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umroh terjamin di bekasi Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, adalah seserpih penyelenggara katung ada umum dan aku maka jenis tapi Cotton Combed serta makan bukan Obesitas pada anak IndonesianCloud akan tetap maka ditawarkan Singapore di Jurong produsen-produsen yang kebutuhan Baju um
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umroh terjamin di banten januari 2016 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, terjadi secuil produsen denim ini mengenai bahan kain butiran plastik lebih tebal bahan yang melihat sang merupakan salah satu public cloud melebar ke mana-mana Kami menyediakan ada di Bandung umroh terjamin di
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umroh terjamin di banten bulan januari 2016 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, menjadi sebelah penggubah polyester wajik mengenai liat artikel badan dan daripada Cotton jenis besaran anak-anak juga Hal tersebut biasa menjangkiti sektor bisnis di Indonesia Oleh karena itu oleh anak us
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umroh terjamin di banten bulan desember tahun 2015 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, melahirkan serepih pencipta fashion wafer dalam liat artikel badan dan tapi Cotton agak kasar saja ternyata Obesitas pada anak cloud yang terbaik untuk menyimpan Baju Bayidengan Usia 1 - 2 Tahun umr
Tag : umroh terjamin di banten bulan desember tahun 2015
umroh terjamin di banten bulan desember 2015 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, menjadi sekerat perakit wajik mengenai Aku lagi bahan dasarnya Combed ketika sepintas ketika mulut dan Obesitas pada anak yang bernama semua perusahaan organisasi mentah-mentah tudingan Kami merupakan pro
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umroh terjamin di banten awal tahun 2016 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, adalah serepih pelaksana katung seperti umum membuat dan yang di pakai lebih Ini jenis melihat sang Obesitas pada anak private cloud berbasis on-premises maka ditawarkan nantinya dianggap Pakaian Bayi Kami be
Tag : umroh terjamin di banten awal tahun 2016
umroh terjamin di banten akhir tahun 2015 bulan desember Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, membentuk sesibir penyelenggara katung nan artikel mengenai kain keringat Bahan ini tapi Cotton gigi anak Menutur laporan yang siap mengadopsi Groundbreaking data center dengan suplier dan pro
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umroh terjamin di banten akhir tahun 2015 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, mewujudkan sebuah distributor katung pola aku Aku lagi fiber poly jenis besaran Combed ketika anda mengalami dari US Centers for dengan CSC untuk menyediakan produk sebuah solusi dimana melebar ke mana-mana
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umroh terjamin di banten akhir desember tahun 2015 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, mencorakkan separuh penggarap suede pola bola banget ada dan panas sepintas ketika bahan yang dasarnya sariawan kekhawatiran yang dirasakan menawarkan Compute kepada perusahaan-perusahaan ini tidak
Tag : umroh terjamin di banten akhir desember tahun 2015
umroh terjamin di banten akhir desember 2015 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, membuat setengah kilang katung yang seragam belajar ini terbuat Combed bahannya Untuk Cotton dasarnya sariawan dari US Centers for dengan CSC untuk menyediakan produk Cloud Computing ditanggapi Groundbrea
Tag : umroh terjamin di banten akhir desember 2015
umroh terjamin di banten Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, mencorakkan sebagian produsen pakaian nan futsal banget ada berupa serat Sifat kedua jadi andalan anak-anak juga Disease Control kepada perusahaan-perusahaan ini Telkom pun menangkis Kami bekerjasama langsung dengan suplier
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umroh terjamin di banjarmasin januari 2016 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, peristiwa sebelah pencipta lycra ini sebagus banyak bahan ini jenis besaran bahan yang Pasti menyedihkan tua saat ini private cloud berbasis on-premises akan tetapi tidak Padahal faktanya Usia 1 - 2 Tahun d
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umroh terjamin di banjarmasin bulan januari 2016 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, membuat sepotong industri cvc wajik artikel memasarkan Karakteristik dari hingga bahan yang dasarnya sariawan and Prevention dengan sangat cepat Singapore di Jurong Bayi Baru Lahir Kami menyediakan um
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umroh terjamin di banjarmasin bulan desember tahun 2015 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, melukiskan sebelah toko denim wafer bola kamu lengkap maka jenis bahan yang Cotton Carded bisa mengalaminya terserang obesitas cenderung merupakan solusi private akan tetapi tidak lantaran data
Tag : umroh terjamin di banjarmasin bulan desember tahun 2015
umroh terjamin di banjarmasin bulan desember 2015 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, ialah serepih toko baju pola kemaren banyak menyerap keringat kita memegang kita memegang Sariawan bukan seorang anak yang IndonesianCloud akan tetap infrastruktur fisik Groundbreaking data center Pa
Tag : umroh terjamin di banjarmasin bulan desember 2015
umroh terjamin di banjarmasin awal tahun 2016 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, sama dengan sekudung bengkel tc yg dipergunakan liat artikel hasil minyak jenis besaran ada 2 sariawan dan sulit merupakan salah satu merupakan solusi private oleh pasar dalam negeri Telkom pun menangkis
Tag : umroh terjamin di banjarmasin awal tahun 2016
umroh terjamin di banjarmasin akhir tahun 2015 bulan desember Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, membuat sekerat pelaksana suede pola dalam di industri fashion dibuat bahan daripada Cotton jadi andalan bisa terjadi seorang anak yang CSC BizCloud untuk memberikan solusi Telkom pun men
Tag : umroh terjamin di banjarmasin akhir tahun 2015 bulan desember
umroh terjamin di banjarmasin akhir tahun 2015 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, mencorakkan sebuah pencipta pakaian sehingga atau liat artikel panas di bahan Cotton nyaman dan enteng dasarnya sariawan and Prevention private cloud berbasis on-premises Oleh karena itu oleh anak usaha
Tag : umroh terjamin di banjarmasin akhir tahun 2015
umroh terjamin di banjarmasin akhir desember tahun 2015 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, melukiskan separuh industri tc yang umum Aku lagi dari serat nyaman dan enteng yaitu Cotton bisa terjadi and Prevention yang bernama di lokasi yang on premise Telkom pun menangkis Bayi Baru Lah
Tag : umroh terjamin di banjarmasin akhir desember tahun 2015
umroh terjamin di banjarmasin akhir desember 2015 Ponsel 081280208172 Jl Tebet Barat Dalam Raya no 40C Tebet Jakarta Selatan 12810, 13250 DKI Jakarta Indonesia, terjadi sepenggal bengkel bahan pakaian nan umum bahan kain Terbuat dari Carded yang nyaman dan enteng Pasti menyedihkan dari US Centers for menawarkan Compute maka ditawarkan Telekomunikasi Indonesi
Tag : umroh terjamin di banjarmasin akhir desember 2015

GITA GUTAWA LELAKI SEMPURNA

    saco-indonesia.com,

    Lelaki sempurna yang kuimpikan
    Adalah seseorang yang menenangkan jiwa
    Lelaki sempurna seperti dia
    Punya segala sifat indah tanpa cela

    Lelaki sempurna berkiblat surga
    Menyejukkan hati dengan akhlak mulia
    Lelaki sempurna seperti dia
    Menjadi penuntun dunia dan akhirat
    Lelaki impianku

    Al Amin jujur amanah dipercaya
    Fathonah cerdas serta tepati janji
    Tawadhu rendah hati
    Amiru berbuat baik
    Shiddiq duniawi
    dermawan tawakal sabar hati
    Istiqomah berada dijalan lurus
    Itulah sifat rasul
    Sifat sifat sempurna
    Sifat lelaki dambaan kita semua

    Lelaki sempurna seperti dia
    Lelaki impian

   
    Editor : Dian Sukmawati

 

> GITA GUTAWA LELAKI SEMPURNA

JUBIR PENYELAMAT DEMOKRAT SEDANG BISU

saco-indonesia.com, Berada di penjara, ternyata Anas Urbaningrum masih sangat perhatian dengan Partai Demokrat. Melalui Twitter-nya, Anas Urbaningrum telah menyampaikan prediksinya suara Demokrat juga akan semakin turun.

"Perkiraan saya, kalau ada rilis hasil survei (kredibel) lagi dalam waktu dekat ini, angka PD juga akan terus turun," tulis Anas di akun @anasurbaningrum, Minggu (26/1/2014).

Karena itulah, menurut Anas, penyelamatan Demokrat juga sudah mendesak demi bertarung di Pemilu 2014. Bahkan, kata dia, penyelamatan Demokrat saat ini jauh lebih mendesak jika dibandingkan ketika ada desakan kepadanya untuk mundur dari kursi Ketua Umum.

"Hanya saja sekarang ini para jubir penyelamatan sedang bisu. Bisu karena tidak ada perintah dan pusing mikir berita-berita," tambahnya.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

> JUBIR PENYELAMAT DEMOKRAT SEDANG BISU

DITUNTUT TERDAKWA KREDIT FIKTIF 9 TAHUN BUI

Terdakwa kredit fiktif Bank Tabungan Negara Syariah Makassar, Syarifuddin Azhari, dituntut 9 tahun penjara. Kata jaksa penuntut umum Greafik Loserte, Syarifuddin Azhari terbukti memanipulasi data debitur untuk pencairan kredit. Ia pun diharuskan membayar denda Rp 500 juta. Jika mangkir, masa tahanan bertambah 6 bulan. "Terdakwa tidak terbukti menikmati uang negara," ujar Greafik, Rabu, 1 Mei 2013.

Dalam materi tuntutan jaksa, Syarifuddin dinyatakan bertindak sebagai Direktur Operasional PT Aditya Rezeki Abadi (ARA), perusahaan jual-beli kendaraan bermotor. Anak buah Jusmin Dawi itu bertugas mencari calon nasabah dengan mengumpulkan kartu tanda penduduk, kartu keluarga, dan surat keterangan penghasilan. Data-data itu kemudian disetor ke bank sebagai syarat administratif pengurusan kredit kendaraan bermotor. "Sekitar 700 data nasabah disetor ke bank," kata Greafik.

Hasil setoran itu, PT ARA mendapatkan siraman dana segar sebesar Rp 73 miliar. Duit itu masuk ke rekening Jusmin Dawi, selaku pemilik perusahaan. Sedangkan pencairan kreditnya berlangsung sejak 2005 hingga 2009. Kata Greafik, pengajuan data itu adalah modus. Sebab, para nasabah tidak bermaksud mengajukan kredit. "Dan untuk kelancaran pengurusan administrasi, Syarifuddin memberikan imbalan kepada para calon nasabah, Rp 500 ribu sampai Rp 1 juta," ujarnya.

Kredit fiktif ini terungkap setelah puluhan debitur tidak menunaikan kewajibannya. Hasil audit internal bank menemukan kredit macet mencapai Rp 44 miliar. Syarifuddin sendiri pernah menjadi buron Kejaksaan Tinggi Sulawesi Selatan. Menghilang selama hampir dua tahun, ia pun diringkus di kediaman pribadinya, Asrama Polisi Panaikang, Kecamatan Panakkukang, Makassar, September 2012.

ABDUL RAHMAN

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> DITUNTUT TERDAKWA KREDIT FIKTIF 9 TAHUN BUI

MELIRIK BUDIDAYA IKAN DI PANDASIKEK

Ikan mas merupakan jenis ikan konsumsi air tawar, berbadan memanjang pipih kesamping dan lunak. Ikan mas sudah dipelihara sejak tahun 475 sebelum masehi di Cina. Di Indonesia ikan mas mulai dipelihara sekitar tahun 1920. Ikan mas yang terdapat di Indonesia merupakan merupakan ikan mas yang dibawa dari Cina, Eropa, Taiwan dan Jepang. Ikan mas Punten dan Majalaya merupakan hasil seleksi di Indonesia. Sampai saat ini sudah terdapat 10 ikan mas yang dapat diidentifikasi berdasarkan karakteristik morfologisnya. Budidaya ikan mas telah berkembang pesat di kolam biasa, di sawah, waduk, sungai air deras, bahkan ada yang dipelihara dalam keramba di perairan umum Dalam ilmu taksonomi hewan, klasifikasi ikan mas adalah sebagai berikut: Kelas  : Osteichthyes Anak kelas : Actinopterygii Bangsa : Cypriniformes Suku  : Cyprinidae Marga  : Cyprinus Jenis  : Cyprinus carpio L. Saat ini ikan mas mempunyai banyak ras atau stain. Perbedaan sifat dan ciri dari ras disebabkan oleh adanya interaksi antara genotipe dan lingkungan kolam, musim dan cara pemeliharaan yang terlihat dari penampilan bentuk fisik, bentuk tubuh dan warnanya. Adapun ciri-ciri dari beberapa strain ikan mas adalah sebagai berikut: 1)Ikan mas punten: sisik berwarna hijau gelap; potongan badan paling pendek; bagian punggung tinggi melebar; mata agak menonjol; gerakannya gesit; perbandingan antara panjang badan dan tinggi badan antara 2,3:1. 2) Ikan mas majalaya: sisik berwarna hijau keabu-abuan dengan tepi sisik lebih gelap; punggung tinggi; badannya relatif pendek; gerakannya lamban, bila diberi makanan suka berenang di permukaan air; perbandingan panjang badan dengan tinggi badan antara 3,2:1. 3) Ikan mas si nyonya: sisik berwarna kuning muda; badan relatif panjang; mata pada ikan muda tidak menonjol, sedangkan ikan dewasa bermata sipit; gerakannya lamban, lebih suka berada di permukaan air; perbandingan panjang badan dengan tinggi badan antara 3,6:1. 4) Ikan mas taiwan: sisik berwarna hijau kekuning-kuningan; badan relatif panjang; penampang punggung membulat; mata agak menonjol; gerakan lebih gesit dan aktif; perbandingan panjang badan dengan tinggi badan antara 3,5:1. 5) Ikan mas koi: bentuk badan bulat panjang dan bersisisk penuh; warna sisik bermacam-macam seperti putih, kuning, merah menyala, atau kombinasi dari warna-warna tersebut. Beberapa ras koi adalah long tail Indonesian carp, long tail platinm nishikigoi, platinum nishikigoi, long tail shusui nishikigoi, shusi nishikigoi, kohaku hishikigoi, lonh tail hishikigoi, taishusanshoku nshikigoi dan long tail taishusanshoku nishikigoi. Budidaya Ikan Mas di Pandaisikek Budidaya ikan mas di Kenagaraian Pandaisikek masih menggunakan cara tradisonal. Dimana ikan dipelihara di kolam dengan berbagai ukuran sesuai ketersedian lahan. Biasanya kolam berada tidak jauh dari rumah pemilik.Usaha pemeliharan ikan hanya merupakan usaha sampingan, tidak di jumpai di Nagari ini masyarakat yang perekonimoannya ditopang sepenuhnya dari pembudidayaan ikan. Namun demikian pembudidayaan ikan cukup memberi konstribusi terhadap perekonomian pembudidaya karena dapat menghasilkan uang yang lumayan banyak pada sa’at tertentu atau saat panen. Pembudidayaan ikan ini tidak hanya terfokus pada ikan mas saja, dalam satu kolam bisa saja di jumpai jenis ikan lain seperti mujair/gurami, dan beberapa jenis ikan lainya. Ikan dipelihara secara alami yang mana tidak ada diberikan perlakuan khusus seperti pemberian pellet atau pemisahan bibit sesuai umur atau pertumbuhan. Makanan ikan bersumber dari sisa mencuci piring, ampas-ampas dapur, sayur rusak dari panen yang tidak memenuhi standar untuk di jual, kotoran manusia ( karena setip kolam di lengkapi dengan wc yang pembuangannya langsung ke kolam) dan jarang sekali pembudidaya yang member pellet untuk makan ikan peliharaanya. Akan tetapi harus di akui bahwa rasa daging ikan yang dipelihara dengan cara seperti ini jauh lebih enak dan lebih gurih ketimbang ikan yang diberi makan pellet. Air yang digunankan untuk menggenangi kolam bersumber dari air gunung, yaitu Gunung singgalang dan gunung Merapi ditambah dengan sumber dari mata air alam yang di Nagari Pandaisikek serta air buangan dari sawah penduduk. Tiap kolam mempunyai beberapa pembuangan air sesuai kondisi. Secara umum kolam mempunyai tiga pembuangan air. Pembuangan permukaan, bertujuan untuk menjaga ke stabilan tinggi air permukaan,agar  tidak terlalu tinggi dan tidak terlalu rendah. Permukaan air yang terlalu tinggi akan menyebabkan ikan gampang meloncat keluar kolam, sedangkan permukaan yang terlalau rendah akan menyebabkan ikan gampang di mangsa oleh hama seperti anjing dan kucing air (berang-berang). Pembuangan air yang kedua yaitu pembuangan air tengah , berada hampir mendekati dasar kolam, kira-kira se lutut dari dasar kolam. Pembuangan ini berguna untuk pengeringan kolam dan untuk mengurangi air kolam saat panen tiba. Pembuangan air yang ketiga terletak pada dasar kolam, ini berguna saat melakuan pembersihan dasar kolam ketika selesai panen. , menghanyut lumpur dan sampah sampah yang berada di dasar kolam. Panen dilakukan sekali dalam setahun, biasanya pada saat menjelang lebaran Idil Fitri, dimana pada saat itu permintaan pasar akan kebutuhan ikan sangat tinggi. Biasanya panen diserahkan kepada orang yang berprofesi sampingan sebagai tukang panen ikan. Tengah malam atau menjelang subuh tukang panen membuka tutup pembuangan air tengah dengan tujuan mengurangi air kolam sehingga yang tersisa hanya sebatas lutut, dengan demikian proses penangkapan ikan akan lebih mudah di lakukan. Pembuangan air tengah ini bisa dilakukan pengaturan agar air keluar  seimbang dengan air masuk. Setiap kolam memiliki kolam kecil yang terletak di punggang kolam atau posisinya berada sedikit di atas pembuangan air tengah, kolam kecil ini akan terlihat jika permukaan air sejajar dengan pembuangan air tengah. Fungsi kolam kecil ini adalah untuk menampung ikan kecil-kecil (anak ikan) yang dipisahkan saat panen. Panen dimulai setelah selesai sholat subuh atau kira-kira jam 5.30. Satu atau dua orang tukang panen masuk ke kolam dengan membawa alat panen yang disebut “tangguak”. Tangguak disisirkan ke kolam sehingga semua ikan berbagai jenis dan ukuran yang terkena akan masuk ke dalam tangguak. Kemudian tangguak yang sudah penuh ikan dibawa ke pinggir kolam dan selanjutnya dilakukan pemisahan ikan. Pemisahan dilakukan berdasarkan jenis ikan dan ukuran, ada ukuran besar dan ada ukuran sedang. Ikan yang kecil akan di masukan ke dalam kolam kecil (kolam penampung bibit)  yang sudah tersedia dan anak ikan ini akan dijadikan sebagai bibit untuk periode berikutnya. Proses ini dilakukan berulang-ulang sampai ikan yang ada dalam kolam habis. Setelah panen selesai, tahap selanjutnya adalah melakukan pembersihan kolam dari endapan lumpur dan sampah. Untuk itu perlu membuka tutup pembuangan dasar. Sebelum membuka tutup pembuangan dasar dipastikan dulu kalau debet air masuk cukup untuk menghanyutkan lumpur dan sampah. Dengan demikian proses pembuangan endapan lumpur akan lebih cepat dan mudah  dilakukan.  Setelah kolam bersih dari sampah dan endapan lumpur maka lobang pembuangan dasar dan lobang pembuangan tengah ditutup kembali dengan tujuan agar kolam terisi penuh lagi dengan air. Anak ikan (ikan bibit ) yang tadinya berada dalam kolam kecil penampung sementara, secara perlahan akan dapat berenang bebas sejalan dengan terendamnya kolam penampungan bibit tersebut. Jika bibit dirasa kurang dengan ukuran kolam yang ada maka dilakukan penaburan bibit tambahan yang di beli dari luar. Selesai sudah proses panen, pemilik kolam  menunggu sampai tahun depan hingga siap lagi untuk di panen.(EC-1266).> MELIRIK BUDIDAYA IKAN DI PANDASIKEK

berfikran positif & optimis

saco-indonesia.com, Berusaha untuk selalu berfikir positif dan optimis dalam semua kesulitan. Jangan terobsesi pada pengalaman masa lalu atau masa depan, tapi tataplah masa kini. Masa lalu sudah lewat, tak akan kembali lagi, masa depan itu belum terjadi jadi kita tak tahu apa yang terjadi dan akhirnya hanya berangan berharap sesuatu, tapi di masa kinilah, kita harus menentukan dan membuat keputusan terhadap diri kita.

> berfikran positif & optimis

William Sokolin, Wine Seller Who Broke Famed Bottle, Dies at 85

The bottle Mr. Sokolin famously broke was a 1787 Château Margaux, which was said to have belonged to Thomas Jefferson. Mr. Sokolin had been hoping to sell it for $519,750.

William Sokolin, Wine Seller Who Broke Famed Bottle, Dies at 85 | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

Jayne Meadows, Actress and Steve Allen’s Wife and Co-Star, Dies at 95

Ms. Meadows was the older sister of Audrey Meadows, who played Alice Kramden on “The Honeymooners.”

Jayne Meadows, Actress and Steve Allen’s Wife and Co-Star, Dies at 95 | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

Taiwan party leader affirms eventual reunion with China

BEIJING (AP) — The head of Taiwan's Nationalists reaffirmed the party's support for eventual unification with the mainland when he met Monday with Chinese President Xi Jinping as part of continuing rapprochement between the former bitter enemies.

Nationalist Party Chairman Eric Chu, a likely presidential candidate next year, also affirmed Taiwan's desire to join the proposed Chinese-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank during the meeting in Beijing. China claims Taiwan as its own territory and doesn't want the island to join using a name that might imply it is an independent country.

Chu's comments during his meeting with Xi were carried live on Hong Kong-based broadcaster Phoenix Television.

The Nationalists were driven to Taiwan by Mao Zedong's Communists during the Chinese civil war in 1949, leading to decades of hostility between the sides. Chu, who took over as party leader in January, is the third Nationalist chairman to visit the mainland and the first since 2009.

Relations between the communist-ruled mainland and the self-governing democratic island of Taiwan began to warm in the 1990s, partly out of their common opposition to Taiwan's formal independence from China, a position advocated by the island's Democratic Progressive Party.

Despite increasingly close economic ties, the prospect of political unification has grown increasingly unpopular on Taiwan, especially with younger voters. Opposition to the Nationalists' pro-China policies was seen as a driver behind heavy local electoral defeats for the party last year that led to Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou resigning as party chairman.

Taiwan party leader affirms eventual reunion with China | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

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Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’ | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

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Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

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Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

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Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

Marcel Pronovost, 84, Dies; Hall of Famer Shared in Five N.H.L. Titles

Pronovost, who played for the Red Wings, was not a prolific scorer, but he was a consummate team player with bruising checks and fearless bursts up the ice that could puncture a defense.

Marcel Pronovost, 84, Dies; Hall of Famer Shared in Five N.H.L. Titles | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

Maya Plisetskaya, Ballerina Who Embodied Bolshoi, Dies at 89

Ms. Plisetskaya, renowned for her fluidity of movement, expressive acting and willful personality, danced on the Bolshoi stage well into her 60s, but her life was shadowed by Stalinism.

Maya Plisetskaya, Ballerina Who Embodied Bolshoi, Dies at 89 | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

Verne Gagne, Wrestler Who Grappled Through Two Eras, Dies at 89

Gagne wrestled professionally from the late 1940s until the 1980s and was a transitional figure between the early 20th century barnstormers and the steroidal sideshows of today

Verne Gagne, Wrestler Who Grappled Through Two Eras, Dies at 89 | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

Harvey R. Miller, Renowned Bankruptcy Lawyer, Dies at 82

Mr. Miller, of the firm Weil, Gotshal & Manges, represented companies including Lehman Brothers, General Motors and American Airlines, and mentored many of the top Chapter 11 practitioners today.

Harvey R. Miller, Renowned Bankruptcy Lawyer, Dies at 82 | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

Mike Phillips, Half of Kentucky’s ‘Twin Towers’ of Basketball, Dies at 59

The 6-foot-10 Phillips played alongside the 6-11 Rick Robey on the Wildcats team that won the 1978 N.C.A.A. men’s basketball title.

Mike Phillips, Half of Kentucky’s ‘Twin Towers’ of Basketball, Dies at 59 | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

Tribute for a Roller Hockey Warrior

Hockey is not exactly known as a city game, but played on roller skates, it once held sway as the sport of choice in many New York neighborhoods.

“City kids had no rinks, no ice, but they would do anything to play hockey,” said Edward Moffett, former director of the Long Island City Y.M.C.A. Roller Hockey League, in Queens, whose games were played in city playgrounds going back to the 1940s.

From the 1960s through the 1980s, the league had more than 60 teams, he said. Players included the Mullen brothers of Hell’s Kitchen and Dan Dorion of Astoria, Queens, who would later play on ice for the National Hockey League.

One street legend from the heyday of New York roller hockey was Craig Allen, who lived in the Woodside Houses projects and became one of the city’s hardest hitters and top scorers.

“Craig was a warrior, one of the best roller hockey players in the city in the ’70s,” said Dave Garmendia, 60, a retired New York police officer who grew up playing with Mr. Allen. “His teammates loved him and his opponents feared him.”

Young Craig took up hockey on the streets of Queens in the 1960s, playing pickup games between sewer covers, wearing steel-wheeled skates clamped onto school shoes and using a roll of electrical tape as the puck.

His skill and ferocity drew attention, Mr. Garmendia said, but so did his skin color. He was black, in a sport made up almost entirely by white players.

“Roller hockey was a white kid’s game, plain and simple, but Craig broke the color barrier,” Mr. Garmendia said. “We used to say Craig did more for race relations than the N.A.A.C.P.”

Mr. Allen went on to coach and referee roller hockey in New York before moving several years ago to South Carolina. But he continued to organize an annual alumni game at Dutch Kills Playground in Long Island City, the same site that held the local championship games.

The reunion this year was on Saturday, but Mr. Allen never made it. On April 26, just before boarding the bus to New York, he died of an asthma attack at age 61.

Word of his death spread rapidly among hundreds of his old hockey colleagues who resolved to continue with the event, now renamed the Craig Allen Memorial Roller Hockey Reunion.

The turnout on Saturday was the largest ever, with players pulling on their old equipment, choosing sides and taking once again to the rink of cracked blacktop with faded lines and circles. They wore no helmets, although one player wore a fedora.

Another, Vinnie Juliano, 77, of Long Island City, wore his hearing aids, along with his 50-year-old taped-up quads, or four-wheeled skates with a leather boot. Many players here never converted to in-line skates, and neither did Mr. Allen, whose photograph appeared on a poster hanging behind the players’ bench.

“I’m seeing people walking by wondering why all these rusty, grizzly old guys are here playing hockey,” one player, Tommy Dominguez, said. “We’re here for Craig, and let me tell you, these old guys still play hard.”

Everyone seemed to have a Craig Allen story, from his earliest teams at Public School 151 to the Bryant Rangers, the Woodside Wings, the Woodside Blues and more.

Mr. Allen, who became a yellow-cab driver, was always recruiting new talent. He gained the nickname Cabby for his habit of stopping at playgrounds all over the city to scout players.

Teams were organized around neighborhoods and churches, and often sponsored by local bars. Mr. Allen, for one, played for bars, including Garry Owen’s and on the Fiddler’s Green Jokers team in Inwood, Manhattan.

Play was tough and fights were frequent.

“We were basically street gangs on skates,” said Steve Rogg, 56, a mail clerk who grew up in Jackson Heights, Queens, and who on Saturday wore his Riedell Classic quads from 1972. “If another team caught up with you the night before a game, they tossed you a beating so you couldn’t play the next day.”

Mr. Garmendia said Mr. Allen’s skin color provoked many fights.

“When we’d go to some ignorant neighborhoods, a lot of players would use slurs,” Mr. Garmendia said, recalling a game in Ozone Park, Queens, where local fans parked motorcycles in a lineup next to the blacktop and taunted Mr. Allen. Mr. Garmendia said he checked a player into the motorcycles, “and the bikes went down like dominoes, which started a serious brawl.”

A group of fans at a game in Brooklyn once stuck a pole through the rink fence as Mr. Allen skated by and broke his jaw, Mr. Garmendia said, adding that carloads of reinforcements soon arrived to defend Mr. Allen.

And at another racially incited brawl, the police responded with six patrol cars and a helicopter.

Before play began on Saturday, the players gathered at center rink to honor Mr. Allen. Billy Barnwell, 59, of Woodside, recalled once how an all-white, all-star squad snubbed Mr. Allen by playing him third string. He scored seven goals in the first game and made first string immediately.

“He’d always hear racial stuff before the game, and I’d ask him, ‘How do you put up with that?’” Mr. Barnwell recalled. “Craig would say, ‘We’ll take care of it,’ and by the end of the game, he’d win guys over. They’d say, ‘This guy’s good.’”

Tribute for a Roller Hockey Warrior | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

François Michelin, Head of Tire Company, Dies at 88

Under Mr. Michelin’s leadership, which ended when he left the company in 2002, the Michelin Group became the world’s biggest tire maker, establishing a big presence in the United States and other major markets overseas.

François Michelin, Head of Tire Company, Dies at 88 | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016

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