Tag : umroh akhir tahun 2015 bekasi utara
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UNTUK PEMESANAN DAN KONSULTASI HUBUNGI :
saco-indonesia.com, Gempa yang disertai petir yang telah mengakibatkan dentuman di sekitar lereng Gunung Merbabu tepatnya di Desa Sumogawe, Kecamatan Getasan, Kabupaten Semarang, Jawa Tengah Senin (17/2) kemarin pagi sempat mengagetkan warga setempat. Tetapi, Badan Penanggulangan Bencana Daerah (BPBD) Jawa Tengah telah memastikan hal itu bukan karena aktivitas Gunung Merbabu.
"Kami juga sudah melakukan koordinasi setelah mendengar informasi tersebut. Saya langsung hubungi Mas Bandriyo (Kepala BPPTK Yogyakarta) dari pos pemantauan Merapi. Tapi Merapi Aman, Merbabu juga aman," kata Kepala BPBD Jawa Tengah, Sarwa Pramana, saat dikonfirmasi Senin (17/2).
Sarwa juga telah menjelaskan soal muncul dan terdengarnya suara dentuman yang menurutnya bukan berasal dari Gunung Merbabu. Tetapi, dentuman itu adalah suara lain yang kebetulan telah terjadi bersamaan adanya gempa lokal atau getaran.
"Dentuman itu belum dapat diketahui asalnya. Mungkin suara lain tapi bersamaan dengan getaran," ujar Sarwa.
Sebelumnya, gempa yang berkekuatan cukup besar disertai sambaran kilat telah terjadi di sekitar lereng Gunung Merbabu, tepatnya di Dusun Piji dan Krajan, Desa Sumogawe, Kecamatan Getasan, Kabupaten Semarang, Jawa Tengah, sekitar pukul 06.00 WIB. Akibat gempa itu, 17 rumah warga telah mengalami rusak sedang dan puluhan lainnya rusak ringan.
Rumah yang telah mengalami rusak sedang adalah milik Supanggih (50 tahun) warga RT 10 / RW 5, Dusun Piji, Desa Sumogawe, Suwarji (51 tahun) warga RT 01 / RW 02 Dusun Krajan, Desa Sumogawe, serta Sidik Sumarni (70 tahun) dan Wiwit(40 tahun) yang keduanya juga merupakan warga RT 05 / RW 02 Dusun Krajan.
> GEMPA DAN PETIR BUKAN DARI GUNUNG MERBABU
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
Indonesia.com - Saking seringnya menatap tubuh telanjang saat sedang mandi, kita
mungkin sudah hafal dengan segala lekuk tubuh kita. Apalagi, kalau ada tambahan lemak di sana-
sini. Namun, ada baiknya Anda tidak hanya mengamati bertambah atau berkurangnya timbunan lemak
ketika sedang telanjang. Tanda-tanda lain yang Anda temukan pada tubuh ternyata bisa
menyelamatkan nyawa Anda, lho.
Satu hal yang perlu dilakukan kaum perempuan ketika sedang telanjang adalah memeriksa payudaranya. Kenali ketika Anda menemukan benjolan di area tersebut, kulit yang mengerut, atau puting payudara yang berubah. Bisa jadi, itu merupakan tanda hadirnya tumor payudara. Selain itu, ada beberapa tanda lain yang perlu Anda perhatikan:
Bintil pada lipatan kulit
Saat ini makin banyak masalah resistensi insulin, yang terjadi ketika tubuh berhenti mendengarkan sinyal-sinyal yang dikirimkan oleh hormon yang menurunkan kadar gula darah tersebut. Hal ini bisa menimbulkan penambahan berat badan dan meningkatnya risiko diabetes.
bukunya, The Skinny, Dr Louis Aronne mengatakan bahwa salah satu gejala resistensi
insulin adalah adanya bintil atau benjolan kulit pada leher, ketiak, atau di payudara dan area
selangkangan. Kulit di sekitar leher, lipatan jari (ketika menggenggam), dan siku juga terlihat
Jika gejala ini terlihat, dan Anda memang kesulitan menurunkan berat badan, ubahlah pola makan Anda dengan menu yang indeks glikemiknya rendah (yang kadar tepung pati dan gulanya rendah), dan kaya protein.
Hitung tahi lalat Anda
"Orang yang punya lebih dari 100 tahi lalat memiliki risiko melanoma 700 persen lebih tinggi daripada yang normal," ungkap Dr David Duffy dari Queensland Institute of Medical Research. Melanoma adalah jenis kanker kulit yang paling serius, terjadi pada sel yang menghasilkan melanin –pigmen yang memberikan warna pada kulit.
Jika Anda memiliki banyak tahi lalat, sebaiknya lakukan
pemeriksaan kulit secara teratur pada dokter kulit. Selain itu, tetap perhatikan saat Anda
sedang mandi atau berganti pakaian, kalau-kalau terjadi perubahan pada jumlah atau ukuran tahi
lalat Anda. Memang akan sulit membedakan jika ada begitu banyak tahi lalat. Karena itu ahli
dermatologi Dr Jonathan Bowling menyarankan untuk memeriksa yang paling besar, lalu
membandingkannya dengan yang lain.
Amati tumbuhnya rambut kemaluan
Siapa menyangka bentuk rambut kemaluan saja bisa menimbulkan masalah? Normalnya, rambut kemaluan akan tumbuh membentuk segitiga, dengan bagian yang runcing ke arah kemaluan. Jika rambut kemaluan Anda bentuknya persegi, dan arah tumbuhnya ke atas menuju pusar, lalu menurun pada paha, hal itu bisa menjadi tanda problem sindroma ovarium polikistik. Ini suatu kelainan hormonal dengan beberapa gejala khas yang ditandai adanya sejumlah kista pada indung telur (ovarium).
"Rambut pada tubuh juga bisa tumbuh di sekitar dada, punggung, wajah, dan dagu," jelas Profesor Helena Teededari The Jean Hailes Foundation.
Penebalan kulit di area vagina
Kesehatan di area vagina sangat penting. Karena itu amati kondisinya secara teratur untuk memeriksa adanya gejala-gejala kanker vulva, yang terjadi di bagian luar permukaan vagina.Dr Elizabeth Farrell dari The Jean Hailes Foundation menyarankan Anda untuk menggunakan cermin untuk mengamatinya sendiri. Lihat apakah ada bercak-bercak putih atau sangat gelap, penebalan kulit, kutil, benjolan, nanah, melepuh, atau pedih di area tersebut.
Gumpalan putih pada lipatan siku, jari, atau lutut
Gumpalan putih atau kekuningan pada kelopak mata yang disebut xanthomata, bisa merupakan tanda kolesterol tinggi. Namun Profesor James Tatoulis, kepala penasihat medis untuk Heart Foundation, mengatakan bahwa gumpalan lemak seperti ini juga bisa tampak pada bagian tubuh lain.
"Xanthomata bisa tumbuh di punggung, bokong, dan paha, dengan ukuran diameter beberapa milimeter. Bagian tengahnya kuning, dan sekitarnya pink muda," katanya.
Xanthomata juga bisa tumbuh lebih besar, 5 - 15 milimeter, dan terbentuk pada tendon yang ditemukan di dekat permukaan luar siku, lipatan jari, atau lutut depan. Inilah tandanya kolesterol Anda sangat tinggi.Sumber: Good Health/Kompas.com
Jakarta, Saco-Indonesia - Dengan Hujan deras yang mengguyur kawasan hulu Sungai Ciliwung Bogor pagi tadi akan segera berimbas ke bagian hilir yang ada di Jakarta. Debit air dalam jumlah besar diperkirakan akan sampai di ibukota pada sore ini.
Pada pukul 10.00 WIB, bendungan ketinggian air di bendungan Katulampa Bogor menyentuh level Siaga 2 atau 150 cm. Pada pukul 11.00 WIB, ketinggian naik menjadi 160 cm, masih di status yang sama.
Di Depok tinggi muka air menyentuh 260 cm (Siaga 2) pada pukul 12.40 WIB. Naiknya status Siaga 2 di bagian hulu dan tengah Sungai Ciliwung yaitu di Katulampa dan Depok maka diperkirakan akan menyebabkan potensi banjir di bantaran sungai kiri kanan Sungai Ciliwung meliputi Rawajati, Kalibata, Pengadegan, Gang Arus/Cawang, Kebon Baru, Bukit Duri, Bidara Cina, dan Kampung Melayu.
"Warga diimbau untuk selalu waspada banjir yang akan datang sekitar 6 jam kemudian," ujar Kepala Humas BNPB Sutopo Purwo dalam pernyataannya, Jumat (17/1/2014). Dengan kata lain, debit air dalam jumlah besar dari Bogor itu akan sampai ke Jakarta sekitar pukul 18.30 WIB.
Ada pun, kondisi tinggi muka air pada Jum'at (17/01) Pkl. 11.00 wib berdasarkan pantauan Pusdalops BPBD DKI Jakarta:
Katulampa 160 cm/M (siaga 2);
Depok 230 cm/M (siaga 3);
Manggarai 740 cm/G (siaga 4);
Pesanggrahan 100 cm/M (siaga 4);
Angke Hulu 195 cm/M (siaga 3);
Cipinang Hulu 110 cm/M (siaga 4);
Sunter Hulu 65 cm/M (siaga 4);
Pulogadung 535 cm/M (siaga 4);
Karet 480 cm/M (siaga 3);
Waduk Pluit -65 cm/M;
Pasar Ikan 205 cm/M (siaga 4);
Krukut Hulu 80 cm/H (siaga 4)
Kenaikan tinggi muka air Sungai Ciliwung di Depok pada:
pkul 11.10 : 210 cm/M (siaga3)
Pkul 11.20 : 220 cm/M (siaga3)
Pkul 11.30 : 240 cm/M (siaga3)
Pkul 12.40 : 260 cm/M (siaga2)
Pkul 12.45 : 270 cm/M (siaga2)
Sumber : detik.com
Editor : Maulana Lee> Waspada dan Siap-siap! Debit Air dari Bogor Diprediksi Sampai di Jakarta Sore Ini
Syaikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Baz ditanya : Apakah orang yang melakukan senggama sebelum tahallul awal wajib mengulangi hajinya karena dia mengetahui bahwa hajinya adalah haji sunnah ?
Jika seseorang melakukan senggama sebelum tahallul pertama maka batal hajinya dan wajib mengqadha'nya setelah itu meskipun haji sunnah sebagaimana di fatwakan oleh para sahabat Nabi Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam. Kemudian dia juga wajib menyembelih Unta dan dibagikan kepada orang-orang miskin Mekkah Al-Mukarramah, dan kepada Allah tempat mohon pertolongan
MELAKUKAN SENGGAMA SETELAH THAWAF IFADHAH
Syaikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Baz
Syaikh Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Baz ditanya : Jika orang yang haji telah thawaf ifadhah, apakah halal baginya untuk melakukan senggama selama hari-hari tasyriq .?
Jika orang yang haji telah thawaf ifadhah maka tidak halal baginya menggauli istrinya kecuali dia telah melaksanakan kewajiban-kewajiban dalam haji yang lain, seperti melontar jumrah 'aqabah dan mencukur atau memotong rambut disamping dia telah thawaf ifadhah. Jika demikian maka halal baginya melakukan senggama kepada istrinya, dan jika belum maka tidak boleh. Sebab thawaf satu-satunya tidak cukup. Tapi dia juga harus telah melontar jumrah pada hari i'ed dan mencukur/memotong rambut juga harus thawaf ifadhah dan sa'i jika wajib melakukan sa'i yaitu apabila dia mengambil haji tamattu'. Dengan ini maka halal baginya menggauli istrinya. Adapun tanpa hal-hal tersebut, maka tidak boleh. Akan tetapi jika telah melaksanakan dua dari tiga kewajiban haji, seperti melontar jumrah dan bercukur/memotong rambut maka dia diperbolehkan melakukan semua hal yang dilarang dalam ihram, seperti memakai pakaian berjahit, memakai parfum, memotong kuku, dan lain-lain, kecuali senggama dengan istri/suami. Demikian juga ketika dia telah melontar dan thawaf, maka halal baginya memakai baju biasa, memakai parfum, berburu, memotong kuku, dan lain-lain. Tapi tidak halal baginya melakukan senggama dengan istri kecuali jika telah melakukan tiga hal dari kewajiban haji, seperti melontar jumrah 'aqabah, mencukur/memotong rambut, dan thawaf ifadhah serta sa'i jika dia wajib sa'i yaitu bagi orang yang haji tamattu'. Setelag itu semua, maka halal baginya melakukan senggama dengan istri. Wallahu a'lam.
MENCIUM ISTRI DAN KELUAR SPERMA SEBELUM THAWAF IFADHAH
Al-Lajnah Ad-Daimah Lil Ifta
Al-Lajnah Ad-Daimah Lil Ifta ditanya : Seseorang yang sedang haji jatuh dalam hal yang dilarang, yaitu mencium istri dengan syahwat dan mengeluarkan sperma setelah melontar jumrah 'Aqabah dan memotong rambut namun belum thawaf ifadah, sedang istrinya tidak haji' . Kewajiban apa yang harus dilakukan orang tersebut .?
Tidak boleh bagi seorang muslim yang sedang ihram haji atau umrah atau kedua-duanya untuk melakukan hal-hal yang merusak ihramnya atau mengurangi amalnya. Sebab mencium istri haram bagi orang yang sedang ihram haji hingga dia telah tahalul penuh, yaitu setelah melontar jumrah 'Aqabah, mencukur atau memotong rambut, thawaf ifadhah dan sa'i, jika dia wajib sa'i, karena dia masih dalam hukum ihram yang karenanya haram melakukan hubungan intim dengan istri. Namun tidak rusak haji orang yang mencium istrinya dan keluar sperma setelah tahalul awal. Hanya saja dia harus mohon ampunan kepada Allah dan tidak mengulangi perbuatannya yang sama juga wajib membayar kifarat. Yaitu menyembelih kambing yang memenuhi syarat untuk kurban dan dibagikan kepada orang-orang miskin di Mekkah. Kewajiban itu harus segera dilaksanakan jika mampu.
BERMIMPI BASAH (KELUAR SPERMA) KETIKA IHRAM
Syaikh Abdullah bin Abdurrahman Al-Jibrin
Syaikh Abdullah bin Abdurrahman Al-Jibrin ditanya : Ketika kami memakai baju ihram pada tanggal 8 Dzulhijjah dan mabit di Mina saya bermimpi basah (keluar sperma), maka saya bingung karena jika saya mandi sebagian rambut saya rontok dan saya tahallul dari ihram. Dengan itu, maka saya melakukan dua larangan dalam ihram. Jika saya tayamum, saya tidak akan jatuh dalam kedua larangan ihram tersebut, tapi saya mengutamakan mandi atas tayamum. Apa hukum dalam apa apa yang saya lakukan tersebut ? Mohon penjelasan, semoga Allah memberikan pahala kepada Anda.
Bagi orang yang mimpi keluar sperma wajib mandi dan tidak sah baginya shalat dan thawaf dan juga tidak boleh membaca Al-Qur'an sebelum dia mandi. Maka hendaklah dia mandi walaupun sedang ihram, dan tidak mengapa seandainya ada beberapa rambut yang rontok ketika mandi. Sebab yang dilarang adalah menghilangkan rambut dengan sengaja, seperti dengan mecukur, memotong atau mencabut. Adapun mandi karena mimpi keluar sperma, maka wajib hukumnya dan harus membasuh kepala dan mensela-sela rambut, tapi tidak boleh berlebihan dalam menggosok kepala. Cukup baginya dengan menuangkan air ke kepala disertai menggerak-gerakkan rambut dengan tangan agar air dapat sampai ke kulit kepala. Sebab bagian bawah setiap rambut harus terkena air ketika mandi junub.
Adapun tahallul ihram, yakni melepas pakaian ihram maka bukan termasuk larangan dalam ihram, bahkan boleh melepas kain ihram ketika ada keperluan, seperti buang air besar. Juga diperbolehkan mengganti pakain ihram, baik selendang (maksudnya baju atasan ihram) maupun kain (maksudnya baju bawahan ihram) dengan pakaian ihram yang lain dan mencucinya jika kotor dan yang sepertinya, karena terdapat riwayat shahih bahwa Nabi Shallallahu 'alaihi wa sallam mandi ketika beliau sedang ihram, juga para sahabat. Wallahu a'lam
MIMPI BASAH TIDAK MEMBATALKAN HAJI
Al-Lajnah Ad-Daimah Lil Ifta
Al-Lajnah Ad-Daimah Lil Ifta ditanya : Saya melaksanakan haji wajib, dan pada suatu malam ketika di Mina saya mimpi basah dan saya tidak dapat mandi. Apakah saya wajib membayar kifarat ?
Jika seseorang mimpi basah ketika sedang ihram haji atau umrah maka demikian itu tidak berpengaruh kepada hajinya dan juga terhadap umrahnya. Artinya, haji dam umrahnya tidak batal karena hal tersebut. Maka siapa yang mimpi basah ketika dalam ihram, dia wajib mandi janabat setelah bangun tidur, yaitu jika melihat sperma dan tidak wajib membayar fidyah. Sebab mimpi basah bukan atas kehendak sendiri.
Baca Artikel Lainnya : MENUNAIKAN HAJI, ANTARA SUNNAH ATAU TRADISI LINGKUNGAN> BERSENGGAMA DALAM HAJI, BOLEH KAH?
UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?
What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.
Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.
Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.
In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.
“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”
He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.
Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”
It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.
Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.
He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.
They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.
Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.
As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.
He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.
Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.
“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”
The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”
Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.
Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.
R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.
“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”With Iran Talks, a Tangled Path to Ending Syriaâ€™s War | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016
Mr. Goldberg was a serial Silicon Valley entrepreneur and venture capitalist who was married to Sheryl Sandberg, the chief operating officer of Facebook.PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016
At the National Institutes of Health, Dr. Suzman’s signature accomplishment was the central role he played in creating a global network of surveys on aging.Richard Suzman, 72, Dies; Researcher Influenced Global Surveys on Aging | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016
The career criminals in genre novels don’t have money problems. If they need some, they just go out and steal it. But such financial transactions can backfire, which is what happened back in 2004 when the Texas gang in MichaelTake the Money and Run | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016
ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)
Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.
“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”
Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”
Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.
The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”
Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.
“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”
Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”
Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)
Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.
Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”
Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)
“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.
A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.
This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.
This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.
Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.
At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.
At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)
Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”
All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.
Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.
Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)
Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.
Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)
Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.
Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)
In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”
None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.
Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.
Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.
It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.
At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?
During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.
Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.
In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”
Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.
“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”
Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.
No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.
Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.
“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”
Late in April, after Native American actors walked off in disgust from the set of Adam Sandler’s latest film, a western sendup that its distributor, Netflix, has defended as being equally offensive to all, a glow of pride spread through several Native American communities.
Tantoo Cardinal, a Canadian indigenous actress who played Black Shawl in “Dances With Wolves,” recalled thinking to herself, “It’s come.” Larry Sellers, who starred as Cloud Dancing in the 1990s television show “Dr. Quinn, Medicine Woman,” thought, “It’s about time.” Jesse Wente, who is Ojibwe and directs film programming at the TIFF Bell Lightbox in Toronto, found himself encouraged and surprised. There are so few film roles for indigenous actors, he said, that walking off the set of a major production showed real mettle.
But what didn’t surprise Mr. Wente was the content of the script. According to the actors who walked off the set, the film, titled “The Ridiculous Six,” included a Native American woman who passes out and is revived after white men douse her with alcohol, and another woman squatting to urinate while lighting a peace pipe. “There’s enough history at this point to have set some expectations around these sort of Hollywood depictions,” Mr. Wente said.
The walkout prompted a rhetorical “What do you expect from an Adam Sandler film?,” and a Netflix spokesman said that in the movie, blacks, Mexicans and whites were lampooned as well. But Native American actors and critics said a broader issue was at stake. While mainstream portrayals of native peoples have, Mr. Wente said, become “incrementally better” over the decades, he and others say, they remain far from accurate and reflect a lack of opportunities for Native American performers. What’s more, as Native Americans hunger for representation on screen, critics say the absence of three-dimensional portrayals has very real off-screen consequences.
“Our people are still healing from historical trauma,” said Loren Anthony, one of the actors who walked out. “Our youth are still trying to figure out who they are, where they fit in this society. Kids are killing themselves. They’re not proud of who they are.” They also don’t, he added, see themselves on prime time television or the big screen. Netflix noted while about five people walked off the “The Ridiculous Six” set, 100 or so Native American actors and extras stayed.
But in interviews, nearly a dozen Native American actors and film industry experts said that Mr. Sandler’s humor perpetuated decades-old negative stereotypes. Mr. Anthony said such depictions helped feed the despondency many Native Americans feel, with deadly results: Native Americans have the highest suicide rate out of all the country’s ethnicities.
The on-screen problem is twofold, Mr. Anthony and others said: There’s a paucity of roles for Native Americans — according to the Screen Actors Guild in 2008 they accounted for 0.3 percent of all on-screen parts (those figures have yet to be updated), compared to about 2 percent of the general population — and Native American actors are often perceived in a narrow way.
In his Peabody Award-winning documentary “Reel Injun,” the Cree filmmaker Neil Diamond explored Hollywood depictions of Native Americans over the years, and found they fell into a few stereotypical categories: the Noble Savage, the Drunk Indian, the Mystic, the Indian Princess, the backward tribal people futilely fighting John Wayne and manifest destiny. While the 1990 film “Dances With Wolves” won praise for depicting Native Americans as fully fleshed out human beings, not all indigenous people embraced it. It was still told, critics said, from the colonialists’ point of view. In an interview, John Trudell, a Santee Sioux writer, actor (“Thunderheart”) and the former chairman of the American Indian Movement, described the film as “a story of two white people.”
“God bless ‘Dances with Wolves,’ ” Michael Horse, who played Deputy Hawk in “Twin Peaks,” said sarcastically. “Even ‘Avatar.’ Someone’s got to come save the tribal people.”
Dan Spilo, a partner at Industry Entertainment who represents Adam Beach, one of today’s most prominent Native American actors, said while typecasting dogs many minorities, it is especially intractable when it comes to Native Americans. Casting directors, he said, rarely cast them as police officers, doctors or lawyers. “There’s the belief that the Native American character should be on reservations or riding a horse,” he said.
“We don’t see ourselves,” Mr. Horse said. “We’re still an antiquated culture to them, and to the rest of the world.”
Ms. Cardinal said she was once turned down for the role of the wife of a child-abusing cop because the filmmakers felt that casting her would somehow be “too political.”
Another sore point is the long run of white actors playing American Indians, among them Burt Lancaster, Rock Hudson, Audrey Hepburn and, more recently, Johnny Depp, whose depiction of Tonto in the 2013 film “Lone Ranger,” was viewed as racist by detractors. There are, of course, exceptions. The former A&E series “Longmire,” which, as it happens, will now be on Netflix, was roundly praised for its depiction of life on a Northern Cheyenne reservation, with Lou Diamond Phillips, who is of Cherokee descent, playing a Northern Cheyenne man.
Others also point to the success of Mr. Beach, who played a Mohawk detective in “Law & Order: Special Victims Unit” and landed a starring role in the forthcoming D C Comics picture “Suicide Squad.” Mr. Beach said he had come across insulting scripts backed by people who don’t see anything wrong with them.
“I’d rather starve than do something that is offensive to my ancestral roots,” Mr. Beach said. “But I think there will always be attempts to drawn on the weakness of native people’s struggles. The savage Indian will always be the savage Indian. The white man will always be smarter and more cunning. The cavalry will always win.”
The solution, Mr. Wente, Mr. Trudell and others said, lies in getting more stories written by and starring Native Americans. But Mr. Wente noted that while independent indigenous film has blossomed in the last two decades, mainstream depictions have yet to catch up. “You have to stop expecting for Hollywood to correct it, because there seems to be no ability or desire to correct it,” Mr. Wente said.
There have been calls to boycott Netflix but, writing for Indian Country Today Media Network, which first broke news of the walk off, the filmmaker Brian Young noted that the distributor also offered a number of films by or about Native Americans.
The furor around “The Ridiculous Six” may drive more people to see it. Then one of the questions that Mr. Trudell, echoing others, had about the film will be answered: “Who the hell laughs at this stuff?”Native American Actors Work to Overcome a Long-Documented Bias | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016
Mr. Paczynski was one of the concentration camp’s longest surviving inmates and served as the personal barber to its Nazi commandant Rudolf Höss.Jozef Paczynski, Inmate Barber to Auschwitz Commandant, Dies at 95 | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016
The 2015 Met Gala has only officially begun, but there's a clear leader in the race for best couple, no small feat at an event that threatens to sap Hollywood of every celebrity it has for the duration of an East Coast evening.
That would be Marc Jacobs and his surprise guest (who, by some miracle, remained under wraps until their red carpet debut), Cher.
“This has been a dream of mine for a very, very long time,” Mr. Jacobs said.
It is Cher's first appearance at the Met Gala since 1997, when she arrived on the arm of Donatella Versace.
– MATTHEW SCHNEIER
Mr. Miller, of the firm Weil, Gotshal & Manges, represented companies including Lehman Brothers, General Motors and American Airlines, and mentored many of the top Chapter 11 practitioners today.Harvey R. Miller, Renowned Bankruptcy Lawyer, Dies at 82 | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016
Ms. Turner and her twin sister founded the Love Kitchen in 1986 in a church basement in Knoxville, Tenn., and it continues to provide clothing and meals.Ellen Turner Dies at 87; Opened Kitchen to Feed the Needy of Knoxville | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016
WASHINGTON — During a training course on defending against knife attacks, a young Salt Lake City police officer asked a question: “How close can somebody get to me before I’m justified in using deadly force?”
Dennis Tueller, the instructor in that class more than three decades ago, decided to find out. In the fall of 1982, he performed a rudimentary series of tests and concluded that an armed attacker who bolted toward an officer could clear 21 feet in the time it took most officers to draw, aim and fire their weapon.
The next spring, Mr. Tueller published his findings in SWAT magazine and transformed police training in the United States. The “21-foot rule” became dogma. It has been taught in police academies around the country, accepted by courts and cited by officers to justify countless shootings, including recent episodes involving a homeless woodcarver in Seattle and a schizophrenic woman in San Francisco.
Now, amid the largest national debate over policing since the 1991 beating of Rodney King in Los Angeles, a small but vocal set of law enforcement officials are calling for a rethinking of the 21-foot rule and other axioms that have emphasized how to use force, not how to avoid it. Several big-city police departments are already re-examining when officers should chase people or draw their guns and when they should back away, wait or try to defuse the situationPolice Rethink Long Tradition on Using Force | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016
Fullmer, who reigned when fight clubs abounded and Friday night fights were a television staple, was known for his title bouts with Sugar Ray Robinson and Carmen Basilio.Gene Fullmer, a Brawling Middleweight Champion, Dies at 83 | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016
Gagne wrestled professionally from the late 1940s until the 1980s and was a transitional figure between the early 20th century barnstormers and the steroidal sideshows of todayVerne Gagne, Wrestler Who Grappled Through Two Eras, Dies at 89 | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016
Mr. Bartoszewski was given honorary Israeli citizenship for his work to save Jews during World War II and later surprised even himself by being instrumental in reconciling Poland and Germany.Wladyslaw Bartoszewski, 93, Dies; Polish Auschwitz Survivor Aided Jews | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016
A 2-minute-42-second demo recording captured in one take turned out to be a one-hit wonder for Mr. Ely, who was 19 when he sang the garage-band classic.Jack Ely, Who Sang the Kingsmenâ€™s â€˜Louie Louieâ€™, Dies at 71 | PAKET UMROH BULAN JANUARI 2016