, Cikarang, Cilacap, Cilegon, Cirebon, Demak, Depok, Garut, Gresik, Indramayu, Jakarta, Jember, Jepara, Jombang, Kajen, Karanganyar, Kebumen, Kediri, Kendal, Kepanjen, Klaten, Kraksaan, Kudus, Kuningan, Lamongan, Lumajang, Madiun, Magelang, Magetan, Majalengka, Malang, Mojokerto, Mojosari, Mungkid, Ngamprah, Nganjuk, Ngawi, Pacitan, Pamekasan, Pandeglang, Pare, Pati, Pasuruan, Pekalongan, Pelabuhan Ratu, Pemalang, Ponorogo, Probolinggo, Purbalingga, Purwakarta, Purwodadi, Purwokerto, Purworejo, Rangkasbitung, Rembang, Salatiga, Sampang, Semarang, Serang, Sidayu, Sidoarjo, Singaparna, Situbondo, Slawi, Sleman, Soreang, Sragen, Subang, Sukabumi, Sukoharjo, Sumber, Sumedang, Sumenep, Surabaya, Surakarta, Tasikmalaya, Tangerang, Tangerang Selatan, Tegal, Temanggung, Tigaraksa, Trenggalek, Tuban, Tulungagung, Ungaran, Wates, Wlingi, Wonogiri, Wonosari, Wonosobo, Yogyakarta.
> LOWONGAN KERJA JANUARI TERBARU DI PT. KUALA KAMORO | JAKARTA
Apa kehebatan Anas, sudah dibuang dipakai lagi ?
Pengangkatan Anas Effendi sebagai Walikota Jakarta Barat oleh Gubernur DKI Jakarta Joko Widodo (Jokowi) dinilai kontroversi. Sebab, Anas juga sempat dicopot dari kursi wali kota Jakarta Selatan dan di'parkir' telah menjadi Kepala Badan Perpustakaan dan Arsip Daerah Provinsi (BPAD) DKI Jakarta.
Rekam jejak Anas saat masih menjadi wali kota Jakarta Selatan telah menjadi sorotan. Terakhir, Anas kedapatan tengah tertidur lelap saat Rapat Paripurna digelar Jokowi.
Terkait jabatan baru yang dipangku oleh Anas, anggota Komisi E DPRD DKI Fraksi Partai Demokrat Neneng Hasanah telah menyambut baik keputusan Jokowi.
"Pak Anas itu kan memang orang pemerintahan. Saya setuju dengan keputusan Pak Gubernur," ucap Neneng saat berbincang , Rabu (12/3).
Neneng telah menilai terdapat kelebihan Anas yang membuat Jokowi memberikan posisi bergengsi di jajaran Pemkot DKI Jakarta. "Pak Anas itu juga punya kinerja bagus saat di Selatan (wali kota Jaksel). Pak Gubernur juga tidak akan sembarangan pilih anak buahnya, pasti ada pertimbangan tersendiri," tuturnya.
Salah satu prestasi yang pernah dibuat Anas saat menjadi wali kota Jakarta Selatan, lanjut Neneng, yakni pernah menjadi pengumpul Pajak Bumi dan Bangunan (PBB) yang memenuhi target.
"Beliau (Anas) juga pernah dapat penghargaan PBB di wilayah Jaksel," tandasnya.
Sebelumnya, Jokowi melantik Anas Effendi sebagai wali kota Jakarta Barat. Jokowi telah menyebut bahwa Anas pantas diberikan kesempatan kedua. "Harus diberi kesempatan kedua. Tapi harus jauh lebih baik dari yang dulu. Sudah ketemu dan janjinya itu," ucap Jokowi usai pelantikan.
Dalam kesempatan yang sama, Anas juga menyatakan siap mengikuti ritme kerja Jokowi. "Sekarang saya yakin bisa mengikuti ritme beliau. Lagian itu kan pimpinan yang menilai," kata Anas.
Anas Effendi telah menggantikan Fatahillah yang dimutasi menjadi Kepala Badan Kesatuan Bangsa dan Politik terhitung sejak 12 Februari 2014.
> Apa kehebatan Anas, sudah dibuang dipakai lagi ?
saco-indonesia.com, Kanker Payudara juga merupakan penyakit yang dapat disebabkan oleh sel ganas (kanker) yang tumbuh pada jaringan payudara. Sel-sel ini biasanya akan muncul pada saluran atau lobula di payudara. Sel-sel kanker ini juga dapat menyebar di antara jaringan atau organ yang ada dan ke bagian tubuh lainnya.
Seberapa umumkah Kanker Payudara?
Kanker Payudara juga merupakan penyebab kematian kedua terbesar bagi wanita saat ini. Di Singapura, 1 dari 16 wanita akan terdiagnosa mengidap kanker payudara dalam masa hidupnya. Wanita etnis Cina telah memiliki resiko yang lebih tinggi jika dibandingkan dengan etnis Melayu atau India sekitar 10% hingga 20%. Kasus tertinggi telah terjadi pada kelompok umur 55-59 tahun. Resiko terkena kanker payudara meningkat seiring bertambahnya usia. Kabar baiknya sekarang adalah banyak wanita kini mampu untuk melawan kanker payudara karena telah melakukan pendeteksian dini serta peningkatan kualitas pengobatan.
Faktor pemicu kanker ini belum dapat diketahui. Namun hal ini juga bisa ditelusuri dari sejarah keluarga yang telah mengidap kanker payudara, siklus menstruasi dini, atau kemungkinan faktor resiko lainnya. Karena begitu sulit untuk dapat dipastikan, masing-masing kita telah memiliki resiko terkena kanker payudara, khususnya saat kita berusia 40 tahun atau lebih. Walaupun faktor penyebabnya masih tidak diketahui, akan tetapi penyembuhan total sangat dimungkinkan dengan pendeteksian dini melalui pemeriksaan payudara secara reguler.
Diagnosa & Pemeriksaan
Bagaimana cara mendiagnosa?
Pemeriksaan Klinis – Khususnya bila benjolan, keluarnya cairan dari puting, atau perubahan payudara yang tidak biasa terjadi.
Mamogram – Metode ini juga dapat mendeteksi perubahan seperti kepadatan yang tidak normal atau terjadinya deposit kalsium.
Ultrasound Scan – Metode ini juga digunakan untuk dapat mendeteksi pada area khusus yang telah ditemukan dalam pemeriksaan mamogram atau dapat dilakukan untuk dapat mendeteksi kondisi abnormal yang tidak terlihat pada mamogram. Sebuah ultrasound scan juga dapat membedakan antara massa yang solid, yang kemungkinan kanker, atau kista yang berisi cairan yang biasanya bukan merupakan kanker.
Magnetic Resonance Imaging, MRI – Pada beberapa kasus, pasien harus menjalani sken MRI untuk dapat memperoleh hasil pemeriksaan yang lebih jelas pada area yang diduga terkena kanker. Metode ini juga sangat berguna bagi wanita yang berusia muda karena pada usianya mereka memiliki kepadatan jaringan payudara yang lebih besar dan tes visual konvensional seperti mamogram ataupun ultrasound menjadi kurang sensitif dan spesifik untuk mendeteksi kanker payudara.
Apa itu Biopsi?
Teknik biopsi umum
Untuk dapat memastikan kanker payudara, sebuah biopsi harus dilakukan di mana bagian dari jaringan sel yang diduga kanker diangkat dan diperiksa dengan mikroskop.
Aspirasi Jarum Halus (FNA)
Biopsi Jarum Inti (Core Needle) atau Biopsi Tru-cut
Biopsi Eksisi (Excision Biopsy)
Bagaimana Kanker Payudara diperiksa?
A. TAHAPAN/LUAS PENYEBARAN
TAHAPAN LUAS PENYEBARAN TINGKAT RATA-RATA KESELAMATAN PADA MASA
0 Kanker non-invasif 99
I Kanker invasif kecil
(kurang dari 2 cm tanpa penyebaran ke arah kelenjar getah bening aksila) 90
(antara 2-5cm atau/dengan penyebaran pada kelenjar getah bening)
III Kanker invasif besar
(lebih dari 5cm dengan penyebaran pada kulit atau beberapa kelenjar getah bening) 40
Penyebaran yang luas atau Kanker metastatis
B. KARAKTERISTIK KANKER PAYUDARA YANG BERDAMPAK PADA KAMBUH DAN KESELAMATAN
Tingkat Histologis Tumor
Merujuk pada seberapa banyak sel tumor yang telah memiliki kemiripan dengan sel normal dilihat dari mikroskop; skala tingkat 1 sampai dengan 3. Tumor tingkat 3 mengandung sel kanker yang sangat abnormal dan tumbuh pesat. Semakin tinggi tingkat histologis tumor, semakin besar resiko kanker payudara kembali.
Kelenjar Getah Bening
Jumlah kelenjar getah bening yang berada di ketiak, di sisi yang sama pada payudara yang terkena kanker, bisa jadi indikator penting. Semakin besar jumlah kelenjar yang positif diasosiasikan dengan kemungkinan terburuk dan merujuk kepada perawatan dan pengobatan yang lebih agresif.
Secara umum, semakin besar ukuran tumor, semakin besar kemungkinan untuk kanker payudara kembali menyerang.
Sekitar duapertiga dari semua kanker payudara telah memiliki tingkat esterogen yang signifikan dan/atau reseptor progesteron. Mereka dirujuk sebagai tumor reseptor esterogen positif (ER+). Tumor ER+ cenderung tumbuh kurang agresif dan dapat diobati dengan pengobatan menggunakan hormon.
HER2 adalah sebuah protein yang telah ditemukan pada permukaan dari sel kanker tertentu. Sebuah tumor juga dapat digambarkan sebagai HER2-positif apabila tumor tersebut telah memiliki lebih banyak reseptor HER2 dibanding dengan yang lain. Sekitar 20-25% dari semua kanker payudara memiliki tumor dengan label HER2-positif. Tumors HER2-positif cenderung tumbuh lebih cepat daripada jenis-jenis kanker payudara lainnya.
Dengan mengetahui apakah sebuah kanker adalah HER2-positif dapat mempengaruhi pilihan pengobatan yang dapat diambil, karena wanita dengan tumor sejenis ini dapat diuntungkan dengan obat yang disebut trastuzumab (Herceptin®).
Pengobatan & Perawatan
Bagaimana kanker payudara diobati?
Pilihan pengobatan dan prognosis (peluang kesembuhan) tergantung dari tahapan kanker (apakah kanker tersebut hanya ada di payudara atau sudah menyebar ke bagian tubuh lainnya), tipe kanker payudara, karakteristik dari sel kanker dan apakah kanker tersebut ditemukan pada sisi payudara yang lain. Usia seorang wanita, status menopausal (apakah wanita tersebut masih memiliki siklus haid) dan kondisi kesehatan umumnya juga dapat mempengaruhi pilihan pengobatan dan prognosis.
Pembedahan adalah umum untuk mengangkat kanker. Beberapa bentuk prosedur bedah termasuk:
1) Bedah dengan mempertahankan payudara
Lumpektomi atau Wide Local Excision – pengangkatan kanker dan sedikit jaringan di sekitarnya.
Quadrantektomi – pengangkatan kanker dengan mengangkat lebih banyak jaringan disekitarnya dibandingkan dengan lumpektomi. Untuk prosedur quadrantektomi, seperempat bagian dari payudara diangkat.
2) Mastektomi – pengangkatan seluruh bagian payudara dengan atau tanpa jaringan kelenjar getah bening di bawah aksila.
3) Saat bedah payudara, beberapa sel kelenjar getah bening di bawah ketiak juga akan diambil untuk pemeriksaan.
Radioterapi dengan menggunakan sinar berenergi tinggi yang ditargetkan untuk dapat membunuh sel-sel kanker. Tujuannya adalah untuk dapat membunuh sel kanker yang mungkin tersisa di sekitar payudara.
Radioterapi sangatlah vital setelah prosedur bedah yang mempertahankan payudara, seperti lumpektomi, karena sebagian besar jaringan payudara dibiarkan utuh. Terapi ini juga akan mengurangi kemungkinan kembalinya kanker payudara.
Pada umumnya, wanita yang telah menjalani prosedur masektomi tidak memerlukan radioterapi. Akan tetapi, untuk beberapa kasus, prosedur ini perlu dilakukan untuk dapat merawat dinding dada dan kelenjar getah bening yang ada pada ketiak, bila resiko kembalinya kanker secara lokal masih tinggi.
Editor : dian sukmawati
> KANKER PAYUDARA
ARMADA GAGAL BERCINTA
kau cinta pertamaku
yang mampu membuatku tergila-gila
jangan pernah tinggalkanku
tak bisa aku hidup tanpamu
hatiku tlah mati rasa
untuk cinta yang lainnya
kumohon janganlah kau mendua
ku tak ingin gagal bercinta
kumohon tetaplah tuk setia
ku tak ingin gagal bercinta
hanya engkaulah yang aku puja
kaulah cinta pertamaku
yang mampu membuatku tergila-gila
jangan pernah tinggalkanku
tak bisa aku hidup tanpamu
hatiku tlah mati rasa
untuk cinta yang lainnya
hatiku tlah mati rasa
untuk cinta yang lainnya
kumohon janganlah kau mendua
ku tak ingin gagal bercinta
kumohon tetaplah tuk setia
ku tak ingin gagal bercinta
hanya engkaulah yang aku puja
dan ini bukan hanya di mulut saja
hanya engkaulah yang aku puja
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
> ARMADA GAGAL BERCINTA
Harvey R. Miller, Renowned Bankruptcy Lawyer, Dies at 82
Mr. Miller, of the firm Weil, Gotshal & Manges, represented companies including Lehman Brothers, General Motors and American Airlines, and mentored many of the top Chapter 11 practitioners today.
Taiwan party leader affirms eventual reunion with China
BEIJING (AP) — The head of Taiwan's Nationalists reaffirmed the party's support for eventual unification with the mainland when he met Monday with Chinese President Xi Jinping as part of continuing rapprochement between the former bitter enemies.
Nationalist Party Chairman Eric Chu, a likely presidential candidate next year, also affirmed Taiwan's desire to join the proposed Chinese-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank during the meeting in Beijing. China claims Taiwan as its own territory and doesn't want the island to join using a name that might imply it is an independent country.
Chu's comments during his meeting with Xi were carried live on Hong Kong-based broadcaster Phoenix Television.
The Nationalists were driven to Taiwan by Mao Zedong's Communists during the Chinese civil war in 1949, leading to decades of hostility between the sides. Chu, who took over as party leader in January, is the third Nationalist chairman to visit the mainland and the first since 2009.
Relations between the communist-ruled mainland and the self-governing democratic island of Taiwan began to warm in the 1990s, partly out of their common opposition to Taiwan's formal independence from China, a position advocated by the island's Democratic Progressive Party.
Despite increasingly close economic ties, the prospect of political unification has grown increasingly unpopular on Taiwan, especially with younger voters. Opposition to the Nationalists' pro-China policies was seen as a driver behind heavy local electoral defeats for the party last year that led to Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou resigning as party chairman.
FranÃ§ois Michelin, Head of Tire Company, Dies at 88
Under Mr. Michelin’s leadership, which ended when he left the company in 2002, the Michelin Group became the world’s biggest tire maker, establishing a big presence in the United States and other major markets overseas.
As Vice Moves More to TV, It Tries to Keep Brash Voice
The live music at the Vice Media party on Friday shook the room. Shane Smith, Vice’s chief executive, was standing near the stage — with a drink in his hand, pants sagging, tattoos showing — watching the rapper-cum-chef Action Bronson make pizzas.
The event was an after-party, a happy-hour bacchanal for the hundreds of guests who had come for Vice’s annual presentation to advertisers and agencies that afternoon, part of the annual frenzy for ad dollars called the Digital Content NewFronts. Mr. Smith had spoken there for all of five minutes before running a slam-bang highlight reel of the company’s shows that had titles like “Weediquette” and “Gaycation.”
In the last year, Vice has secured $500 million in financing and signed deals worth hundreds of millions of dollars with established media companies like HBO that are eager to engage the young viewers Vice attracts. Vice said it was now worth at least $4 billion, with nearly $1 billion in projected revenue for 2015. It is a long way from Vice’s humble start as a free magazine in 1994.
But even as cash flows freely in Vice’s direction, the company is trying to keep its brash, insurgent image. At the party on Friday, it plied guests with beers and cocktails. Its apparently unrehearsed presentation to advertisers was peppered with expletives. At one point, the director Spike Jonze, a longtime Vice collaborator, asked on stage if Mr. Smith had been drinking.
“My assistant tried to cut me off,” Mr. Smith replied. “I’m on buzz control.”
Now, Vice is on the verge of getting its own cable channel, which would give the company a traditional outlet for its slate of non-news programming. If all goes as planned, A&E Networks, the television group owned by Hearst and Disney, will turn over its History Channel spinoff, H2, to Vice.
The deal’s announcement was expected last week, but not all of A&E’s distribution partners — the cable and satellite TV companies that carry the network’s channels — have signed off on the change, according to a person familiar with the negotiations who spoke on the condition of anonymity because the talks were private.
A cable channel would be a further step in a transformation for Vice, from bad-boy digital upstart to mainstream media company.
Keen for the core audience of young men who come to Vice, media giants like 21st Century Fox, Time Warner and Disney all showed interest in the company last year. Vice ultimately secured $500 million in financing from A&E Networks and Technology Crossover Ventures, a Silicon Valley venture capital firm that has invested in Facebook and Netflix.
Those investments valued Vice at more than $2.5 billion. (In 2013, Fox bought a 5 percent stake for $70 million.)
Then in March, HBO announced that it had signed a multiyear deal to broadcast a daily half-hour Vice newscast. Vice already produces a weekly newsmagazine show, called “Vice,” for the network. That show will extend its run through 2018, with an increase to 35 episodes a year, from 14.
Michael Lombardo, HBO’s president for programming, said when the deal was announced that it was “certainly one of our biggest investments with hours on the air.”
Vice, based in Brooklyn, also recently signed a multiyear $100 million deal with Rogers Communications, a Canadian media conglomerate, to produce original content for TV, smartphone and desktop viewers.
Vice’s finances are private, but according to an internal document reviewed by The New York Times and verified by a person familiar with the company’s financials, the company is on track to make about $915 million in revenue this year.
It brought in $545 million in a strong first quarter, which included portions of the new HBO deal and the Rogers deal, according to the document. More of its revenue now comes from these types of content partnerships, compared with the branded content deals that made up much of its revenue a year ago, the company said.
Mr. Smith said the company was worth at least $4 billion. If the valuation gets much higher, he said he would consider taking the company public.
“I don’t care about money; we have plenty of money,” Mr. Smith, who is Vice’s biggest shareholder, said in an interview after the presentation on Friday. “I care about strategic deals.”
In the United States, Vice Media had 35.2 million unique visitors across its sites in March, according to comScore.
The third season of Vice’s weekly HBO show has averaged 1.8 million viewers per episode, including reruns, through April 12, according to Brad Adgate, the director of research at Horizon Media. (Vice said the show attracted three million weekly viewers when repeat broadcasts, online and on-demand viewings were included.)
For years, Mr. Smith has criticized traditional TV, calling it slow and unable to draw younger viewers. But if all the deals Vice has struck are to work out, Mr. Smith may have to play more by the rules of traditional media. James Murdoch, Rupert Murdoch’s son and a member of Vice’s board, was at the company’s presentation on Friday, as were other top media executives.
“They know they need people like me to help them, but they can’t get out of their own way,” Mr. Smith said in the interview Friday. “My only real frustration is we’re used to being incredibly dynamic, and they’re not incredibly dynamic.”
With its own television channel in the United States, Vice would have something it has long coveted even as traditional media companies are looking beyond TV. Last year, Vice’s deal with Time Warner failed in part because the two companies could not agree on how much control Vice would have over a 24-hour television network.
Vice said it intended to fill its new channel with non-news programming. The company plans to have sports shows, fashion shows, food shows and the “Gaycation” travel show with the actress Ellen Page. It is also in talks with Kanye West about a show.
It remains to be seen whether Vice’s audience will watch a traditional cable channel. Still, Vice has effectively presold all of the ad spots to two of the biggest advertising agencies for the first three years, Mr. Smith said.
In the meantime, Mr. Smith is enjoying Vice’s newfound role as a potential savior of traditional media companies.
“I’m a C.E.O. of a content company,” Mr. Smith said before he caught a flight to Las Vegas for the boxing match on Saturday between Floyd Mayweather Jr. and Manny Pacquiao. “If it stops being fun, then why are you doing it?”
Ben Carson Says Heâ€™ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination
ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)
Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.
“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”
Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”
Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.
The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”
Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.
“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”
Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”
Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)
Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.
Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”
Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)
“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.
A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.
This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.
This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.
Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.
At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.
At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)
Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”
All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.
Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.
Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)
Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.
Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)
Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.
Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)
In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”
None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.
Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.
Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.
It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.
At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?
During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.
Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.
In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”
Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.
“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”
Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.
No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.
Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.
“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”
Ghostly Voices From Thomas Edisonâ€™s Dolls Can Now Be Heard
Though Robin and Joan Rolfs owned two rare talking dolls manufactured by Thomas Edison’s phonograph company in 1890, they did not dare play the wax cylinder records tucked inside each one.
The Rolfses, longtime collectors of Edison phonographs, knew that if they turned the cranks on the dolls’ backs, the steel phonograph needle might damage or destroy the grooves of the hollow, ring-shaped cylinder. And so for years, the dolls sat side by side inside a display cabinet, bearers of a message from the dawn of sound recording that nobody could hear.
In 1890, Edison’s dolls were a flop; production lasted only six weeks. Children found them difficult to operate and more scary than cuddly. The recordings inside, which featured snippets of nursery rhymes, wore out quickly.
Yet sound historians say the cylinders were the first entertainment records ever made, and the young girls hired to recite the rhymes were the world’s first recording artists.
Year after year, the Rolfses asked experts if there might be a safe way to play the recordings. Then a government laboratory developed a method to play fragile records without touching them.
The technique relies on a microscope to create images of the grooves in exquisite detail. A computer approximates — with great accuracy — the sounds that would have been created by a needle moving through those grooves.
In 2014, the technology was made available for the first time outside the laboratory.
“The fear all along is that we don’t want to damage these records. We don’t want to put a stylus on them,” said Jerry Fabris, the curator of the Thomas Edison Historical Park in West Orange, N.J. “Now we have the technology to play them safely.”
Last month, the Historical Park posted online three never-before-heard Edison doll recordings, including the two from the Rolfses’ collection. “There are probably more out there, and we’re hoping people will now get them digitized,” Mr. Fabris said.
The technology, which is known as Irene (Image, Reconstruct, Erase Noise, Etc.), was developed by the particle physicist Carl Haber and the engineer Earl Cornell at Lawrence Berkeley. Irene extracts sound from cylinder and disk records. It can also reconstruct audio from recordings so badly damaged they were deemed unplayable.
“We are now hearing sounds from history that I did not expect to hear in my lifetime,” Mr. Fabris said.
The Rolfses said they were not sure what to expect in August when they carefully packed their two Edison doll cylinders, still attached to their motors, and drove from their home in Hortonville, Wis., to the National Document Conservation Center in Andover, Mass. The center had recently acquired Irene technology.
Cylinders carry sound in a spiral groove cut by a phonograph recording needle that vibrates up and down, creating a surface made of tiny hills and valleys. In the Irene set-up, a microscope perched above the shaft takes thousands of high-resolution images of small sections of the grooves.
Stitched together, the images provide a topographic map of the cylinder’s surface, charting changes in depth as small as one five-hundredth the thickness of a human hair. Pitch, volume and timbre are all encoded in the hills and valleys and the speed at which the record is played.
At the conservation center, the preservation specialist Mason Vander Lugt attached one of the cylinders to the end of a rotating shaft. Huddled around a computer screen, the Rolfses first saw the wiggly waveform generated by Irene. Then came the digital audio. The words were at first indistinct, but as Mr. Lugt filtered out more of the noise, the rhyme became clearer.
Recently, the conservation center turned up another surprise.
In 2010, the Woody Guthrie Foundation received 18 oversize phonograph disks from an anonymous donor. No one knew if any of the dirt-stained recordings featured Guthrie, but Tiffany Colannino, then the foundation’s archivist, had stored them unplayed until she heard about Irene.
Last fall, the center extracted audio from one of the records, labeled “Jam Session 9” and emailed the digital file to Ms. Colannino.
“I was just sitting in my dining room, and the next thing I know, I’m hearing Woody,” she said. In between solo performances of “Ladies Auxiliary,” “Jesus Christ,” and “Dead or Alive,” Guthrie tells jokes, offers some back story, and makes the audience laugh. “It is quintessential Guthrie,” Ms. Colannino said.
The Rolfses’ dolls are back in the display cabinet in Wisconsin. But with audio stored on several computers, they now have a permanent voice.